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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


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Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IVIicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


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Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
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the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Cojverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul6e 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I    ~|    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

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Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 


Pyj    Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 


along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 

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Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
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11  ss'peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
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mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6X6  film^es. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
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modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


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0 
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Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

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Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pellicul^es 

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Pages  detached/ 
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Showthrough/ 
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The 
to  tl 


The 
pos) 
ot  tl 
film 


Oris 

beg 

the 

sior 

oth( 

first 

sior 

or  il 


rri    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  matdriei  suppl^mentaire 


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shal 
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Mai 
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enti 
beg 
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Only  edition  available/ 
Seula  Edition  disponibie 

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Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires: 


Irregular  pagination:   [1]  -  24,  [29]  -  468  p. 


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Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  im  22X 


26X 


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e 

fttails 
s  du 
lodifier 
T  une 
Image 


S8 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
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ot  the  original  copy  and  in  iceeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  bacit  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  —^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED "),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaire  fiim6  fut  reproduit  grSce  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Bibliothdque  nationale  du  Canada 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet6  de  l'exemplaire  filmd,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  fiim6s  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmds  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  lo 
cas:  le  symbole  --►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
film6s  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichd.  il  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  I'angle  supdrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


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3 

4 

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*'  Tin  ujefulnMs  of  '  The  ftlive  Branch/  lo  not  wholly,  or*evcn  principally 
ronliiied  lo  oriL'  or  u\o  reiuliiiji>  v>.  a' hook  ol  relereiic*;,  it  is  jiinio>t  rmov.'  v;,  uc 
M'-ii  w''t>  '^'C  eii.;Aged  coiitiiai.illy  in  tiif  avocalious  hy  which  tiiey  and  their  fa- 
roiiu's  siibsijt,  cmnot  he  txprctftl  to  commit  to  nx-mory  even  the  most  important 
pai  iK  ol  tiiL'  lUiiny  iiitoro'fViiig  dociuui'iits  wliicli  relate  to  our  intercourse  with  fo- 
reign nations,  nor  do  they  often  collect  and  preserve  th«»e  documents  to  recur 
to  wlwn  a  ditreience  of  opinion  arises.  The  Olive  Branch  is  calculated  to  supply 
botli  tiiesc  dt'ects.  Hrrt'  the  mo?t  important  stale  papers,  on  the  most  di-putf^d 
nihjpctL:,  are  thrown  together  and  explained  ami  illustrated  witii  intelligence  and 
candor.  **'fien  any  dispute  occurs,  one  lias  only  to  take  up  tiiis  work,  turn  to 
the  index,  and  opm  to  wliatever  topic  he  desires  to  b»«  informed  of.  Tiie  docii- 
ni'-nts  ar«  aullientio  ;  and  the  party  who  is  mistaken,  wiH,  if  his  mind  is  open  to 
conviction,  be  convincKl  of  liis  error,  and,  if  h«  ih  an  honest  mao.  he  will  ac- 
linowU'di;e  and  abandon  it 

**  vVlien  t!ie  first  edition  of  this  work  appeared,  notwithstanding  some  errors 
and  omissions,  I  considered  it  the  b'  st  politic  il  tract  whicu  had  been  [-iihli.:,cd 
for  many  years  When  t:ie  s^ecoiid  ediiion  issued  from  the  press,  I  purcna.-cd 
that  ,  ami  lo.i.nd  it  amended  in  some,  and  much  improve^  iti  othr'r  particulars.— 
Tlie  third  fdition,  wliicli  was,  I  understand,  printed  m  Boston,  i  ditJ  not  see. 
But  tlie  fourth  eilirion,  which  was  extended  to  two  volumes,  which  enhirged  on 
sev-T.il  topics  'rt'ifod  on  in'the  former  editions,  and  embiaced  several  important 
fuhji'^ts  not  touched  on  in  them,  was  so  hii;lily  sat  sfactory  to  me,  that  1  present- 
rd  the  copies  1  had  to  some  of  my  neighbors,  who  had  not  the  ability  to  purchase 
for  themselve.s,  and  procured  this  for  myself.  Its  utility  to  me  has  he-'ii  v'ry 
gii'Al.  It  has  reminded  me  of  many  thinifs  I  had  forgotten,  and  ac(juainteil  mn 
with  many  others  I  was  ignonint  of.  I  think  the  same  beneficial  etU.cts  miisi  be 
experienced  by  every  man  who  reads  it,  with  a  desire  ^o  hav«  his  memory  re- 
freslit'd.  and  his  mind  enlisilitened.  If  our  govermneut  ia  worth  maint ainiijij  and 
the  intelli2;ence  of  thf  people  is  one  of  its  safe  guards,  those  who  empo'  l;;tir 
tini'j  and  t.ilcnts  in  dilTusin'j;  that  intelligence  in  tiie  most  correct  and  acctpi able 
Tuaaner  and  form,  arc  naiiy  entidfd  tn  the  grititud.;  of  every  friend  of  Xhe  go- 
verujrtont."— Trenton  7Vue  Ame.rkan,  May  22,  1815. 


"  The  Olive  Branch  is  a  Rerious  appeal  to  tlie  two  great  parties  which  divide 
our  coun'ry,  on  the  necessity  of  mutual  rorf!,ivenfs«  and  harmony,  in  pur«ning 
bis  plaa,  th«>  writer  has,  with  gicat  iiid'i>try,  collected  and  arranged  his  martri- 
als  ;  and  with  no  small  share  of  talent,  has  illu.-trated  his  su'ijfct  in  tiie  most 
strikirs  manner,  by  arguments  drnwn  from  official  and  autlicntic  documt'iits  of  va- 
rious kinds — from  natiuial  and  state  arciiives — wlietiier  as  a  repository  of  au- 
thfntie  facts  and  references— as  an  iiistorical  sketch  of  the  rise  and  progress  of 
party  spirit,  from  the  consummation  of  our  indepcndenc*^  to  the  present  day— as 
a  memori.il  which  ought  never  to  be  forgotten  of  the  pernicious  cfl'ects  of  *Ii,it 
spirit,  when  carried  beyond  the  bounds  of  reason  and  jn>tice  :-  in  short,  wheth- 
er we  view  the  Olive  Branch  ps  a  political  appeal  to  the  good  sen.se  of  the  nation, 
or  Hs  a  record  of  historical  events,  with  which  every  American  ought  to  bo  ac- 
quainted—we  consider  it  a  work  of  the  lilghest  value,  the  circulation  of  which 
every  friend  of  his  country  is  hound  to  promote. 

'•  It  is  not  the  republican  alone,  who  will  derive  satisfaction  from  the  perusal 
of  this  volume  The  fei'uialist  will  find  in  it  many  egregious  fn'ts  pointed  out, 
which  have  been  committed  by  tlif  npubiican  pariy,  hoth  in  tiie  national  and 
state  governments;  otlierwis*  the  work  would  not  bf  consist-nt  with  its  til  le, 
which  is-THF,  Or.IVE  BR  ^  NCH  OK,  F  \UI.T«^  ON  BOTH  *;iDns,  FED- 
ERVL  \iVD  DFMOCRXTIC— A  SERIOUS  APPEAL  ON'  THE  NECESSI- 
TY OF  .MUTUAL  FORGIVENESS  \.\D  HARMONY  -And  it  must  be 
conlV-stied,  that  tlie  best  way  to  corre-'.t  the  faults  of  both  -ides?,  l<  to  induc'  both, 
if  possible,  to  open  their  eyes  lo  their  own  fault-,  as  well  as  to  thosf  of  their  op- 
ponent' Tliis  laudab'o  work  Mr  Carey  has  the  credit  of  attempting.  VV|, (.til- 
er'.ae  itempl  i«i  a  visi'onarv  one  or  not.  t'me  must  determine  \t  all  events, 
let  ev  !•'•  '  »  ',  iiulenendent  man,  of  hotii  ,,\r»ie'  re  d  the  Olive  Braneh,  if  he 
would  kaow  the  whole  tmih.*^ ^Mbany  Register,  Ju7ie  13,  ltfl>. 


,  *'  In  the  warmth  ami  violence  of  a  po'.ilical  eontest,  it  rarely  happens  that  ei- 
ther pvirt>  is  trilii«iy  l;iulllr:s.  Jinpnicttioii,  iii  w  gicatn  or  It  >>  d<>:Mc  i« 
Btmiiped  on  ovtMy  tiling  auiuaii ;  and  liie  individuai,  innili  niorr  lii«;  parly,  wlio 
jliuiiUl  claim  an  rntirr  «  xcniption  tVoin  it,  noiild  bt'tray  l,ie  gio^scst  igiHuii'mt . — 
Jir  times  ttf  turbulence.  Iiowover,  lew  art  .«ufficieiilly  elivattd  above  Uie  luliiicnce 
of  party  pasMon,  to  expose  error,  wlier«:vtr  louiid.  llie  faull^i  of  a  favontc  p.r- 
ty  are  loo  connuoniy  pasbed  over  in  biience,  and  ttiose  of  the  oppo.«ite,  uurta>on- 
ably  mugnitied. 

"  The  author  of  tlie  Olive  Branch  has  taken  a  stand  h<yoiid  the  reach  of  party 
influence  The  grovelling  notions  of  the  bar-room  poliiician  constitute  no  j  ait 
of  iiis  political  pyhtem.  W  hen  in  his  ©pinion,  the  rtpubiican  adniiiii!.traucn>  or 
the  republican  party  liavc  deserv«d  ceiisur*-,  lie  has  freely  bee.(()\v«'d  it  lliji 
worlc  carriebon  its  face  the  mot<l  couviitcui;;;  proof,  tot  nit  lely  of  s.  rei'CUi  oi  tre- 
rinx,  and  depth  of  research,  but  the  niosi  stern  pulitica.  inli'trity." — MiddUbury 
Fairiot^  May,  1«I5. 


•'  There  is  perhaps  no  book  extant,  thai  in  ho  small  a  comp:  f"3  cont  lins  so  great 
a  cjuaiitity  ot  niouii  ntous  political  tiuth  LiU-  ti'e  t\so  « d^Kl  -wik.,  »aii-  to 
ha\e  been  wielded  by  the  angel  of  light  :>g;  in.-l  '  8;it-.in  and  IM-  niij*  »,"  it  dis- 
pels and  puts  to  tiighl  an  aiiny  of  error  and  Jaibthood." — H  tthhj  Jit^isUr,  vol. 
Tii.  pagjj  371. 

•'  The  Olive  Branch,  or  faults  on  boi.i  bidesi,  federal  and  democratic,  is  no  par- 
ty puhlicaliou  .   it  contains  a  Irnid  tx;uMnati<j[i  of  the  t;iijlts  ot   both  p  itii  s,   ;  i.d 
■calls  loudly  for  union  in  defence  of  (»iii  teniiory  ai  jt  the  denrcst  intt  i«stf.  of  all. 
We  have  never  f-een  a  publication  in  tho  teniilry  that  so  juMl)  mriited  tl  t  j  at-- 
Tonvige  of  all.     Federalists  and  republicans   will   bolh^»e    theii  liiniis   drily 
yoin  ed  out  and  commented  on.     U  f  admire  the  indeprndcnt  spiii;  ol  the  piihJi- 
cation.      Although  we  do  not  sultscrihe  to  all    the  true  t^.  ol>ject>-  :ind   ri  mh  uien- 
<!atloiis  contained  in  the  Olivv  Branch,  yet  we  thii'k  such  a  ;'iiblic!iti()n  jiirticu- 
lariy  valuable,  as  it  con, prises  in  a  succinct  view  a  well  arraiig(d   nirss  oi  public 
and  political  documents  on  tlu  subjects  which  hd  to  the  war,  paruculariy   that 
of  imii'estnuiit,  the  ordeis  in  council,  corn »].(iMiencr  ol  RJr   Erskii  e  lu.d  ^lr. 
Smiih.  previous  to  the  war,  and  importai.l  corit>p<  nd«r.<e  b«twi«n  itr    jtiiic 
fum  tlon't.ries  and  tiiose  of  the  enenix  .-iiicp  the  wui.     Everyman  hi. cuio  insteps 
this  book,  and  vead  it  carefully  thrc n^ih  with.out  prejudice.—  Boston  ralriot. 

*'  Before  I  proceed  further,  however,  I  must  do  justice  to  a  writer  soobviovsly 
disintere.sted.  independent  and  p.itriotir,  as  the  autlioi  of  the  Olive  Brand;,  by 
snying  that  he  has  done  ample  justice  to  the  character  of  IVlr.  Jefler.<^on,  in  cast- 
ing back  upou  his  assailants  the  foul  charges  ot  '  French  ii  fiuence  aid  enn.tj  to 
triidi''—  thi:;  he  does  in  a  manner  tliat  musi  bring  conviction  horn*  to  everj  bo- 
som that  possPKses  a  single  drop  of  the  miik  of  human  kindness  ;  and  let  me  fidd, 
Ihat  the  justice  thus  done  to  that  great  r.ud  good  man,  will  not  be  the  lens  useful 
in  coming  foith  in  a  volume  which  ctmurta,  Jiithvut/car,  cmd praises  ydthoui  adu- 
ifa<io«."— Aurora.  ,.    - 


i       iKhcmtqf  aldkr  frtrnJames  ^ladion.  tfq.  prtside'nt  of  the  V  Stairs. 

Was-hington.Jan.  28,  1815. 
M  I  have  not  Iwen  ahU  as  yet  to  doomc^e  Ihan  glance  at  th*  plan  ot  the  work, 
and  run  over  a  few  of  its  pages.  The  course  ;idopt(d  oi  assenriblliig  au>l  entic 
and  ►triling  facts,  and  atldicssinglhejoi  impartially  and  iodepeiidisitly,  but  with 
kfcoming  runphasis,  to  *he  attention  of  the  public,  was  t)est  fitted  to  render  it  a 
-•valuable  and  seasonable  service  ;  and  it  appears  that  the  success  ot  your  labor 
Kill,  well  reward  the  laudable  views  with     hich  it  waswidertaken  " 

Extract  of  a  leUer  from  Thomas  J fffn son,  enq.  expresidfntof  the  U  S'otit. 

Monticello  Feb  V.  •:   5. 
•*  1  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  the  Olive  Branch  you  have  hn  n  k  '  i-     as  to 
8«»d  ni«      Many  extracts  from  it  wh  ch  1  had  seen  in  the  news)  apci"  h  (  »         d 
a  wi<h  to  procure  it.     .\  cursory  vi*  w  over  the  work  has  CQuiiiracd  the  O^.i  ^;:'0 
e^tcited  by  the  extiacts,  that  it  will  do  great  good.'* 


fS. 

815. 
work, 
<i  tiitic 
lit  with 
dn'  it  a 
ir  labor 


^p 


5. 

as  to 
d 


OLIVE  BUANl  II : 


titt 


0»r 

FAULTS  ON  BOTH  SIDES, 

FEDERAL  AND  DEMOCRATIC. 
A  SERIOUS  APPEAL  ON  THE  NECESSIXY 

OP 

MUTUAL  FORGIVENESS  AND  HARMONY. 

BY  M.  CAREY. 

SEVENTH  EDITION,  ENLVRGED.  *      • 


*♦  Faction  is  the  madriefsof  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few." 
"  Frenzied  be  the  heatl....palsieabe  the  haad....that  ailemptsto  destroy 
the  union."     Gen.  Eaton, 

"  Truths  would  you  teaeh...  or  save  a  sinking  land  : 

"  All  fear....none  aid  you... .and  few  us^derstaad."     Pop*. 

*'  Every  kinfrdom  divided  against  itself  is  brought  to  DESOLATIONS 

Matt.  xii.  25. 
**  Jn  dissensione  nulla  salus  conspiciturP    Csesar. 

**  If  we  pay  a  proper  regard  to  truth,  we  shall  find  it  nece<ifiary  not 
only  to  condemn  our  friends  upon  eomo  occasions,  and  commend  our  en- 
emies, but  aLoo  to  commend  and  condemn  the  same  persons,  as  different 
circumstances  may  require  :  for  as  it  is  not  to  be  imagined,  that  those 
who  are  engaged  in  great  atfairs,  should  always  be  pursuing  false  or  mis- 
taken measures,  so  neither  is  it  probable  that  their  conduct  can  at  all 
times  be  exempt  from  error."     Polybius. 

"  Neither  the  law  of  Christianity  nor  of  Reason  requires  wfitoprot' 
irate  our  national  independence^  freedom,  properly  and  honor  at  the  feet  tf 
proud,  tyrannical  oppressors.''^  Address  of  Rev.  Pr.  David  Osgood, 
May,  1798. 

*'  Watch  those  ungrateful  souls  who  murmur  about  taxa^on  and  op- 
ppessi^in — the  burdens  of  government  and  religion.  They  have  fellowship 
with  our  enemies.  They  are  traitors  to  God  and  Christianity."  Addresg 
by  the  liev.  Dr.  Elijah  Parish,  July  4,  V99. 

"  As  citizens,  we  ought  with  one  heart  to  cleave  to  and  support  our  own 
government.  It  is  a  government  of  our  ow)i  forming,  and  administered  by 
men  of  our  owii  choice."    Sermon  by  Rev.  .Jedidiah  Morse,  May  9,  179tf. 


^■•^x' 


n  \ . 


MIDDLE  BURY,  Vt. 

PRINTBD    A-JXn  PVBLISHEU    B^    WILLIAM  ShJLDE,  JVft. 

January,  1816. 


Aj^.,   " 


\?.w.-   "         '  237399 

"  ny  ('iiani^Ls  111  I. II    '  uii>tuiiiK»ii  ol  iijovcrnnn'iii  v.rv  iiion  iiyiirious  than  la 

I  'S',  tlir  ••    uiii  oi  laws:  eitn  a  i,nyiit  nininuli'ni  min/ dtstroinlt  prindplfi.     The  fra- 

iiui    i>    ttie  coustilutioii  liad  beluri*  ihfiij  iiol  only  llie  I'oniu  wliieii  liad  been  pie- 

fiii'  .1  by  I'le  M'v»  ral  stattn,  but  tliO'*^  also  whiih  bi  fon  tiiat   tiiiic  liad  b(i  n  dc- 

viacd  ill  utiiu  a^'.'s  and  nations       \(id  tliuo/'i  tlie  rt'iH-ated  expvi 'inciitN  wliicit 

li  iv(j  .Miiici'  takiii  i>!acB  in   Fiiirojip,  may  *iijij;<  .-t   niatlti  I'ji    waruiii,.',  llay  allnid 

r.otliiiijj  lor  iiiutation.     If,  iKitwitiislaridini;,  ii    is    fouiid    by  t\j>»  ritnce,  tlr.il  tin; 

roiibUlulion  opcr.itcs  \(,'ry  urn^'juilly,  or  tin-  r.oii><lruoti<)n  of  ai>y  part  ih  doii!)tl"iil, 

aimiidiiiiiil"  may  be  necessary  >o  aJUi  or  ix[ili.iii  il.      liul  ii  I'i  in  vain  to  ejpect 

thtti  .ill  ivUlU  Mti\f)iii.     Fr'-';  ;.',ov('iriin(Mts  admit  of  jiii  (•t)dl«"^^ii  vaiitU  ol  modi- 
r...i; I  ii.„  „..:..: ,....,._•„:.... J     r  .1.,: -.: _:i ' 11 


CiMtion 
noil 


J  ,  aii'I  the  opiiiioijs  friilerlaintd  >{  thcii  rt's>  r-clive  nieritn  uio  i<jiially  va- 
..w..  .  Wlifn  tl»c  constilij'ion  wa^  « stab.isfu'd,  ptrti  ips  no  man  tliat  became  Mib- 
jcct  to  it  w  i.-i  pel itcily  pleased  with  every  p  irt.  It  jius  the  mulf  i>/  mutual  con- 
ct.^^'tn — and  Mich  inditd  iiiii?l  always  be  tiic  ciso  wijcu  a  form  of  ;;ovL'rnintnt  u 
voiuiilanly  accepted  by  a  coiimuin.ty 


*'  ^^r'  ^^  '^"^  minds  nf  stout  mm  there,  seems  to  he  a  resllrsines'inkirh  rcvdera 
them.  dLSiiiti'-fitd  trith  (uii/  iiwj'>rm  rourxe  vj'  thin;;s^  aud  uudiei  them  (.uger  in  thtt 
pursuit  nf  novtUfi  Thi  if  (,'jt-inid  in  projats,  mid  urr  <  err  mvdHutins  "''»•  Juv.- 
c'/ul  chuiif^e  in  the,  plan  of  f^orrrnnuiA,  nhich  thi  ir  i7,higinuti>in'i  rrpresenl  us  uvo 
Jul.  litU  7)icn  rf  grtfit  timbilit^n  arc  still  mire  dunger^un  ;  ih'y  commmdy  iiaike 
the  /(lirest  prttences  io  primiplcs,  though  they  are  actuated  onlii  by  .^elf  interest. — 
1/  the  fonslituti'm  tr  laws  <\f  their  cnmtrtf  presinl  oh:,tnIes  to  t'le  mcomplishmtnt 
of  Uitir  lAshe.s.  Iheij  employ  cvcrij  artijice  to  altir  or  idxdi^h  them  ;  and  if  iinlivi- 
duals  oppiise  their  u:*e.iupt<),  lhcya<e.  ei/ual'y  ur(ful and solieitous  lu  destroy  their  in  ■ 
Jlwnre  and  render  them  oitious  to  their  fellow  cilizins. 

"  [j^j^*  Few  inon,  even  in  a  procixiroiis  coiiinnuiity.  nre  fully  pat isfied  with  heir 
condition.  A  great  part  are  easily  intluc.ed  to  belit  ve,  that  lh(  /e  is  something 
wroiig  ill  the  governinent  or  laws,  which  might  be  rectified  to  their  advantage. — 
They  therefore  readily  embrace  any  specious  p.opc-al  to  pfTect  an  alteration, 
7V»*,  i^ru/'i^^i-J,  i*'"^^,'Zi:,  ti'ndiv  u.nV  t;  rv>il  U"Dxselvcs  if  lids  dispoaltiim  to  change , 
and encmra.;e,  tticir  fidlowtrz  ti>  expect  thai  the.  amendmtntr,  they  fnyposenilL  po- 
feelli)  shii  their  case,  nndprndure.  the  i)i.ry  hlesaings  they  wish  :  in  thi;!  way  thoy  not 
'only  fctitct  tlieir  imiuediale  object,  but  acquire  au  iuflueute  which  enables  ihetn 
afterwards  to  accomplish  the  most  disastrous  innovation?^.  Such  pcivons  tiicour- 
ageiiopes  that  can  never  be  reaUaed,  »iid  excite  complaints  which  the  most  wise 
and  f)enevoIent  administration  i«  unable  to  remove.  ... 

"  Our  forms  of  government  are  doubtless  liice  all  other  human  institutions,  im- 
perfect- but  [T/'they  will  insure  the  blis?ings  of  freedwiu  to  the  citizens,  and 
preserve  their  tranquility  as  long  as  they  are  virtuous ;  and  no  constitution  that 
has  befn  or  can  be  formed  will  secure  those  blessings  to  a  depraved  and  vicious 
people." 

Extracl/romtheamnerof  the  Massachiuetts  senate  to  the  governor's  spaexh  of 

nth  Jan.  180B. 

ti  r*-^  We  shall  look  with  a  still  more  cautious  eye  upon  every  innovation  at- 
tempiTtl  to  be  made  upon  our  national  constitution.  The  integrity,  experience, 
and  extensive  inforiBation  discovered  by  tl  e  illustrious  characters  who  framed 
that  valuable  instrument  and  the  series  of  public  prosperity  enjoyed  under  it,  in- 
title  it  to  our  highest  veneration  ,  its  excellence  appears  with  sull  greater  lu?tre, 
when  compared  with  the  ephemeral  constitutions  of  many  nations  w»jch  liave 
flitted  across  the  the  eye  in  rapid  succession,  and  then  sunk  into  total  oblivion.— 
We  are  not  insensible  that  our  form  of  government  must  be  imperfect,  as  was  tlie 
nature  of  its  autliors :  huC  we  recollect,  at  the  same  time,  that  Q^  any  proposed 
alteration  under  the  name  of  anu  ndment  is  liable  to  the  same  imperfection 

'•  BeMevin"  tlu  refore  that  [TP  the  principles  of  the  constitution  are  as  ncll  ad- 
justed as  hur^n  infirmilv  nitl  permit,  and  that  a  small  innovaHon  may  essentially 
'pervert  its  original  tendency,  we  shall  exert  ourselves  to  preserve  it  in  its  present 
form,  except  in  cases  whtre  ita  operation  shall  be  found  extremely  unequal  and 
oppressive." 


4  - .' 


■*^- 


THIS  BOOK, 

(\3  A  MARK  OF  OR\TI TUDE  FOR 

INESTIMABLE  BLESSINGS  ENJOYED,  IN 

LIBERTY  OF  PERSON,  LIBERTY  OF   PROPERTY,  AND  LIBERTY 

OP  OPINIONS, 
TO  A  DEGREE  NEVER  EXCEEDED  IN  THE  WORLD,) 

!•   RISPICTFCLLY    OEDICATKB 

TO  A  BELOVED   BUT  BLEEDING  COUNTRY, 
TORN  IN  PIECES 

FACTIOUS,  DESPERATE,  CONVULSIVE,  AND  RUINOUS 
STRUGGLES  FOR  POWER. 


of 


»■ 


IT   IS    LI1BWI«B     OXAICATIO     TO     THOSK 

\  '     '  A'iLLIONS  OF  HUMAN  BEINGS,  ^ 

WHO  NEITHER  HOLD  NOR  SEEK  OFFICE, 
BUT  WHO  ARE  MADE  THE    INSTRUMENTS  OF  THOSE 
WHO  DO  SEEK    THEM;  '     * 

AND  WHO,  WHILE  A  FOREIGN  ENEMY  PRESSES 
AT  THE!H   DOORS, 
ARE  ENFEEBLED   \ND  KEPT  PROM  UNION,  ' 

TO  GRATIFY  THE  AMBITION  OF 
A  FE^V  MEN, 
(NOT  ONE  IN  FiVE  THOUSAND  OF  THE  WHOLE  COMMUNITT) 

WHO  HAVE  BROUGHT  . 

TO  THE  VERY  VERGE  OF  DESTRUCTION, 
THE  PMREST  PROSPECT 
THAT  EVER  SHONE  ON  ANY  NVTION.  '\ 

BY  THE  AUTHOR, 


,■*■■' 
'3^ 


GO,  OLIVE  BRANCH, 

INTO  A  COMMUiMTY,  WHICH  DRlT.or.n  IM4) 

A  DEATH-I.rKK   STUPOR, 

WITH  UNPARALLELLD   APATHY  BEHOLDS 

tin 

PILLARS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TEARING  AWAY- 

PROPERTY  SINKING  IN  VALUE- 

THE  COUNTRY 

PROSTRATE  AT  THE  FEET  OF  A  RUTHLESS  FOE, 

ANARCHY  RAPIDLY  APPROACHING, 

A  NUM3ER  OP  AMBITIOUS  LEADERS,  REGARDLESS 

OF   THB 

COMMON  DANGER, 
STRUGGLING  TO  SEIZE  UPON  THE  GOVERNMENT, 

AND  ., 

APPARENTLY  DETERMINED  THE  COUNTRY  SHALL  GO  TO 

PERDITION, 

UNLESS  THEY  CAN  POSSESS  THEMSELVES  OF  POWER  j 

AND,  WITH  THIS  VIEW,  OPPOSING  AND  DEFEATING 

.  ,     EVERY  MEASURE, 

CALCULATED  TO  INSURE  OUR  SALVATION. 


V^ 


APPE\L  TO  THE  PATRIOTISM, 
THE  HONOUR,  THE  FEELING,   THE  SELF-INTEREST  OF  YOLR 

READERS, 
TO  SAVE  A  NOBLE  NATION  FROM  RUIN. 

fhil»da.  Jan.  4, 1815. 


PREFACE. 


TO  THE  FIR'iT  EDITIOX. 


Fkiladdi'hia,  Aot.  8,  loll.' 

I  SL'B.MIT  tilis  work  to  my  fellow-citizens  with  an  uncommon  drgt  re  of  !<olicitiide 
!ind  .iiKiety.  Tlie  suhjfol  it  ombrac>:'i,  and  tliP  ohji-ots  it  li.i<  in  view,  iir«  of  inex- 
pressible nugnitiide.  Tlic  nuhjcct  is  tlif  prt-sout  ciitinil  iiitiiatioii  of  tlit*  IJiiiUil 
Pt;itf.s  witli  tlje  c;ins«s  tliat  have  led  to  that  sitiiatioii  ;  the  objects,  the  rcjloratioii 
of  harmony,  and  dissipation  of  party  raije  and  rancor. 

It  cannot  be  any  longer  doubted  that  thoie  pxislsa  conspirary  in  iNVw-Knjilandt 
nmonga  few  of  the  inoil  wealthy  and  influential  citizens,  to  itftct  a  dissolution  of 
the  union  at  every  hazard,  and  to  form  a  sfpar.itr  conft-diT-icy.  'I'liis  lias  bocu 
assserted  by  some  of  our  citizens  for  years,  and  streniiou-dy  d<nied  by  others.  '!<_> 
reived  by  the  inaipk  tho  conspirators  wore,  and  their  hollow  professions  Hut  it 
requires  more  than  BiCotian  stupidity  and  dulntss,  to  hesitate  on  the  subject  after 
tlie  l.iteextraoidinary  inovementi,  which  cannot  possibly  ha  v.-  any  other  object. 

It  is  eighteen  years  since  this  dangerous  project  was  proniui^^at*  <1  f  I'Voni  that 
period  to  the  present,  it  has  not  been  one  hour  out  of  view.  \iid  unholy  and 
pernicious  as  was  tiie  end,  llie  means  employed  were  at  least  equally  unholy  and 
pernicious  Falsehood,  deception,  and  calumny,  in  turn,  have  been  calltd  in  to 
aid  the  design.  The  passions  of  thf  people  have  been  kept  in  a  c<jascant  state  of 
the  most  extravagant  excitement.  Every  act  of  the  government  has  been  placed 
in  the  mon  revolting  point  of  view.  And  to  the  administration  have  been  unceas- 
ingly a?cribed  the  most  odious  objects,  pursued  by  the  most  detestable  means 

About  two-thirds  of  the  papers  published  in  New-England  are  opposed  to  the 
present  administration.  Tney  are  all  ex-parte.  I  think  it  is  doubt <ui  wliether  a 
8in>;le  number  of  the  Centinel,  Repertory,  Boston  Gazette,  &c  has  been  published 
for  }'ears,  free  from  attacks  on  the  administration.  And  f  am  pretty  well  con- 
vinced, that  attempts  at  vindication  are  hardly  ever  allowed  a  place  The  ob- 
ject steadily,  and  invariably,  and  industriously  pursued,  is  to  run  down  tiie  in- 
cumbents in  office  at  all  events.     To  this  every  thing  is  made  subservient. 

On  the  injustice,  the  cruelty  of  this  procedure,  it  is  needlees  to  descant.  It  is 
treating  the  highest  public  functionaries  of  the  country,  chosen  by  the  unbiassed 
suffrages  of  a  free  people,  worse  than  we  should  treat  the  veriest  rascal  in  society. 
If  !ie  were  accused  of  any  crime  whatever,  his  defence  would  be  patiently  heard 
before  sentence  would  be  pronounced.  But  our  first  magistrate,  and  other  public 
officers,  are  accused,  tried,  and  condemned,  without  a  possibility  of  defence. 

This  is  a  great  and  deplorable  evil — an  evil  so  inveterate,  as  to  render  a  reme- 
dy almost  hopeless.  It  is  hardly  possible  for  any  government  to  stand  against 
8uch  an  unjust  system.  It  i»  pregnant  with  the  most  awful  consequences  to  socie- 
ty. 

I  am  not  to  be  told,  that  there  are  many  newspapers  devoted  to  the  defence  of 
the  government  as  well  as  to  run  it  down.  This  I  well  know  ;  but  this  does  not 
remove  the  difficulty.  Such  is  the  folly  and  madness  of  the  times,  that  the  mast 
of  our  citizens  conline  themsi^lves  to  those  papers  calculated  to  strengthen  their 
prejudices.     They  rarely  read  defences,  if  any  appear.  ^ 

*  The  reader  is  requested,  in  reading  the  diflferent  Prefaces,  to  pay  particular 
altentioD  to  their  dates, 

+  In  a  jeries  of  essays,  published  under  the  signature  of  Pelliam,  io  the  Coa- 
necticut  Couraat,  1796.    See  page  271, 


8 


PRFFVOE  TO  TRK  FfHST  EDITION. 


h 


Ar.fl  ♦'  IIS  it  i«  not  (nirpi>iii!i  flial  lli<we  (»r"jii )'  ••§  bccoijn-  «l.iily  iiiorr  and  n\or^ 
invfli  r  t  — an<l  th:i*.  Iirfiu^li  tin- ..lidn  •<•<  aiiii  iridii^tlrj' of  artful  ii.iti.  noin  •  <if  our 
cili  ■«•.,  an-  p  jjuPi  d  lo  oviM  tijiii  111  Icoii'titutioii,  t(»  who*'*-  filni^e  and  prrver^ion 
i\\rv  1  ri'v-  a!  f'\>^«'  Kiid'criiiftt  wliic;.  hive  really  Uowett  from  the  rapacity  and 
iiyiM    t:  nf  the  M'ij:'  l''irt-> 

B«'M''e:tti  p^rtj  ill  Npw-F.iit^land,  whoaro  de'eMiniif  I  on  .•  i«  paration  of  tht; 
jtati  (Ti  r  ihrir  own  aeent di/tMiifiil  -there  iH  a  pa;'y  in  tin'  iniddU*  "t.itrs  tqnal!y 
dani,'  oils  Tii»'}  art' d  lily  o  ;;;<g»'d  in  pn'i'aiii,  tur  jiuhllc.  »und  or  yeizing  tlio 
reins  of  8;ovi  rnmi ci  b\  violencr.  and  ex|)»'llutn  lh«  piib'tr  rnnctionirira. 

W  ith  tjic.-c  |.'»iitlt  mm  »  i«  i  I'avont*'  id^i  t(»  fend  the  pr»'>idenl  to  F'lhi.  and 
PUpj'ly  lii<«  phc*'  wilM  <iiic  of  t,.i.ir  own  I'rirml^  and  liiiH  sivr  tli«'  p^oplt  «l>*"  nc- 
cr.s!»ity  of  ano'In  r  clei-lioii.  Mr.  Barenl  (iardfiiier,  of  Ncw-Vork,  and  a  fiw  vio- 
Ifnl  iiirn  iit  cnn  ri-gs,  a-v  tl-.p  most  active  of  lliis  pirly.  All  tlifir  talents  and  in- 
du«tiy  arr  drvolfd  tot!ii«  viir  piiruosp. 

Bl"<>d  and  murder--  laniorns  and  guillotines  apart.  This  is  as  revolutionary, 
a»  di'  !gaiii-/inz,  a«  jarobinii-il  a  pioject  as  any  of  thoFc  of  Danton,  LtkiiPndrp, 
Ma.at,  FV*ion.  or  Roht  ^^  i«*rre.  in  the  early  stages  of  the  French  revolution. 
And.  ir-aler,  "  lufj  tif.t  Iht  Jlnftf.ring  unrlvm  to  your  suuL^*  that  we  shall  in  tliia 
oven'  '  s.  .t]>c  hloitdihffi.  It  i«  as  iinposiible  tlsat  such  a  flairitiens  project  should  be 
carried  Iiilr  «>p'i  (tim  without  torrents  ol  blcod  being  Hlied,  as  that  you  can  tear 
away  the  rMuridatio;!«  on  which  n  ndghty  (  diflce  rest.o,  without  thr  edifice  itself 
crnntb'io'Z  t  >  ruins  ;  or  that  you  can  remove  the  d\  keh  which  oppose  the  progress 
of  a  v  -t  body  ot'  ua'er,  and  not  have  tic  adjacent  count  ly  overflowed 

With  Mr  (i;"d.  i.i.r,  it  is  \i  favorite  phrase  that  '*  the  pr^'Utt  iiilminiftr'l'nn 
mu^i  cnnn  dtmni  "  'I'liiv  is  quit*^  exji'icit.  It  is  iiiipos-ible  to  mistake  the  inten- 
tion or  th''  mode  ',\  efTectitij;  it.  The  latter  is  very  hinip!«.  History  furnifilics 
numerous  >  xamphs.  Il  is  the  irnde  hi  which  Cromwell  expelled  the  Ruui;»  par- 
liami  nt  and  seiz.d  t'le  reins  of  government  himself.  It  is  the  mode  by  which, 
aftei  the  Piibicon  wa.j  passi'd.  Juliu"  rtesar  rose  »o  power  on  the  ruins  of  the 
conunr'nwenMit  md,  to  tomf  to  a  later  luriod,  it  is  tht.mode  wheithy  Bona- 
}*arte  ma  I"  himse'f  mristei  of  thedesliniesor  F^al•c^■ 

Pu'  M''  fi!\rd'  li-  r.  we  are  not  ripe  forthi«  pioject  yet.  Can  you,  or  ireneral 
Wl^vtoii.  w^'o  ha.'<  jiiven  thetorist  -"  Jame<  Muli-on,  on  the  Island  of  Flbu" — 
caiiynu  I  siy,  b*  mad  ei\Au;rb  to  believe  tliat  t'le  hardy  yeomanry  of  N"w  York, 
New  Ji  rsey,  or  Pein-vlv  uiia.  witi  submit  toull^w  any  band  ordc»prrad'»es  with 
imi  unity  1  >  •■  u' tie  lii;iiHst  public  fund  ion  \rie-i  of  the  nation  from  their  seats — 
m    I  chng' .   'T.  strict  conformitv'  with  the  li  ruis  of  tiie  social  compact  )* 

Jf  vou  fl  itter  your-e'f  nit'^  any  <U'li  pl.i«ing  delusions,  awak<',  and  shake  oflT 
the  niiijiity  error  Rely  uicin  ir.  that  those  who  may  make  the  sacriligi»us  at- 
tempt, will,  with  llieir  (hluded  foil  wer^,  niffer  condign  punishment  as  traitors. 

The  United  Staten  have  for  ;i  oo'.sider  ible  time  past  exhibited  a  spectacle  of  the 
most  exir  tordiii  M"  ki'itl,  and  nluK'  t  unique  in  the  history  of  the  world 

Our  ''>rni  of  ?n\pi  mnnn'  I'l';  pf  iS  ..biy  nut  one  material  defect.  It  wants  a  due 
de?T<''  o)'  eneigv .  p  irli'-ularly  p<  nding  war.  If  it  were  free  from  ttiis,  it  might 
la-!  as  'oriJ-  ^^  \  \<r  T*-w  \\\  ;^ov'riini(  nt. 

Tlii'  def.cl  mil  '  be  a  subject  of  Heep  and  s^^ions  regret  to  all  good  men,  not 
merely  our  <-oteuip')rarie3  or  country  men.  but  to  those  in  future  times  and  di  tant 
coun''"ies,  who  ni  iv  toe!  .xu  inter«'Hl  hi  tii-*  happiness  of  their  fellow  men.       In  pe- 
rusing history,  w- lamerc  th.' errors  of  ou'-  ancestors — ours  will  be  a  subject  of 
lam^'nt  iti<in  to  our  |'o<'ieiit\'. 

Taking  into  coi>sid<  raliim  this  seriouv  d-'Vct  In  the  frame  of  our  government,  it 
is  the  dutv  of  a'i  guod  citizens  to  upi'old  uid  support  it  But  all  coui'i  erations 
of  dut'  ipar*.  mere  St'  '<lne.i9  ou'!;t  ♦o  p'lmpt  n"  men  who  have  any  inter/'st  in 
the  wplfir*  of  f  !■  "mi  .  ,y  who  have  fii\v  •  in;',  lo'.s-  hy  convulsion*,  and  tumults, 
and  oonfusio'i,  ai. '  an.irch.ay,  lo  fV\u\  tt  •  d  up  lold  tho  government,  wiierebjr 
they  ">"e  pr.i   I !    1  in  I'.p  e  i|i.'ii,>!i' of  .i;l   '.'i-- h!i'-  hit;?  of  1  lie. 

Put  1  i-  av"(i  1  celtxt"  tj.-it  a  arv  rro'xi'ion  f  f  i!ie  v.eaithipst  men  !'■»  the 
COmm'jnii''  '  ^\  h-f\\  s'^'o"  f"ii*,y  ''aiploved  in  :ei'!P.-  down  '.lie  pill;  rs  of 
the  aovernmeut — in  (ivowie  cv^iy  oHv  •  i^  md  di'ficuHi',  au.l  embr-rr  \5mpnt 
i  f.he  way  of  ita  adiniuisuator?,  as  if  it  were  equally  oppressive  with  that  of  Al- 


t 


I 


rUKFACE  TO  THi:  FIRST  EDITION. 


'  and  moj<» 
3in  ?  of  our 
prrverkion 
pacity  and 

ition  of  tlir 
U.s  tqiially 
fciziiig  t!io 

KIbi.  and 
lit  '''^  nc- 
I  a  few  vio- 
iits  and  in- 

►lullonnry, 
Lt/Pii(!rp, 
revolution, 
lali  in  thia 
[  should  he 
m  cati  tear 
liticc  itself 
ic  progress 

nnislrflinn 
tho  inten- 
Hirnifilics 
luuijj  par- 
by  wliici), 
iiii«  of  the 
it!*y  Bona- 


or 
jf 


r  irt'iicral 

Flbu"— 

f'-w  YorJf, 

d'iPM  with 

cir  seats — 

shake  ofT 
li^rieus  at- 
triiltora. 

acle  of  the 

)i)l8  a  due 
s,  it  might 

men,  not 

lid  di  tant 

III  pe- 

subject  of 

rnmfnt,  it 

•  ralionu 

ititerpst  in 

d  tumults, 

wiifteby 

nen  in  th  e 

piiliTS    of 

rMTijment 
iiat  of  Al- 


I 


:| 


Idlers  or  Tinkcy,  or  iih  if  thfy  could  derive  advantage*  Iroiii  uiurcay.  Should 
Xhv.y  Ik>  curried  wilti  liii.il  iiuco«i<:i  in  tticu°  cudo.tvoi;<,  I  ny  and  Uitu'  pubtenly  wdl 
Mourn  llie  cou»i'|<ic'Ui«ii 

Ti.e  national  VI  jael  i<  on  roi'k<i  and  (j,iicksand«,  wnd  in  dan^*  r  of  sWpwrrck. 
Then'  is,  uj<)jKw»v»'r,  ,\  l.irgi-r  aud  mo.o  l<iinii(U*)le  vi;ii>cl  pieparui,;  all  po^»ll»lc 
m.'\n4  for  her  do»tiuclidn  V'l't,  iii»li  .id  of  e  dor  la  to  «.xtricat«'  u»i,  tu«e  cifw  ,tre 
diitriclrd  by  a  disputt-  how  *\v:  caui*-  uilo  Id  it  Miiuaiion  i'lu'  i^iand  and  oMy 
(jbj'Ct  witba  p.irlof  tli^in  i»  to  bciz*-  l!ie  blein— and  atlierliian  nol  Miii.i«d, 
t  if.y  uf  r«n)lv»!d  'lie  shall  j!;o  to  p-rdilion.  l''.u*  party  awt-ari  ail  our  diUicully 
and  dHu^rt-r  aieowin^  to  lliu  jiutjcculy,  the  lorruplion,  tne  inadiii'«s,  tne  loily 
of  llu-  pilot,  whom  llify  threau-ii  wiilj  •  a  u,ill«r,"  or  to  put  mm  ashore  •  on 
the  L-latH  of  MiIm  "  rije  otlUM-n  sw(.ir  with  »f|ual  vtlienit  ice,  luai  llic  n  frac- 
tory,  turbdlj-nt,  and  factiou-t  opirht  of  ili^  niu'Jnous  p.ut  of  I  lie  crew  \iii  run  the 
'•c<iil  a;;rouud  Mu-y  arc  ai'iordini^ly  d -t"  rnnm-d  to  dcl'.-nd  the  pilot.  A  lew 
iidividu  lis,  who  »r:-  that  both  parlic'*  n.ul  cjiilributi'd  to  produri-  llii.s  calaini- 
»oiH  «-v.-iit,  in  vain  h')ld  out  '' /Ae  f>/i'r< /yranr/i,"  and  inipiori"  liifui  to  Mi>pfud 
'.'.il  i-nqpirlcs  PS  to  tht!  causae  of  the  daiig**!  till  the  ship  id  ritfhtcd  It  is  in  vain. 
Wiiilir  the  p  irtics  arc  nioie  and  more  uiihuned  asiin»t  each  oinor,  llie  vc^nel 
'jij|y;'S  on  a  siiarp  roi  k — down  si'e  uoi^-i— pilot — and  supporters— und  mutiueer*— 
and  peace  inaKiN — all  in  oupcrmrnou destruction. 

Tii;^  I  atu  f^-ariul  will  b.;  our  fate.  Hut  it  may  he  prt-vented.  All  thai,  is  nc- 
<e<siry  il  for  a  few  influential  men  in  thedifl'ereu  states  to  unite— bury  the  hatcU- 
et— ml  lay  i  ile  .ill  uiinor  co.ii-iderations  while  the  vr-<el  of  stale  is  in  danger. 
Thi<  policy  i<  ,^»  obviouly  juU,  that  one  hundred  individuaU  throughout  the 
Kiiiou  ■.otlinjr  th'»  exanipli!,' would  have  sulficieiit  elliccicy  to  accomplish  the  blenaed 
ob)0''t  of  sa^'inc  their  country. 

Will  th-:  Claiksons,  the  Ku's.  the  Ludlows,  the  Remn-ns,  tho  Ogdena,  the 
P«irsilN,  the  li  iioxe?,  tho  Harrison?,  the  Lawrences,  the  .VlCoraiickk,  of  iNew- 
V  irk-ta;-'  Willin^s,  the  F.MiKi<e.s,  the  iNorriscs,  the  Biddies',  t!ie  Latiuiers,  Ute 
Tilgh'.nins,  the  Wains,  the  RaUtons.  the  Lewises,  of  Philadelplii.*— the  liilmors, 
tho  O.ivers.  the  Sterets,  the  Howards,  the  Smiths,  the  Bryces,  the  Grahams,  the 
CJookes,  of  Baltimore— and  other  such  estimable  federalists  tiiroughout  the  union, 
continue  to  regard  with  apathy  the  dangers  of  their  conntry,  and  not  make  a  bold 
and  decisive  stand  to  rescue  hier  P  No  It  cannot  be.  Heaven  has  not,  i  hope,  so 
fir  blotted  us  out  of  its  favourable  remembrance,  as  to  abandon  us  to  such  a  trigbt- 
ful  destiny.  It  will  at  this  l,»te  hour  interpose  for  our  salvation  and  diupel  the 
horrible  mists  of  passion  and  prtjulice — of  madness  and  folly — which  intercept 
from  our  view  the  abyss  that  yawn*  bclore  us,  ready  to  swallow  us  up  in  remeddesi 
destruction. 

In  England,  the  opposition  to  the  ministry  is  always  violent,  and,  like  the  op- 
))Osition  here,  is  too  generally  directed  against  all  the  meiisura  0/ government, 
whether  meritorious  or  otherwise.  But  there  is  in  parliament  a  substantial  coun- 
irij  pirtjj,  whicli  occasionally  votes  with  the  minister,  and  occasionally  with  the 
opposition — supporting  or  opposing  measures  as  conscience  dictates. 

It  is  a  most  unfortunate  fac%  tint  in  congres:)  the  number  of  meuibcrs  of  thi.<  de- 
scription is  very  small  That  body  may  be  generally  classed  into  federalists  and 
democrats,  who  too  frequently  vote  in  solid  columns.  There  are,  1  grant,  lauda- 
ble «;xception^.     But  they  are  too  rare. 

This  IS  one  of  the  worst  features  in  the  situation  of  the  country.  The  indiscri- 
minate adherence  to  party,  and  uniform  support  of  party  arrangements,  enamrnge 
the  lt'td':rs  to  proceed  to  extremities,  and  to  adopt  violent  and  ;)ej!iicious  measures, 
which  the  good  sense  of  their  followers  may  reprobate,  but  from  which  they  have 
aoi/ortilude  eno2tgh  to  withhold  their  support.  This  ha»  been  in  all  cmiutries  the 
most  fri;:litlul  of  the  consequences  of  the  unholy  and  deleterious  spirit  of  faction. 
M.''i,  originally  of  the  purest  hearts  and  best  intentions,  are  by  this  ignis/<ituus, 
gradually  corrupted,  and  led  step  by  step  to  unite  in  acts  at  which  they  would,  at 
the  comnencement  of  tl.eir  career,  have  recoiled  with  horror  and  nSfrig-'it.  I  be- 
lieve it  is  a  «f>niid  nolitLal  maxim,  that  a  thoroughgnin.'^  party  man  nuer  nm  a 
perferfly  hmest  pilitician  ;  for  tiiere  perhaps  never  yet  was  a  party  free  from  er- 
rors and  criinos,  more  or  Icji  gross,  iu  exact  piouorliou  to  the  folly  or  the  wicked 
nesg  of  its  leaders. 


10 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


! 


H 


V   * 


r      4 

n 


I) 


The  Jews  when  be<<»eged  by  Titus,  within  tho  wallsof  their  niftropolis,  availed 
theinxeives  of  the  ce-:ssti.iii  of  hostile  attncks on  tlie  piiil  of tli«'ir  extei aal  erionoics, 
to  glut  their  vongeance  and  inaiice,  and  facliou-'  spirit,  by  butchering  each  other 
— and  thus  both  partio»)  fell  an  easy  pipy  to  the  invaders.  To  this  deploruSIc 
yi\,c\\  oi  wnAntis  we.  have  not  yet  arrivtd  But  that  we  have  hitherto  escaped 
this  calamity,  id  not  for  waul  of  indus'ry  on  the  part  of  some  persons  who  are  un- 
eeasin2;ly  employed  as  incendiarirs  in  blowing  up  the  flames  of  discord,  and  prepa- 
ring us  for  similar  scenes.  The  cool,  and  calm,  and  temperate  part  of  the  coniinu- 
iiity  appear  torpid  and  languid,  and  tak<'  no  isteps  to  avei  t  tiie  awful  cata>>trophe. 
JiCt  them  aw:ikp  from  their  >-lumbprx  soon  ;  or  at  no  distant  day,  the  evil  may  be 
remediless,  and  they  will  in  vain  mourn  over  their  folly, 

i  believe  Mr.  .\Jadison  perfectly  upright  ;  that  his  administration  of  the  pov- 
ernmerit  has  been  conducted  with  as  pure  intention!":  as  evcractuatfd  a  first  ma- 
gistrate of  any  couniry  ;  and  that  lord  Chatham  or  tl;e  grejt  ?ully  would  li;ive 
found  it  a  very  arduous  task  to  manage  the  helm  under  the  difiicultits,  external 
f.ii'l  internal,  tli;it  he  has*o  contend  with.  Hut  were  it  a  question  that  related 
wholly  to  Mr.  M  idisoii  cr  lis  administratiou,  I  f^hould  never  have  trespas^sed  on 
the  public. — Were  Mr.  Madison  as  patriotic  as  Curtius.  or  thf  Decii,  who  giacc 
the  Roman  story—  and  as  immaculate  as  an  archangel— nay,  wcrr  all  the  heroes 
and  statesmen  of  the  revolution  restored  to  life,  and  entrusted  with  the  adminis- 
tration—  1  should  consider  their  honour,  their  interests,  their  liap]>inef=.  or  their 
safety,  as  du->t  in  the  balance  compared  with  the  salvation  of  eight  millions  of 
people. 

Il  is  difficult  to  conceive  an  object  more  worthy  of  the  efTorts  of  an  ardent  mind. 
A  review  of  hiatory  will  convince  any  reasonable  or  candid  person,  liiat  there 
probably  never  was.  and  indubitably  thefp  Is  not  at  present  a  more  interesting 
portion  of  the  human  species,  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  There 
never  was  a  nation  in  which  all  the  solid  blessings  and  comiorts  of  life  were  more 
fully  enjoyed  than  they  are  here,  and  where  they  were  secured  by  such  tleiider 
■acrifices.  I  am  not  so  blind  an  admirer,  as  not  to  see  that  it  has  defects.  '1  here 
never  was  a  nation  or  individual  free  from  them  But  take  all  the  leading  points 
that  give  assurance  of  happiness,  and  afford  the  necessary  indications  of  respecta- 
bility :  and  at  no  period  can  there  be  found  a  nation  itanding  on  mure  elevated 
ground. 

The  former  points  of  difference  between  the  federalists  and  democrats  have  lost 
nearly  all  their  importance.  They  are  merged  in  objects  of  incomparably  liigher 
moment.  Evils  of  incalculable  magnitude  menace  us.  A  powerful  enemy,  flush- 
ed with  succers,  and  with  superabundant  means  of  annoyance,  hovers  on  our 
coasts,  and,  through  his  formidable  navy,  h  enabled  to  inflict  on  us  deep  and  las- 
ting injury.  And  wiiat  is  pregnant  with  more  terror  by  far,  instead  of  aiding  to 
extricate  us  from  this  perilous  situation,  the  opportunity  of  a  season  of  difficulty 
and  danger  is  seized  on  to  dissolve  the  union,  to  raise  up  hostile  and  jarring  con- 
federacies, and  to  destroy  the  hopes  mankind  have  formed  of  our  noble  govcrn- 
BQental  experiment. 

To  continue  to  dispute  about  the  minor  points  that  divided  the  parties  hrreio- 
fore  would  be  madness.     How  superlative  would   be  the  folly   and  absiiidilyof 
two  men,  who  were  fighting  about  the  interior  decorations  and   arrangements  of 
an  edifice,  regard'ess  of  the  operations  oi  two  others,  one  of  whom  was  uiidrrmi- 
ning  a  jd  preparing  to  blow  it  up  in  the  air,  and  the  other  providing  a  torch  to  set 
it  on  tire  :'    A.  strait  jacket  would  be  t<  o  slender  a  ref^tnint  for   them,     l^urh  is 
the  folly  and  madness  ol  those  democrats  and  federalists  who  continue  tl;oir  war- 
fare :ib<.ut  the  mode  of  admini-terii.g  the  constitution,  or  the   persons  by  w  liom  it 
ahail  be  administered,  at  a  time  when  the  constitution  itself  is  in  danger  of  beiiig 
destroyed  root  aiid  branch. 


The  plan  of  this  work  may  require  some  jhort  explanation.  T  believe 
the  country  to  be  in  imminent  danger  of  a  onvul'-ion,  whereof  the  luinian 
mind  cannot  calculate  the  consequeneeF.  The  naticr  i.s  divi'led  into 
t-wo  hostile  parties,  whose  aaiinosity  tuwai'ds  edch  other  ib  daily  iiicreas- 


polls,  availed 
uial  f  iiomios, 
g  eacli  otiier 
i  deplorable 
srto  escaped 
*  wlio  are  ud- 
i.  and  prrpa- 
f  tiic  conimu- 
calaistroplie. 
evil   njay  be 

of  the  pov- 
I  d  a  firtt  ma- 
would  luive 
vH,  external 
tliitt  relr.tcd 
rospaf^sed  on 
i,  wlio  piacc 
1  the  lierops 
he  Etlininis- 
iPf«.  Of  ti)eir 
t  millions  of 

irdcnt  rajnd. 
that  there 
interesting 
les.  There 
?  were  more 
jch  fleiider 
?cts.  'Ihere 
ding  points 
of  reppecta- 
e  elevated 

^9  have  lost 
hiy  l;ighcr 
my,  flush- 
rs  on  our 
p  and  las- 
aiding  to 
difficulty 
uring  cou- 
)le  govcrn- 

Ics  herelo- 

ISIIldity  of 

;einents  of 

uiidrrnii- 

•rrli  to  set 

i^urh  is 

I'.eir  war- 

wl'.om  it 

of  beiijg 


believe 

luinjan 

ii\    into 

iiicreas- 


PROTACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


11 


ed  by  infla.!i:iiulory  publicatiuiis.  F.iicli  charges  the  other  with  the  giiilt 
ol  ..I  J  '•;  |»fi>duced  ihe  present  alaniiitij;  stdte  of  ulFaiis.  In  private  life, 
wiicn  two  iiidiviiluals  4uarrel,  ad  each  helievCh  the  other  wholly  m  the 
wi'oii ',  A  recoiiciliatioti  is  hardly  practicable.  iJiil  when  they  can  bo 
conv  Ml  ed  that  the  errors  are  muliial — an  is  aliiKist  universally  the  cave— 
they  open  their  ears  to  the  voice  uf  reason,  and  are  willing  to  meet  each 
oih'i"  half  \v:iy.  v  inaxiiii  ?oiiiid  ki  (>rivate  ailaii!?,  h  rarely  uiisounii  in 
pu'ilic  life.  Wiiile  a  viuient  I'edcialiM  l»elifve^  that  all  the  evils  of  the 
piVM-nt  state  uf  tiiiiij;!'  have  arisen  from  the  -uiit  of  the  admiiiislration, 
n(it!ii(i''  less  will  satisfy  hhu  than  iiiirli  i^-  d»-.  Mailiswn  fro  i»  ilie  seat  of, 
"o- eniiM  Mil,  aiid  -euli-i^  hiKi  it  >'.  Ita.  Wiiile  'jii  tiie  other  hand,  a  vio- 
leni  il.'inocral  persuades  hiiu'-t-lf  that  all  (»ur  evils  have  arisen  from  the 
di.:i' ullieg  and  eiui-iirra  siiieuls  co.istanlly  and  stei  dily  thrown  in  the 
vv.i",  of  the  adini  li  tratiott  uy  iMe  federalists,  he  is  utterly  averse  to  any 
CO  ii  romise. —  '^'.ach  In  -Us  down  upon  the  .i(her  v\  itii  -crn  and  iiatred  as 
the  phari  e(!  in  the  ^o'  el,  upon  the  pnMic.n.  1  have  endeavored  to 
pr  )ve,  and  I  beMf.t  1  have  fully  proved,  tli  it  each  [arty  has  a  h<:ivy 
di  t  of  error,  and  ftdly  and  ..^iiiit  to  answei-  fur  to  their  injured  country, 
and  to  po>ter.ty — ad,  as  I  liave  stated  in  the  It  dy  oI"  this  wi  rk  that 
nvitual  for;;ivene^''  is  no  more  than  an  act  <>l  justice — and  can  lay  no 
cl mil  to  the  character  of  iiberality  on  ei  her  side. 

Kut  even  su;ij  nfiiii;  f^r  a  inoiiient—  what  probably  hardly  ever  occur- 
red fiiice  the  wiuld  was  f«frnietl  —  that  the  errfir  was  all  on  one  side,  i^  it 
less  ill^ane  for  tlie  other  t»  increase  thediificnlty  of  extiicatinn— to  re- 
fu^••  its  aid — to  fiiibarrass  thi'sc  uhn  have  the  inana^finent  of  our  affaiis  ? 
My  house  is  on  lire.  Instead  T  calling  for  aid—i,r  ijiovidiiifx  fue  en- 
gines—or  endeavoiing;  to  smother  the  Hauies— I  institute  an  inquiry  Ik  w 
it  ook  lire— whether  by  accident  or  design— and  if  by  clesign,  who  was- 
the  incendiary,  and  further  undertake  to  (  nnii-h  him  foi  his  wickcdtiess  ! 
a  m>st  wise  and  wonderful  procedure--  and  just  on  a  level  with  the  w  8- 
dom,  ani!  patriutism,  and  the  public  spirit  of  those  sajient  members  of 
congl•e^•;.  who  spend  days  in  making  long  speeches  upim  the  causes  of  the 
war.  and  the  errors  of  itfe  management— every  idea  whereof  'has  been  a 
hundred,  perhaj'S  a  thousand,  times  repeated  in  the  newsiiaperR— insteaA 
of  meeting  the  pressing  and  imperious  necessity  of  theemeigency.        ■-   ". 

I  claim  but  one  merit  in  this  production,  and  that  is  by  no  means  in* 
•onsiderable.  Ft  is,  that  with  a  perfect  knowled};e  of  the  furious,  r©» 
m-Mseless,  ncver-dyintr,  and  cut-throat  hoftility,  with  which  f'acti)  n  in 
all  ages  has  jjersecnted  those  who  iiavi;  dared  oppose  her — and  perfectly 
satisfied,  that  with  us  she  is  as  implacable,  as  malignant,  and  as  inexora- 
ble a  monster  as  she  has  ever  been,  I  have  dared,  nevertheless,  to  state 
the  truth,  regardless  of  the  consequences.  I  was.  it  is  true,  reluctant.  I 
should  have  pi'eferred  by  far,  for  tlie  remainder  of  my  life,  steering  clear 
•f  the  quickfiands  of  pcliticft.  None  of  the  questions  that  have  heretofore  • 
divided  parties  in  this  country  could  liave  induced  me  to  venture  upoa 
the  tempestuous  ocean.  But  at  a  crisis  like  the  present,  neutrality  w  old 
be  guilt.  The  question  now  is  between  the  friends  <d"  ,«ocial  order,  and 
jacobins,  who  are  endeavoring  to  <lestroy  the  whole  fabric  of  govrrn- 
nent,  with  the  slender  chance  of  building  it  u*  again — between  peace 
and  harmony  on  one  side,  and  civil  war  and  anarchy  on  the  other.  A. 
lamentable  delusion  prevails  1  iie  cnmniunity  shut  their  eyes  against 
the  truth  on  thit>  subject.    But  this  is  the  real  state  of  the  case,  or  1  am  . 


1/8        PREEACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 

grosfily  deceivt'il  an  ever  was  hunmn  being.  And  utilrss  som«  of  our  \u- 
flupiitial  men  exert  themftlves  o  allay  the  storm,  a  few  short  months 
will  pxcliant:*'  doubt  into  aw  liil  and  dreadful  certainty. 

While  I  was  dclihcratin;^  about  tlu^  hacntice  which  such  a  publication 
ail  this  recjuires,  one  serious  and  atlccting  consideration   rrmovcd    my 
doubts,  aud  decided  my  conduct.     Seeing  thousands  of  thellower  of  cur 
population— to  wliowi  the  sprini;;  of  lilc  just  opens  with  all  its  joys,    and 
pleasures,  and  enchantments- --pre])ared  in  the  tente..  field  to  rit'k,  or,  if 
necessary,  saerificc  their  lives  for  their  country's  welfare  ;   1   thonjiht  it 
Would  be  baseness  in  me,  whote  sun  has  long  passed  the  nieritlian,  and  on 
whom  the  attractions  of  life   have  ceased  to  operate  with  their  ei'.rly 
fascinations,  tn  have  dfclined  any  risk    that  might  arise  from  the  effort 
to  ward  off  the  patricidal  stroke  aimed  at  a  couutry  to  which  1  owe  Mirh 
l)piivy  obligat'otis.     With  this  view  of  the  subject  I   could   not  decide 
otherwise  tiian  I  have  done. 

On  the  execution  of  the  work  it  bt  hoves  me  to  offer  a  few  remarks.  I 
bnovvitis  very  considerably  im,>erfect.  It  is  hardly  [lossible  to  prei.ai^ 
any  work  under  greater  disadvantages  than  have  attended  the  (ilivc 
Branch.  A  large  portion  of  it  is,  therefore,  crude,  and  indisirsted,  and 
without  order.  Were  it  a  treatise  on  morals,  religion,  history,  or 
science,  which  could  not  suffer  by  the  delay  necessary  to  mature  and 
juf  thodize  it,  >  should  be  unpardonable,  and  deserve  the  severest  castiga- 
tion  of  criticism,  for  pres»  nting  it  to  the  public  in  this  unfinished  state. 
But  the  exigencies  of  the  times  are  so  pressing,  that  were  it  delayed  till 
I  could  digest  it  propeily,  it  might  be  wholly  out  of  season.     ,:,  „  ., ..    y^ . 

It  would  be  unjust  were  I  not  to  acknowledge  the  nnmeron?  and  weighty  obli- 
gations I  owe  to  "  The  Weekly  Rp(8,ister.''  edited  by  H.  Ni  es,  the  bei-t  peiitxli- 
cal  work  ever  published  in  America,  from  which  1  have  drawn  a  Isirge  portion  of 
the  fads  and  dociimrnts  that  1  have  employed  1  venture  to  assert  that  no  Ame- 
rican library  can  be  complete  without  tlii?  work.  ,'^!:j   "  >    '► 

I  have  carefully  studied  to  be  correct  in  point  of  fact  and  arg;iimpnt.  But  the 
circumstances  under  which  I  have  written  render  it  probable  that  I  may  have  fal- 
len into  errors  I  shall  therefore  regard  it  as  a  most  particular  favor,  if  any  grn- 
tleman  who  discovers  them,  however  minute,  will  frankly  point  them  out,  ar.d 
they  shall  be  most  cht'pifully  corrected  If  of  sufficient  import'^nce,  I  shall  make 
a  public  acknow]edii,«-mpnt  in  the  newspapers.  If  the  cause  I  espouse  r-nnol  be 
suppoited  by  truth,  candor,  and  fair  argument,  may  it  perish,  never  to  find  anoth 
er  advocate !  _ 

,-:•■-.    ..         .  •:  ^}''-     ^ 


PREFACE 

TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


M-: 


".'  ■  '* 


Philadelphia^  Jan.  4,  1815.  * 


-  Tn«  unequivocal  and  decided  approbation  with  which  the  former  edition  of 
this  work  iin!»  been  fa  von  d  bj  respectable  mrv  of  both  the  hoiitiie  parties  that 
divul  ■  thiscoii'ihy,  I  regard  as  amone  the  niosi  grateful  cirrnmstances  of  my  iife. 
Its  iiunii'vou-  defects — its  wnnt  ol  method  .:nd  thf  an  ii  iir.perfectinn  ol  its 
style  aod  tuaouer — were,  1  preniUBe,  regarded  as  atoned  fur  by  its  obvious  aud 


i'r   i 


N'. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


U 


i  of  our  in- 
ort  moriihs 

publication 

^movi'd    my 

«'cr  of  CUP 

sjoys,    and 

0  ri^k,  or,  if 

thought  it 

iian,  and  on 

their  ejirly 

II  tlie  effort 

I  owe  furli 

not  detiile 

rcmaikp.  I 
to  [irej.ai* 
il  the  Olivc 
lie^ted,  and 
history,  or 
mature  and 
•ej't  castijra- 
i«he(l  state, 
delayed  till 


7';r; 


f. 


reiehty  obli- 
[be^t  peritxJJ- 
re  portion  of 
hat  no  Ame- 


>t.  But  the 
ay  have  fal- 

if  any  grn- 
i'm  out,  ar.d 
ball  make 
f  rnnnol  be 

find  anoth- 


|4,  I81J. 

edition  of 
parties  tiiat 

)f  my  life, 
linn  ol  its 
Itvious  aud 


tiadeniat)le  object— the  object  of  contributing  my  feeble  ctTorts  towards  allaying 
fie  » ifervescenct,  the  turbulence,  the  animosity  that  pervade  the  community,  ana 
are  pregnant  with  such  alarmin,;  coiisequence>-. 

or  the  tune. that  has  elapaed  since  its  tirst  appearance,  I  hive  availed  myself, 
to  amplify— to  methodise— and  to  improve  it.  And  altiiou!^li  I  am  very  far  in- 
deed  from  presurain?  it  to  be  perfect,  yet  I  hope  it  will  be  found  more  entitled  to 
patronage  than  it  was  in  its  original  diishabille 

It  einuraces  a  very  convulsed  period  of  our  history  ;  and  has  been  written  un- 
der no  common  di-.ulvant.jges       i  h  ivo  labored  undor  a  deiiciency  of  various  ma- 
terials and  documents,  wuicli  noexTtion-  li  ive  on  ililed  me  to  procure— and  il  hag 
been  begun,  ca.  rii-'d  on,  and  completed  in  mcniimts  constantly  subject  to  those  in- 
terruptions iut'vitable  in  the  pressure  of  busiisess      To  suppose,  then,  it  were  ')er- 
fect,  would  argue  a  degree  of  insanity  which  the  fondest  ;md  most  doting  deli- 
rium of  pitvnial  vanity  could  harf^.ly  palii^te.     it  would  be  a  case  unparalleled 
in  thci  ann  lis  of  literature      Tiie  world   has  had   lU  ncrous  iasfini-es  of  men  of 
mo'-:  splendid  tnlems — of  laboriotil  research — wit!i  <>.bund..nt  milerials  and  doc- 
!im  nts  -enjoying  full   leiijure   to  do  justite  to  their  --ubjerts — and   employing 
years  ibr  ilie  purpo<f — yet  falling  into  r;g;egi^us  errors.     It  could  not  then  ^ 
expected  that  a  work  embracing  .nich  a  v.u-i::*y  of  objects,  and  wriiten  under  the 
circumsta-joss  I  have  stated   sliouid  b;'  free  from  Liiem      But  the  reader  may  rest 
assured  tliat  whatever  they  may  be,  thf^y  have  not  resuUfd  from  design      They 
are  the  offspring  of  slcnderness  of  talent- — dtMciency  of  ni  iterials — inadvertence 
— or  that  bias  to  whicli  ail  men  are  "subject  in  a  greati  r  or  les--  degree,  when  trea- 
ting on  subjects  wherein  they  feel  deeply  interested .  of  the  latter,  however,  i 
havii  labored  to  divert  myself 

Hid  I  written  with  any  view  to  literary  reputation,  the  work  would  have 
male  a  totally  different  appearance.  Instead  of  presenting!;  \\\ti  reader  with 
so  many  documents  verbatim,  1  should,  as  is  usual,  iiave  given  abstracts  of  them 
in  my  own  words — and  thus  formed  a  regular  connected  narrative  of  events,  far 
more  agreeable  to  read  than  the  woik  in  its  present  form,  and  rather  easier  to 
write  ;  for  t  le  readier  may  rest  a>sured,  that  I  have  written  three  pages  in  less 
time  than  I  employed  in  the  ^t-arcii  for  a  single  document,  which  does  not  occupy 
one,  and  wliereof  1  coii'd  readily  give  an  analysis  ;  and  long,  laborious  researches 
for  a  document  or  newspaper  paragraph  or  essay,  have  not  unfrequeutly  been 
wholly  in  vain. 

But  though  a  thirst  for  literary  reputation  is  far  from  illaudable — and  though 
it  inspires  to  great  exertions,  and  has  been  the  honored  parent  of  some  of  the 
mos'  stupendous  efforts  of  the  human  mind — it  has  not  hud  the  slightest  influence 
on  me  in  this  case  It  would  have  buen  utterly  unavailing  to  counteract  the 
loalhi  12!.  the  abhorrence  1  felt  for  entering  into  political  discussion  or  for  making 
my*<  If  O'ice  more  an  object  of  newspaper  assault,  of  which  few  men  in  private 
life  have  been  honored  witii  a  greater  simre. 

No.  I  appeal  t)  heavni  for  the  truth  of  what  I  now  declare,  I  soared  to 
higher  objects  far  beyond  .such  narrow  views.  I  believed — i  still  believe — tliat  a 
dissolution  of  the  union  is  contemplated  by  a  few  ambitious  and  wicked  mon ; 
that  in  the  state  of  excitement  to  which  the  public  mind  is  raised,  and  which  is 
hourly  increasing  by  t!ie  most  proilig.ite  disreaard  of  truth  and  tiie  welfare  of  the 
country — and  by  t'le  utmost  prosti'ution  of  talents — a  mere  trifle  would  snfuce  to 
proiluce  a  convulsion— (as,  when  you  have  collected  together  a  quantity  of  highly 
combustible  materials,  a  single  spark  suffices  to  produce  a  conflagration)— that  a 
dissolution  o(  tho  union  would  infalliby  produce  a  civil  war;  that  in  the  event  of 
a  civil  war,  tiiere  would  be  a  stru  gle  througliout  the  country  for  the  ascendency, 
wherei  ri  would  he  p  rpetrated  atrocities  similar  to  those  which  disgraced  the 
French  revolution;  that  even  if  we  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  escape  a  civil 
war,  or,  (if  we  should  not.)  after  it"  termination,  and  the  establishment  of  sepa- 
rate confederacies,  the  country  would  be  cursed  with  a  constant  border  war,  fcv 
menled  by  the  nntions  of  Europe,  to  whom  we  sliou'd  be  a  sport  and  a  prey  ;  and 
that,  in  one  word,  a  nation  most  highly  favored  by  heaven  is  on  the  very  verge  of 
perdition. 

B 


i!:' 


U         PREFACE  TO  THE  SECON'D  EDITION. 

These  vjrws  may  be  prronootig  They  differ  from  those  of  most  o  f  my  frienfltj 
Tlie  mass  of  tlie  community  do  not  aixord  with  tlitiu.  But  they  are  uniijtcrabljr 
inprcssid  iiijon  my  mind  I  cannot  shakr  them  off,  Tlif-y  are  all  siij-poiied  by 
the  in  triictive  but  neglected  voice  of  hiftory  1  possess  not  the  hupps  fatuity 
with  wiiicli  so  ra;»»y  are  endow*  d  1  cannot  believe  an  event  will  not  take  place, 
because  i  hope  and  pray  it  may  not.  1  am  disposed  to  envy  those  wiio  are  thus 
gifted.  It  diminishes  the  hours  of  suffering.  In  a  life  jo  cliequertd  as  ours,  this 
IF  some  advantage,  Hut  it  has,  like  all  other  ble.<!ungs,  a  counterpoitiig  evil, — 
When  we  disbelive  in  the  approach  of  danger,  we  make  no  preparations  to  repel 
it. 

With  these  impressions  I  preferred  risking  any  consequencrs  however  pernicious 
to  myself,  that  wight  ari^-e  from  the  present  address,  to  a  state  of  toipor  and  in- 
activity— to  perishing  without  an  eilort.  In  a  sanguine  nion.eut,  I  indulged  the 
flnttenng,  the  fond,  (pray  heaven  it  may  not  be  the  delusive)  hope  that  my  » iPortg 
might  be  so  far  crowned  with  success,  as  to  make  me  the  happy,  the  blessrd  in- 
stnmient  of  arrusing  even  one,  two,  or  three  *active,  int.'ui  nliai  cj'iztns  fn  m  the 
morbid,  the  lethargic  slumber,  into  which  the  community  ha*  been  so  ;;. tally  lull- 
ed ;  that  these  mijjht  arouse  others;  and  that  tluis  :he  I'otint  ."■pcHs  mi'.;ht  be 
dissolved,  which,  in  a  manner  unexampled  in  tlie  histoiy  ot  the  w(>rJd,  mule  us 
rrgnrd  with  s1u]'id,  torpid  apathy  and  inditference,  the  bctuul  banknipUy  of  our 
novrrnm<nt  (produced  by  a  mo*t  dr.rins  conspiracy) — the  impendii'g  de-iru'lioi) 
of  our  glorions  constitution,  the  work  of  nasinnjrton,  1  ranllin,  ],i\irgston, 
Hamilton,  &c  the  depreciation  of  every  -pecies  of  properly — and  the  aj  pit  a'h- 
i;'g  ruin  of  our  country.  iShould  heavtn  thus  bless  nic.  die  a.teiwaid.s  wiien  I 
may,  I  shall  not  have  lived  In  vain.  Should  1  fail,  on  my  tombstone  thall  be 
graven,  "  mapiis  excidituuiis.''^ 

I  ofTer  these  greet  and  solemn  trutns  lo  the  consideration  of  all  who  have  an 
iiitere^t  in  the  welfare  of  this  country. 

I.  A  Sfpnrntion of  the  sttles  cannot  be  ejfute-d  nithout  an  immrdiate  CIVIL, 
and  analmost  cvntirivnl  BORDER  l\i  aR  ;  uv.d  il  mvsi  inetitubly  place  us  at  the 
mercy  of  England,  and  make,  this  country  the  sport  qf  the  huropein  poners  at  all 

future  times 

II.  As  well  might  we  expect  to  re  unite,  without  flaw,  the  fragments  of  an  ele^ 
gant  porcelain  viue,  bhattertd  to  pieces,  as  to  restore  the  union,  if  dissolved  but 
tor  one  hour 

,    111:  A  period  of  war.  and  invasion,  and  danjrer,  is  utterly  unfit  for  repairing  or 
amending  a  ronsttution.     Nothing  but  convulsion  can  arise  cut  of  the  attempt. 

IV  Gkneral  Washinjiton.  in  his  legncy,  one  of  the  noblest  efTnrts  of  hunipn 
wisdom,  inipre.ssiv(  iy  urfied  his  coiintrjmen  to  frown  iiidignantly  upon  ai;y  at- 
tenpt  to  impair  or  dissolvv-  the  union. 

V.  To  hostile  European  powers  a  disFoIutlon  would  be  of  immense  and  incal- 
culable advantage. 

VI.  It  would  be  inexpressible  folly  and  madness  to  reject  the  policy  dictated  by 
TVashiniton.  and  follow  that  which  would  be  dictated  by  thoie  powers  of  Europe 
r.ho  reg.ird  our  piGsperity  with  jealousx. 

fLA?T  OF  AN  iJiNlON  SOCIETY. 

"  Above  all  thintrs  1  old  dear  your  national  union.  Acruslcm  yourselves  to 
cstininie  its  infnlte  v;.Ii,e  to  your  individual  and  national  happiness.  Look  on  it 
Ss  the  palladium  of  your  tranquillity  at  home;  of  your  peace  abioad;  of  your 
safety  ;  of  your  pro:*perity  ;  and  even  of  that  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize." 

Waihinglon''s  Farendl  Address. 

Wherkas  many  disafrrct^^  citizens  have  long  labored  to  prepare  the  public 
Ibind  lor  a  dissoluliou  of  the  union,  and  the  formation  of  separate  confederacies ; 
and  whereas  they  have  at  length  publicly  and  daringly  avowed  tbeir  flagitious  de- 
signs ;  and  whereas  the  experience  cf  all  history  to  the  p-esent  time  affords  the 
most  complete  ^roof  that  ^uch  dissolutioos  of  existing  forms  of  government,  and 


\  \- 


'  my  frlen3«} 
iiDiiJterably 
ij  roMfcd  by 
'pp^  Caiulty 
lake  place, 
lio  are  thus 
as  ours,  tin's 
itiig  e\il. — . 
uiiis  to  repel 

r  pernicious 
ipor  nnd  iu- 
iidiilgtd  the 
it  my  I  iTortg 
•■  blessed  in- 
ns^ fn  in  the 
;';.taily  lull- 
Is  !i)i',^hl  be 
id,  niisle  us 
ipi«>  (>r  our 
de-irui  tioH 
I.i\ii  gston, 
e  aj  piia''l»- 
iid.s  whcri  I 
le  fchall  be 


rho  have  an 

'.(e  CIVIL, 
iice.  us  at  the 
iuncrs  lit  all 

of  an  ele' 
ssolvcd  but 

ppaii  ing  or 
attempt, 
of  liimifn 
on  ai;y  at- 

and  incal- 

ictated  by 
of  Europe 


i 


TREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION.        IS 

flie  formation  of  new  ones,  have  almost  inviriably  produced  bloody  civil  wart!\ 
the  greatest  curse  that  ever  afflicted  munkind  ,  and  wliereas  the  present  forui  of 
the  general  government,  if  duly  supported  by  our  citizens,  is  calculated  to  pro- 
duce as  hig'.i  a  degree  of  happiness  as  has  ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  nation  ; 
and  v?hereas  the  separate  conftderacico,  coiitemplated  as  substitutes  for  the  pres- 
ent  general  confederacy,  i.tu  if  it  wrre  possible  to  estabiisii  them  peaceably, 
would  be  pregaant  with  interminable  future  wars,  such  as  have  almost  coubtautly 
prevailed  DCtween  neighboring  states,  with  rival  intcre!<ts,  real  or  supposed,  and 
would  hold  out  every  possible  inducement,  and  every  desirable  facility  to  foreign 
nations,  to  array  each  against  the  other,  and  thus  subjugate  the  whole,  or  at  least 
render  them  dependent  upon,  or  gubservient  to  those  foreign  nations  ;  and  where* 
as,  finally,  it  would  be  absolute  madness  to  throw  away  the  incalculable  blessings 
we  enjoy,  for  the  mere  chance  of  bettering  our  condition,  and  still  more  for  the 
absolute  certahity  of  rendering  it  much  worse  ; 

Therefore  resolved,  that  we  the  subscribers  do  associate  under  the  title  of  the 
WASHINGTON  UNION  SOCIETY,  of  wnich  the  following  is  the 

CONSTITUTION. 

I.  We  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to  support,  by  every  honorable  and  legal 
xneans  in  our  power,  th«  existing  form  of  the  general  government. 

II.  That  we  will  use  our  utmost  endeavors  to  counteract  as  far  as  in  our  powei 
all  plots  for  the  dissolution  of  tlie  union. 

III.  That  we  will  correspond,  and  cheerfully  co-opeiate,  with  all  iodividuals; 
and  bodies  of  men.  in  all  partii  of  the  union,  who  have  the  same  views  with  us  on 
the  object  embraced  in  the  second  article,  liawever  they  may  differ  from  us  oo 
other  political  topics. 

IV.  That  the  ofEcers  of  the  society  shall  be  a  president,  vice  president,  secre- 
tary, treasurer,  committee  of  correspondence,  and  comaiitree  of  elections. 

V.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  of  correspondence,  to  invite 
the  good  citizen.s  of  this  state,  and  of  the  other  states,  to  form  similar  societies, 
and  to  correspond  with  them  ;  to  investigate  and  expose  to  public  abhorrence, 
the  Tarious  plans  that  have  been  adopted  from  time  to  time,  to  effect  the  patrici- 
dal purpose  of  dissolving  the  union  ;  to  place  in  tiie  strongest  point  of  light  the  ad- 
vantages of  our  blessed  form  of  goverument,  with  the  tremendous  consequences  of 
«ivil  war,  and  (the  inevitable  result  of  a  separation)  our  betiii  instrument  in  the 
kands  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe,  to  annoy,  ravage,  depopulate)  Blauj;hte%i. 
aftd  destroy  each  other. 


I-*   r,.-'  •   » . 


:.( :/  .  ^  *        PREFACE 

TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION.* 


f 


irselves  to 
Look  on  it 
of  jour 
ly  prize." 
iddrtss. 

the  public 
deracies ; 
gitious  de- 
ifTords  the 
aent,  and 


■'ii.» 


Philadelphia,  April  iO,  1815 


I  ^OMMENCB  this  Preface,  with  feelings  very  different  indead  froia- 
tbose  by  which  I  was  actuated,  when  I  penned  the  former  ones.  Pros- 
pects, public  aud  private,  have  wonderfully  improved.  A  revolution, 
immense,  striking,  glorious,  and  delightful,  has  taken  place  in  the  affairs 
»f  oar  blessed  country,  for  which  we  cannot  be  sufficiently  grateful  to 
heaven.  We  have  not — I  say  emphatically — we  have  not  merited  the 
change.  I  could  assign  various  satisfactory  reasons  in  proof  of  thi$ 
opinion,  extraordinary  as  it  may  seem.    I  wave  them.    It  is  unnccessa- 

*  The  third  edition,  of  1250  copies,  was  printed  in  Boii'Hi 


70 


FREEACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


ry  to  enter  into  the  recapitulation.  But  whatever  may  have  been  our 
past  merits  or  Jemeritp,  1  hope  our  prosperity  is  now  fixed  on  a  basis  as 
firm  HB  the  rock  of  Gibraltar. 

In  the  present  tranquilized  state  of  the  public  mind,  when  the  fears 
Jind  ^'olicitudes  excited  by  the  late  alarming  state  of  atfairs  have  subsided, 
it  will  be  difficult  for  the  reader  to  justify,  or  even  to  account  for  the 
Warmth  which  many  parts  of  this  work  display.  It  is  therefore  but  jus- 
tice to  n.yself,  to  give  a  rapid  sketch  of  the  scenes  through  which  we 
bave  passed,  in  order  to  account  for  the  excitement  of  my  mind,  so  obvi- 
•U.S  to  every  reader  in  the  perusal  of  some  of  my  chapters. 

The  government  had  been  nearly  reduced  to  bankruptcy.  Tt  had 
feeen  unable  tu  raise  money  to  discharge  the  most  imperious  engagements. 
There  was  no  general  circulating  medium  in  the  country.  The  banks, 
from  New  York  to  New  Orleans,  inclusively,  had,  with  perhajts  one  or 
two  exceptions,  suspended  the  payment  of  specie.  The  bank  notes  of 
Philadel;-hla  and  New  York  were  depreciated  in  Boston  from  15  to  '25 
per  cent,  below  par.  And  every  feature  in  our  political  affairs  wore  sn 
eijually  awful  aspect.  Whether  the  causes  I  have  assigned  in  chapter 
Lll.  really  produced  this  state  of  things  or  not,  is  immaterial.  Be  the 
cause,  what  it  may,  the  fact  existed.  Want  of  money  had  partially  sus- 
pended the  recruiting  service.  And  the  pacification  of  Europe  had 
qniulrupied  the  disposable  force  of  our  enemy,  and  in  the  .-arae  degree  iu- 
creased  our  danger,  atid  the  necessity  for  energy  and  vigilance. 

t  ■  ndi T  these  circumstances,  coi  gress  wa><  convened  on  the  19th  of  Sep- 
tember, nearly  two  months  earlier  than  the  period  fixed  by  law,  in  order 
to  make  provision  for  such  an  extraordinary  emergency.  The  .state  of 
the  nation  was  fully  detailed  io  them  in  various  executive  communica- 
tions, which  called,  imperiously  called  for  energy  and  decision.  '   , 

Karely  has  a  legislative  body  had  more  important  duties  to  fulfil,  or  a 
more  glorious  opportunity  of  signalizing  itself,  and  laying  claim  to  the 
public  gratitude.  Rarely  have  stronger  motives  existed  to  arouse  every 
spark  of  public  spirit  or  patriotism  that  had  lain  doruia.nt  in  the  heart. 
And  1  venture  to  assert,  there  hardly  ever  was  a  legislature  that  more 
completely  disappointed  public  expectation — that  more  egregiously  fail- 
ed of  its  duty. 

The  imbecility,  the  folly,  the  vacillation,  the  want  of  system,  of  ener- 
gy, and  of  decision,  displayed  by  the  majority — and  the  unyielding,  tlic 
stubborn,  the  violent,  the  factious  opposition  of  the  minority  to  all  the 
measures  for  which  the  occasion  so  loudly  called — haveaflixed  an  indeli- 
ble stain  on  the  memory  of  the  thirteenth  corigr'?ss.  1  hey  will  be  long 
remembered  with  emotions  neither  of  gratitude  nor  respect.  No  where, 
I  am  persuaded,  in  the  annals  of  legislation,  is  thereto  be  found  an  in- 
stance of  precious  time  more  astonishingly  misspent.  They  had  been  in 
session  nearly  five  months  when  the  news  of  peace  arrived — and  had  but 
three  weeks  to  sit.  The  spring,  the  season  of  hostility  and  depredation, 
was  rapidly  approaching.  And  what  had  they  done  to  serve  or  save 
their  country  ?  What  provision  had  they  made  of  men  or  money  ?  lat- 
tle  or  none.  Nearly  all  the  measures  adapted  for  the  emergency  that 
had  been  brought  forward  in  congres.s,  had  been  defeated.*'         ^^    «,,-«; 

*  I  have  asserted  elsewhere,  that  Engl.ind  presents  much  to  admire  and  copy. 
In  this  point,  she  is  tranFcrncleiitly  superior  to  up.  H?d  parliament  been  called 
in  sucli  a  crisis  as  ''xistcd  'a?t  t^eptmiber  in  this  country,  all  the  etTpctive  prepara- 
tions necessary  to  breast  Ihc  storm  would  have  been  made  in  one  week.     Some  of 


I 


►N. 

been  our 
)  a  basis  »s 

1  tbe  fears 
s  subsided, 
jnt  lor  the 
e  but  ju8- 
vvhicb  we 
I,  so  obvi- 

.    Tt  had 

;agements. 
L  he  banks, 
ij'S  one  or 
k  notes  of 
I  15  to  25 
s  wore  en 
in  chapter 
.  Be  the 
tially  sus- 
urope  had 
Jegree  iu- 

ith  of  Sep- 
V,  in  order 
he  state  of 
;>niniunica<' 

ulfil,  or  a 
m  lo  the 
use  every 
he  heart, 
hat  more 
)usly  fail- 

,  of  ener- 
ding,  t!ic 
to  all  the 
an  indeli- 
1  be  long 

0  where, 
id  an  in- 
l1  been  in 

1  had  but 
redation, 
i  or  save 
ey  ?  liit- 
;ncy  that 


and  copy, 
eeii  called 
!  prcpara- 
Some  ot 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION.        H 


^«* 


n-fT-r 


That  this  state  of  public  affairs  was  calculated  to  excito  warmth  of 
feeling,  and  to  call  forth  a  stron^^  eKpression  of  that  warmth  must  be  ob- 
vious— and  will  not  merely  account  for,  but  justify  the  high-wrought  pas- 
sages to  be  found  in  the  work,  which,  under  other  circumstances, 
tnight  perhaps  be  iudefeiisible. 

It  will  b(!  asked,  what  good  purpose  can  the  re-publication  of  this  work 
-nnswerat  present  ?  Is  it  not,  it  will  be  said,  far  better  to  bury  the 
hatchet,  'and  t )  consign  these  things  to  oblivion,  than  to  keep  alive  ani- 
ni:)."ily  and  discord  ? 

Were  the  tendency  of  the  Olive  Branch  to  keep  alive  discord,  I  shouI«i 
iinht>sitatingly  consign  It  to  the  flumes.  But  I  utterly  disbelieve  this 
wiil  or  can  be  the  consei^uence.  I  cannot  admit  that  a  fair  detail  of  tbe 
mutual  follies  of  the  two  parties,  has  a  tendency  to  perpetuate  hostility 
between  them.  It  is  contrary  to  reason,  common  sense,  and  the  univer- 
sal experience  of  mankind. 

Peace,  or  harmony,  or  conciliation,  is  not  to  be  hoped  for,  white 
both  parties  clothe  themselves  in  the  deceptions  mantle  of  self-righteous- 
ress— while  they  not  only  believe  themselves  immaculate,  but  their  op- 
ponents "  monsters  unredeemed  by  any  rirluey*  Nothing  but  a  serious, 
solemn,  and  deep-rooted  conviction  on  both  sid^s,  of  egregious  miscon- 
duct, can  lead  to  that  temper  of  mind  which  is  nece6S?.py  to  produce  a 
mild,  conciliating  spirit.  While  both  par''es  act  the  part  of  the  sclf- 
apnroving  pharisee,  we  might  with  equal  chance  of  success  attempt  to 
rinite  fire  and  water — li^ht  and  darkness — virtue  and  vice,  as  to  recon- 
cile them.  But  when  both  regard  themselves  in  their  tnie  light,  as  of- 
fenders against  their  dnties  to  their  country,  they  will  be  disposed  to  for- 
give that  they  miy  be  forgiven.  This  idea,  which  is  the  basis  whereon 
this  \york  rests,  ha»«  been  more  than  once  stated,  ajd  cannot  be  too  often 
repeated,  and  inculcated  on  the  public  mind. 

I  fondly  hope  this  wark  will  have  other  uses — that  it  mny  serve  as  a. 
beacon  to  other  tiuios  than  onivs.  When  a  navigator  discovers  new 
shoals,  and  rocks  an:'  qnicksaii'I-^.  he  marks  them  on  his  chart,  to  admon- 
ish future  navigat.w  to  be  on  their  guard,  and  to  lihun  the  destruction 
i<)  .vliich  ignirance  might  lead 

This  strongly  applies  to  our  ciise.  By  an  extraordinary  mixture  of  folly 
a>.!l  ivickodiie  V  we  had  run  thevesselof  state  on  ricks  a'ld  quicksandf, 
anil  bi'^'ik:.'rs,  where  8he  was  in  imminent  danger  of  perisihing.  We  had 
broii,:;iit  to  the  verge  of  perdition  the  n.jhlest  form  of  government,  and 
the  nost  free  and  h  i!»py  people,  that  the  sun  ever  beheld.  But  thanks 
to  heaven — nut  to  our  virtue,!  our  public  spirit,  or  our  liberality — we 

the  d?cUmatory  sper-c'ie-'  of  two  or  three  u  lys  long,  occujiied  a>»  mii'ch  time  as 
parliaiiiie)t  woul !  :  vt^  i-fquin'd  to  ni-'p  fifty  miilicns  of  money,  and  ta  provide 
•means  for  pmhoiying  an  jumy  of  iO,000  men. 

■  ■  ■  •      ; ,  ■  .      -    J,"*: 

*  ^Imstra  nxdl^  -virhtle  rcdttrnpta. 

f  T'le  illustri">U9  h'^roes  of  the  western  country— onr  o;allant  navy — several 
r>fourgeneral<  .>nd  armies  on  th'/ lines —llie  citiz^nx  of  Riltimore,  and  of  Stomng- 
toii— the  garrison  at  Crany  hlaud— and  Vw  people  ofsom-^  other  places — areob- 
•viou4y  ex"m  ;'.  fvtm  t;;i'-  c^^nstire  \ncl  ii.-ver  was  there  greater  enero;y  dispi.iyod 
III  u)  in  IVo\v  V  i;k,  la  m  ikin;i  proparitioiis  for  1 1'  w  irm  reception  of  an  ent  my. 
But  when  we  coasid  t  th°  vlolenc  •  of  the  ei^tfirri  s'lt  'n  aj;a;nt  t'l"  lule.  -■  c'lOiseia 
"by  the  p»>op!e,  t.u*  to;  p'lr  atul  iiifltiT.Tc!);' :  of  (v  mivity  ^'•.-i'  of  Petm^ylvama. 
•and  of  olher  portioDj  of  the  uulorj,  we  nrj4  lieave  a  sigh,  and  drxtr  a  -YciL^yir 
cpast  scenes. 
'     ■  ■         ■    ■       •■     '■■      •     -  ■      JR^ 

Its-  -    ,      ;  ■  ■='**'  •■"*■  i 

V     -'    ■        -^>-    '■         '  ■    —  ...        .   Jtt. 


13        PREFACE  TO  THE  FOIRTII  EDITION. 


Iiave  e^cftpe«l.  Wo  have  nrrivcd  safp  in  port.  I  linve  cndcnvored  to  <\f.' 
lineate  Hcliurlof  the  most  formiilublt;  of  the  rocks  on  which  our  vessel 
was  striking,  to  serve  as  a  guide  to  future  slate  pilots.  1  trust  the  chai  ^ 
cannot  he  examined  attentively  without  benefit.  It  establishes  iin  iti.  ■ 
portant,  but  most  awful  political  maxim,  that  (lurin<;  the  prevalence  of 
the  destructive,  and  devouring,  and  execrable  s{)irit  of  fiietion,  men, 
otherwise  good  and  respectable,  will  too  frequently  sncriiice,  witiiotit 
f.firu|)le  f)r  remorse,  the  most  vital  interests  of  their  country,  under  the 
dict'itos,  and  to  promote  the  views,  of  violent,  and  ambitioui>  leaders! 
What  a  terrific  subject  of  contemplation  '. 

The  publication  of  this  book  has  decided  one  point  of  considerable  im- 
portance to  the  truth  of  history,  and  to  the  happiness  of  mankind.  1  his 
point  is,  that  it  is  not  quite  so  dangerous,  as  has  been  supposed,  for  a 
writer  to  driw  a  portrait  of  his  cotemporaries — provided  the  featurcH  Le 
luithfully  and  im|)artially  delineated.  It  hasi  been  too  generally  presum- 
ed that  it  is  utterly  unsafe  to  write  of  our  own  times  with  truth.  Wi'h 
this  idea  1  was  imi)rossod  when  I  en^fitied  in  the  work.  And  it  required 
jio  common  stimulus  to  inspire  me  with  the  hardiho'^d  the  undertaking 
required. 

But  the  event  has  falsified  the  anticipation.  Without  any  of  the  ad- 
vantages that  otiice,  or  rank,  or  connexions  afford,  1  have  dared  publicly 
to  call  faction,  and  jacobinism,  and  disorganization — as  well  as  factious 
men,  and  jacobins,  and  disorgauizers — by  their  proper  rmmes,  without 
<distinction  of  party.  And  the  relifnce  I  p'aed  upon  the  good  sense  of 
the  public  has  not  been  disappointed.  My  ell'orts  have  been  received  by 
a  large  portion  of  the  good  and  great  men  of  the  nation  with  a  favouj- 
-and  kindness,  which  fill  my  heart  with  tlie  mo."-!  exquisite  pleasure — and 
amply  repay  my  tremble  and  my  risk — the  sacrifice,  of  my  business  and  of 
my  enjoyments,  during  the  progress  of  the  work — and  hold  out  cticour- 
agcRMint  to  political  writeis  to  shun  that  slavish  and  dishonorable  devo- 
tion to  party,  whereby  truth  is  sacrificed,  and  history  made  i.  mere  tissue 
of  fables.  If  no  other  effect  had  been  produced  by  this  book,  1  should 
not  liKve  written  in  vain. 

The  advantages  of  cotemporaneons  wriiitig  are  numerous  and  weighty. 
When  the  passing  events  are  recorded  and  commented  on,  while  they  are 
as  it  were  spread  before  our  ryes,  it  «>nly  requires  honesty  of  inten- 
tion to  make  the  po:  trait  a  t(ilcrable  likeness.  But  when  we  treat 
on  occurrences  of  "  years  that  tue  past  and  gone,"  it  is  like  tracing  thf 
features  of  a  deceased  fci end  from  nicmory.  'J  he^reat  and  leading  out- 
lines may  be  correct — but  in  filliiig  u[>  tlie  drawing,  many  of  the  Uiost 
important  eharactrristics  must  t!-eape. 

It  may  not  be  im;  rojier  to  warn  the  rcade.r  that  I  am  attached  to,  and 
in  general  approve  r,f  the  poli<i<'ai  views  and  most  part  (not  the  whole 
by  any  means)  of  the  cuidiict  <r  iliat  I'nrty  which  was  slignsatized  as 
anti-federal,  before  the  adoption  of  the  fed( mhI  constitution,  and  is  now 
-entitled  democT&tic  or  republican.  We  w-cre  called  anti-federalists,  be- 
■canse  we  were  eager  to  have  the  constitution  amended  previous  to  its 
ratification,  doubtin:;  the  practicabiiity  of  ansendmcnt  afterwards.  We 
^vere  wild  and  extravagant  enough  to  see  despotism  in  many  of  its  fea- 
<lure8,  and  were  so  fatuitous  and  blind  as  not  to  have  the  slightest  idea  of 
danger  from  the  state  governments.  We  have  lived  t »  see  our  miserable 
infatuation,  and  to  deprecate  and  deplore  its  conse«:icnces. 

My  reason  for  this  explicit  avow  a!  is,  to  induce  tiie  reader  to  receive 
itiy  opinionB  and  inferences  with  ihat  ceuiijn  which  is  necessary, from 


I 


ON. 


PllKFACE  TO  THE  FOLTRTfl  KDITIOX.         1^' 


ivored  to  de- 
•li  our  vessrl 
ust  the  chai  ^ 
lishes  an  iii.  • 
levalPMcc  of 
nction,  iijcti, 
ice,  witliont 
•y,  under  the 
ious  leaders  I 

'ideiTible  im- 
ikiiid.  1  his 
posed,  for  a 
J  ffcalurcH  Le 
ally  prcsiiin- 
Lrutli.  Willi 
d  it  required 
uiulertulvitig 

ny  of  the  ad- 
ired  publicly 
II  an  factious 
Dies,  without 
ood  seii?e  of 
I  received  by 
ivitli  a  favoui- 
lea.'ure — and 
slness  and  of 

I  Ollt  CtlCOUl- 

)rable  devo- 
.  nicie  tif-su^ 
)k,   1  shoulJ 


y 


nd  weighty, 
ile  they  are 
of  inten- 
n  we  treat 
tracing  thf; 
radiiig  out- 
f  the  most 


:lifd  (o,  and 

t  the  w  lio!e 

;njatizeil   ae 

I  lid    is  ri(nv 

eralistP,  be- 

vious  to  its 

ards.     We 

of  its  fea- 

test  idea  of 

r  miserable 

to  receive 
F?ary,  frotu 


ibn  prnb.ibillly  of  my  beiny  under  the  iiiflieiice  of  that  bii's,  which  more 
or  iesr.,  f'.eiy  iiiiui  fc.u'ls  tovvuid>  tiio  party  to  which  he  is  altaclir-l  ;  and 
which  I  otwij^tlisiandiu;;  I  have  setliiously  rndeuvoied  t:)  iiuurd  nuuiustt 
it^  j..;iu»'ncp.  iM  ly  havi;  occahi..nally  led  tiu:  ui^tray.-  T(j  no  Iuiumui  i.eiuj^ 
has  htavcn  dci};tu-il  to  iiujiiirt  intullibility  :  and  it  wouhl  be  aim  ^l  u 
miracle,  if.  in  m<*Ii  a  wide  scope  us  1  have  lakeu,  1  were  not  suiuelluies 
war,.ed  by  (  a:-siuu  or  prejudice. 

Uit  i.)  tliis  It  is  pro|ier  to  add,  that  I  believe  no  man  ever  wrote  a 
book  of  thi«  extei.t,  and  embracing  Mich  a  variety  of  subjects  wlio 
mu(;e  li 'lil<*r  tbiuaiids  oil  the  cuinpbusu.ice  nr  crtibilily  of  Ins  naders 
tliiiu  i  have  d  )m'.  For  as  tiic  subject-  I  have  di.-cussed  are  of  incnlciii.tl»le 
nioinenl— as  the  happiues  or  misery  of  unborn  mlliioiis.  as  well  as  of  this 
cciUMatioii,  depoiulsou  the  course  we  sti-or— as  thatcdiirse  must  be  n^ate- 
riallv  aifected  by  the  correctness  or  ermrs  «)f  the  views  we  may  i*!ve  of 
our  past  system  of  coiirluct — and  as  I  have  dared  to  cite  lieforc  the  bar  of 
the  puttlic,  men  of  hi^h  standing — t;rciit  talciits-grcat  wtulth — and 
powerful  influence— F.  ha  e  judged  it  pr"per  to  support,  as  far  as  in  my 
power,  and  to  a  dejjreo  iiaidly  ever  exceeded,  all  my  importatiL  f  els,  by 
tlocuiiiLMits  of  undeniable  authority.  3lany  of  my  readers  will  probulily 
believ(!  that  I  have  gone  unnecessary  lengths  in  thitj  respect.  IJnt  I  trust 
i  have  not.  It  is  at  all  events  far  better  to  produce  too  uiucb  evidence 
than  too  little.  ■  .     .     ■ 

Were  every  line  of  my  own  writififc  in  this  work  annihilated,  tiie 
doouiuents,  which  arc  its  bones,  nud  sinews,  and  muscels,  woald  be  umply 
adequate  to  estal)lish  the  ))ositions  I  meant  to  prove. 

The  strong  style  I  have  used  in  treating  of  the  conduct  of  the  fa«lern 
federalists,  will  be  censured.  IJut  it  may  be  defeiuUd  on  impregtiablc 
ground.  In  all  their  lucubrations  on  the  motives  id"  the  war — the  pro- 
ceediir^s  of  the  administration — and  the  conduct  of  their  opponeflls — 
they  uniformly  employ  the  most  unqualified  terms  of  reprobation  and  con- 
deiMiiation.  To  sheer,  downright  wickedness,  all  the  errors  and  misfor- 
tunes tl'.at  have  occurred,  ere  ascribed.  There  is  not  the  slightest  shade 
of  allowance  ma.le  for  human  imperfection.  A  deep,  wicked,  and  des- 
perate conspiracy  to  destroy  commeice  ii-  assr-.ied  as  the  leading  motive 
of  government.  And  all  Its  meafurcs  are  ascribed  to  and  accounted  for 
by,  this  absurd,  tliis  unfounded,  this  often  refuted  allegation. 

Those  who  sliew  no  mercy,  have  no  right  to  coiiii<Iain,  if  they  are 
themselves  tree.ted  with  strict  and  unrelenting  justice.  "With  what 
measure  ye  mete,  it  shall  be  measured  t"  you  again." 

Ihave  in  the  appendix,  considerably  extended  the  tubjects  of  this 
work. 

The  pacl.lc  policy  which  our  local  situation  riflords  n^  reason  to  I'.npe 
w^e  may  safely  pursue,  and  which  our  interest  dictates,  has  induced  me  to 
review  the  ropt'iLtive  system,  and  to  point  out  its  decisive  effects  on  the 
prosperity  of  finglund.  It  is  a  most  fiotent  weapon — and,  had  not  fac- 
tion de;u-!ved  it  of  its  eiiicacy,  would  have  insured  us  complete  justice, 
and  averted  the  horr(M-s  of  warfare.  To  the  defeat  of  this  mild,  but 
poweifal  instrument,  we  may  justly  charge  all  the  carnage  and  the  ex- 
pense of  the  war. 

An  efficient  and  safe  mode  of  defence,  whereby  foreign  aggression  may 
be  prevented,  and  internal  trajiqullity  preserved,  is  the  greatest  desidrra- 
tum  in  our  political  system.  It  is  the  key-stone  of  the  arch  of  our  free- 
dom and  happiness.  I  have  therefore  gone  most  copiously  into  the  con- 
sideration of  the  subject.    The  authority  IJiave  prodiictd'  is  irresistible. 


«20 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


7^'fitlirr  Priti^le,  nor  C'lillen,  nor  Sydciilimn,  on  mnUcine— nor  ninclc, 
iior  Lavoisier,  nor  Cha|>tal  on  Chemistry — nor  l.uther,  nor  Cttlvin  nor 
AVc^iey,  among  their  respective  fullMwws,  on  religion — arc  huperior 
Huthority  to  general  Wa^hillgton  on  militia  service.  I  have  thertfure 
'avaiU  (1  myt^elf  of  his  testimony,  to  an  exti  nt  which  nothing  but  the 
kniinentie  magnitude  of  the  nubject  coulil  justify. 

1  have,  likewixe,  in  the  appeiiilix  analyzed  a  small  pamphlet,  which 
'i  published  last  November,  entitled,  '*  A  enim  address  to  the  (leople  of 
'  the  eastern  states,"  wherein  I  have  given  a  full  view  of  the  very  errone- 
ous opinions  entertained  respecting  the  Niave  representation  ;  and  i  think 
fully  proved,  that  notwithstanding  the  unceasing  outcry  and  clam<ir  on 
the  subject  in  the  eastern  itates  from  the  time  of  the  organization  oi  the 
government,  those  states  have  uniformly  had  more  than  their  share  of 
influence  in  the  legislature  of  the  union,  without  haring  any  regard  to 
the  slave  population.  In  the  course  of  this  investigation  I  have  made 
two  curious  discoveries — one,  thatNew-Vork  and  Delaware  have  each 
a  slave  representative — and  the  other,  that  Massachusetts,  although  sht 
has  no  slaves,  has  a  representative  of  her  black  population. 

Before  I.  dismiss  the  work  from  my  hands,  feeling  the  solicitude  of  a 
•parent  for  his  offspring,  1  cannot  refrain  from  once  more  requesting  the 
•teade.,  when  he  discovers  any  errors  of  style  or  matter— any  deiiciency 
or  redundancy— or,  in  a  word,  any  thing  to  censure,  that  he  w  ill  luar 
in  mind  the  disadvantages  under  which  I  have  written — -in  hours  stolen 
from  sleep,  and  during  the  pressure  of  a  business  which  in  no  common  de- 
gree requires  all  the  energies  of  body  and  mind ;  that  I  have  in  my  vari- 
on«<  editions,  and  in  the  public  papers,  solicited  the  suggestion  of  error?, 
whlrh,  if  pointed  out,  I  promised- to  correct  ;~and  that  I  have  also  m 
th«  papers,  and  privately,  in  vain  solicited  .conimuntcations  from  those 
who  could  and  oujiht  to  have  affbrdedthem. 

On  subjects  that  have  employed  so  many  thousand  pens  and  tongues^ 
much  novelty  cannot  be  expected.  It  is  possible  that  there  is  not  a  new 
idea  in  the  whole  work.  -All  that  Dr.  Franklin  or  Patrick  Henry  could 
claim  in  the  investigation  of  topics  so  long  hacknied  as  those  I  have 
discnssed,  is  the  arrangement. 

I  londly  flatter  myself  that  in  this  work  will  he  found  materials  fora 
complete  defence   of  the   the  American  nation   in    its  intercourse  with 
'JMigland.     T  am  grossly  deceived  if  the  mild,  forbearing,  pacific   system 
•pursued  by  this  country  for  lo  many  years,  -amidst  such  grievous  provo- 
cations, will  not  universally  receive,  as  it  deserves,  the  praise— -and  the 
-oppressive,  outrageous,  and  injurious  conduct  of  England  to  us,  the  cen- 
sure— -of  all  Christendom. 

It  would  be  grosf  injustice  to  me  to  suppose,  that  I  wish  to  perpetu- 
ate the  hatred  between  the  two  nations.  It  is  very  far  from  my  inten- 
tion. It  is  the  inter<'st  of  the  Ignited  States,  and  will  be  their  policy,  If 
treated  with  common  decency  oi- justice,  to  cultivate  peace  with  all  the 
■world.  And  I  am  much  deceived,  if  a  plain  and  candid  exposure  of  the 
'Vexatious,  harrassing,  insulting,  and  outrageous  policy  pursued  by  the 
successive  niinisters  of  England,  from  the  year  1T93,  will  not  be  the 
best  nieajisof  prevcntinp  a  recurrence  of  such  impolitic  and  unjust  con- 
junct. They  have  deejly  injured  us.  But  the  injury  they  inflicted  on 
the  vital  interests  of  their  own  nation,,  has  far  exceeded  what  we  have 
rsuiFei-edo 


i 


<a 


>^ 


)N, 


't'tMT     T' 


lor  Pinck, 

'rtlviii  luir 

hiiperior 

tlieiffctrc 

g  but  the 

et,  which 
people  of 
•y  erronc- 
i(i  I  think 
i:  lamer  on 
ion  ol  the 
r  fhare  of 
regard  to 
avp  made 
have  each 
hough  sh« 

tude  of  a 
?>ting  the 
deficiency 
will  I  ear 
ui'8  stolen 
mnion  de- 
1  my  vari- 
of  errors, 
/e  alM>  m 
rom  those 

tongues, 
lot  a  new 
nry  could 
I  have 

iais  for  a 

"i^e  with 

system 

IS  provo- 

■and  the 

the  cen- 

>erpetu- 
ly  inten- 
)oliry,  if 
all  the 
re  of  the 
by  the 
be  the 
usl  con- 
icted  on 
we  liave 


I 


^ 


PREFACE 
TO  THE  SIXTH  EDITION. 

Philadelphia,  Sept.  G,  I8I:;,. 

ONCE  more  and  probably  for  the  last  time,  I  offer  the  "  Oliv^ 
Brancli,"  to  my  fellow  citizens;  inj|troved  and  cnlurj?edus  fur  as  in  my 
po.VLM-.  I  feel  grateful  for  the  kindness  and  indulgence  extended  to  its 
inijiorfections. 

s)i"  the  jii;;iii  and  progress  of  a  work,  which  has  succeded  so  far  be- 
yond nil  human  expectation,  I  may,  perhaps,  bo  pcrmittod  without  in" 
'uj.iinj;  ihechirge  of  vanity,  to  give  a  brief  acuount.  "Should  tlie  detail 
bi:  i-eally  cliiir^eable  to  vanity,  (no  man  can  judge  correctly  of  bimaelf) 
I  hope  It  will  be  regarded  as  a  venial  failing. 

B^RLf  in  September,  1B14,  I  \vm  under  as  great  a  depression  of 
mind,  about  the  state  of  affairs,  public  and  private,  as  I  have  ever  expe- 
rienced. A  deep  and  awful  gloom  pervaded  the  thinking  part  of  the 
community  !  Thick  clouds  and  darkness  covered  the  horizon  !  Ihe  k>tea- 
est  eya  conid  not  behold,  and  could  hardly  anticipate  a  single  spark  of 
Buiishine!  Washington  had  been  taken—  and  its  public  buildings  destroy- 
ed with  Gothic  barbarity  !  Alexandria  had  been  pillage  I  and  plundered  ! 
Ha;ii|)ton  h»id  suffered  rape  and  rapine  !  Baltimore  was  menaced  with 
sigiirt!  vent^eauce,  and  pointed  out  for  military  execution,  Sj"  in  payers 
'piilf'ixlip.i  hf  cilizeas  of  the  United  Stales  ! !  Philadelphia  and  .Mew  York 
were  linid  in  ii  state  of  the  most  alarming  -uspense.  and  in  daily  expec- 
tation )f  a  hostile  visit — and,  of  perhaps  sharing  the  fate  of  Washington 
and  Alexandria  ! 


»iK-i 


PREFACE 
TO  THE  SEVENTH  EDITION, 

I  hnve  made  a  nuiiSer  of  alterationg,  addition^",  and  amendments  in  thcpres' 
ent  ed'lion,  for  which  I  solicit  a  continunncf  of  that  public  indulgence  and  isnvot 
wtiioli  ijive  been  so  liberally  bestowed  on  me  heretofore. 

r  1 '  llir*^'  la-t  civxptersi  are  enlirely  iit»w  Tlio  subject  of  the  seventy- third  is 
of  vitil  importance  to  the  peace  ml  b.innony  of  tlie  country.  How  far  I  have 
succevided  in  establisliin)?  th.i  posi; 'oni  I  Ijave  undertaken  to  prove,  I  submit  to 
the  decision  or  an  enlightened  community. 


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"i 


CONTENTS. 


..J 


4. 

!t. 

«. 

7. 

ll 

8. 

, .                .^ 

jfl 

0. 

fl 

11. 

^^v 

II 

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ic. 

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23. 

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20. 

ft 


Nevshiirrport  mc- 


^ 


I    CrNiif  f  affhir  of  the  U.  Stnti'n.     Dunporii  of  partios  and  factloni.  VJ 

2.   Knorj  of  ilie  dfiiiocralii' j);iity.     (.'uiijtitii'iuii.     .\nvy       llirn  law. 
J.  Moiiioe's   treaty      Sri)ai.iut,n  of  the  ktalt-s.     Kmhargo.     Non-iutcr- 
coiiise. 

Itiipo'icy  of  a  non  ronrwiil  of  the  cliartnr  of  the  bank  of  th*-  U.  States 

Aiiiii'tic*"  pr'posid  b>  ,tdniiral  W  arnii. 

AppoiutuvMil  <l   .Mr  tialia  ill.     Goliinbursc      PnparationB  for  defrncp. 

Gciii'r<4l»  ^VilkiiixoM  i'kI  H  iinploii      I'rocrtdirijs  ol  congriss.     Lanitint- 
ttblc  to,    or,  di'iij,  mid  jirocniHlinatioii. 

Capture  ol   vi  a«hiiiiton.     Mi.«iiii»ii  tg<m«  iit.     Captain  Dyson.     Loans. 
Injury  to  piihlU'  credit,     (iciieral  iz  iffl- 

I'tdi'ialiul'*.     I'tidn'.il  convention.     Di^organlzoro  iiid  jacobins. 

(h*i»'rs  in  council,     tlule  of  \1'M>.     MiMC.tnlile  clamor. 

MoMton  nienional.     btrong call  lor  proUi lion 

.Xrwyork  in'Mnori  d      Sol» mn  pl«d;i»'  ol  .-uppLit. 

Kxtr  icts  from  J'liil  i(le!plii  i  niercanliU;  niciuaria'. 

K\tr.ict  from  Baltiuioi*;  uifiuorial. 

Mewliavcn  uicuiorial.     Decisive  call  for  resistance 
niorial 

SaU  111  memorial.     Solmin  plrdpo  of  support  in  the  evi'iit  of  war. 

Rollcctions  on  the  mcnioriaU      Unlfurni  call  for  retlrcss 

CliaractiM'  (»f  luerciiaiit^  by  E   Ru  ke.     IliihiTal  and  iiiitounded. 

British  drpii-dations  b!ou>j;liton  the  taiiis,  in  thestnuteof  the  U.  States. 
Aniha.sador.-t  extraordinary  to  Enj^land. 

Attack  on  tiu- CMu-'-apc' ike.     Inteidatory  proclamation. 

IVockadeof  tlip  co  iht  IVoin  the  Kibe  to  Pr«:tit.     Berlin  decree. 

Orders  in  council  of  rVoveuibtT  II.  1807.     Milan  dtcroes. 

Orders  in  council  dt-fendi'd  by  Aiue rican-t.     Baring's  inmiiry. 

Embargo,  a  wire,  prudent,  and  ncceisary  measure.     Factious  clamor. 
Situation  of   \in(  rican  com^nerce. 

Innuiry  into  the  constitutionality  of  the  euforcin;;  act.     Lamentable  pub- 
lic deluKion. 

Patriotic  proceedings. 

John  Henry's  mission  to  the  eastern  states.     Instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernor general  of  British  America. 

Embargo  repealed.     British  and  Frencli  vessels  interdicted  our  harbors. 
Importations  from  both  countries  prohibited. 
20.  Embargo  recommended  to  congrts;)  oy  a  respectable  body  of  Newyork 
merchants. 

30.  Er^klne  arrangement.     Liberal  and  magDanimou^.     Loud!y  applauded. 

Rejected  by  England. 

31.  ImpressMient  of  American  seamen.     Plea  of  James  Madison.     Of  Wm. 

Cobbet      Of  Weekly  R.'nister. 

32.  Impressment  during  Gen' ral  Washington's  administration. 
3).  Impressment  during  Mr.  Adams'  iidministration,     Judge  Marshal's  io- 

btructions. 

34.  Mr.  Liston'^  project  for  a  convention  for  the  delivery  of  deserter"*.  Ob- 

jected to  by  Messrs.  Pickering,  Stoddard.  Wolcott,  and  M'Henry. 
Rejected. 

35.  Horrors  of  impressment,  as  submitted  to  congress  by  Timothy  Pickering, 

esq.  secretary  of  state. 
3B.  Impressment  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  JfflTerson.     Letter  from 
RuPus  King.     Arrangement  with  lord  St.  Vincent  rejected  by  Mr. 
King. 
Documents  on  impressment  continued.     ■'•^    * 


39 

ii 

bA 
i% 

C3 

C9 
71'. 
8'J 
8£* 
B!) 
ill 
93 

(M* 

lot 

103 

100 
111 
120 

122 
127 

13; 

149 
152 

ler, 

170 

172 

102 
197 

190 


206 
•208 


83.  Subject  of  iapressmeat  concluded. 


210 
213 


24 


CONTENTS. 


39.  Egrfgioui  error  commilted  by  the  author  of  the  Olire  Branch.    Aimple 

pnpaif.tioi ,- made  for  war  22J* 

40.  Kcprortch«-s  01  tlu'  minority  against  the  majority  for  their  imbecility. 

Biitish  deceived  by  their  fri^nt/s.  233 

41.  War  proceedings  in  congress     Yeas  and  nays.     Inexplicable  conduct  of 

Mr.  Quincy  and  his  friends.  ^  .  2M 

42    Declaration  of  war.     Violently  opposed      ""  241 

43.  Peace  party.  Composed  of  warlike  matt-rials    Repeated  clamor  for  war.  218 
14.  Inquiry  into  the  justice  of  the  war.     Awful  accusations  against  the  gov- 
ernment. 249 
45.  Considerations  of  the  orders  in  council     Reprobated  by  James  A.  ifeay- 

a:d.  Harrison  G.  Otis,  and  James  Lloyd.  256 

'16    fnciuiry  continued      Warranted  on  the  ground  of  impressment  alone,  ac- 
cording to  the  doctrine  of  James  Lloyd.  213$ 

47.  Turbui''i)ce  of  Bo.'»ton.    Jealousy  and  discord  sedulously  excited. '  Yan 

kecism,     Moral  and  leligious  ppopie.  2tj| 

48.  Arrogiinc*'  of  the  claims  of  the  eastern  states  on  the  subject  of  commerce. 

Statistical  tabjes.  276 

49    Coinp.ii  isons  of  tlie  exports  of  the  different  states,  foreign  and  domeftic, 

from  1701  to  1813      (fiance  at  tonnage.  280 

50.  Duties  on  imports.     Southtrn  states  pay  nearly  as  much  as  the  eastern. 

Wondt  rful  d^-lusion.  293 

31.  No  hostility  in  .sontiiirn  stales  towards  the  eastern.     Commercial  and 

aericultral  states  mutually  drpend(  nt  on  each  other.  298 

52.  Money  the  sinews  of  war      Associations  to  prevent  the  success  of  the 

loans.     Efforts  to  bankrupt  the  government.  305 

53.  Smuegling  carried  to  great  excess  in  Boston      Specie  abundant.     Oppres- 

sive drafts  on  Newyork.     Treasonable  intercourse  with  Canada.  313 

54.  Subject  continued      Brief  Statement  •f  facts  321 

55.  Massachusetts  compared  with  Tennessee.    Blind  leading  the  blind    Pro- 

fits of  'rade  fifty  percent.     Road  (o  ruin.  323 

50.   PuIpU  politics.     Prostitution  of  the  sacred  functions.     Anthology  of  Se- 
dition. 327 
57.  Parties  change  nnmes  and  character.     Jacobins.     Unholy  struggle  for 

powor  c'.uise  of  all  our  difficulties.  334 

.Og.  Iliiherality  of  prejudices  against  foreigners.     Ungrateful  on  the  part  of 

America.  337 

59.  Addrp.-s  to  the  federalists  of  the  U  States.  344.     Postscript.  350.     Ap- 

pendix. 351 

60.  Orders  in  ceunril.    Re'-frictive  system.     Impolicy  of  the  Britisi)  ministry.  353 

61.  England  said  to  b«  strut>.gling  for  her  existence.     This  uo  palliation  of 


hfr  outrages  on  neutral  nations  3f>6 

Senatorial  representation  examined.     Factions  delusion.     Statistics.        371 
Statistics  continued      Slave  representation  fairly  stated.  374 

Inquiry  into  the  charge  ag?iinst  the  southern  states  of  destroying  com- 
merce to  promote  manufacture  ."^fiZ 
Militia  defrnre.     Classification  systera  rejected.                 '•'  233 
66.  Right  of  society  to  coerce  and  duty  of  citizens  to  afford  military  ser- 
vice, reco^ni.xAl  by  the  constitution  and  laws                                             386 
Power  uf  coDfrress  to  call  out  the  militia      Usual  mode  of  drafting  op- 
pressive, unequal,  and  uniust.                                                            ^  -     39.3 
Inefficiency  of  militia  generally.     Extravagantly. expensive.       .        '"         39.7 
ClaSf-ification  of  militia  a  measure  of  the  revolution.     Borrowed  by  Bo- 
na] arte.     General  Knox's  plan  408 
Gerpi'mandeii'm     Grand  discovery  to  enable  a  minority  to  rule  the 

majority.  -  .  413 

fif:\ir.  of  rep~espntation  in  Mas:>achusette.  418 

VV(,ii(!eiful  contrast      In  vocation  to  war.  ,  422 

rrn.peri'v  of  the  U  States  during  the  different  abministrationi.  427 

445 


62. 
63 
64. 

65. 


67. 

68. 
69. 

70. 

71 

TZ. 
7'i 


fi.  Mificellaaeous  observations. 


• 


*** 


1.      AlRpiii 

uibeciJity, 

233 
conduct  of 

iJ36 

241 
or  for  war.  218 
t  the  gov- 

249 
fs  A.  Bay- 

256 
alone,  ac- 

2t]^ 
ed. '  Yan 

2ti8 
commerce. 

276 
ilomeftic, 

280 
le  eastern. 

293 
ercjal  and 

298 
:esB  of  the 

305 
Oppres- 
nada.  313 

321 
lind    Fro- 

323 
ogy  of  Se- 

327 
ruggle  for 

334 
le  part  of 

337 
>50.     Ap- 

351 
ministry.  353 
iation  of 

sties.        371 
374 
^'ing  com- 

382 
233 

tary  ser- 

386 

ting  op- 

3fl3 
39.7 

d  by  Bo- 

408 
rule  the 

413 
413 
422 
427 
445 


■j'r't.f-.f^H-  ** 


TRB 


OLIVE  BRANCH,  ^c 


u 

■4  -4' 


tf'ft  s 


•f '■'.''■. '» 


CHAPTER  I. 


-•/"Y-'^ 


►»*■ 


^:4  Crisis  of  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  Dangers  of  parties 
and  factions.  Similarity  of  our  situation  to  that  of  France, 
Italif  and  England,  previous  to  their  civil  wars.  To  excite 
insurrection  easi/.  To  all/a/ it  dijfficuU,  Dangerous  tenden^ 
cy  ofinjlananaiory  publications, 

THE  sKuation  of  the  United  States  was  in  the  fall  of 
1814  highly  critical.  Party  and  faction,  the  bane  and  de« 
atruction  of  all  the  old  republics,'"'  were  carried  to  such  ex- 
travagant lengths,  as  to  endanger  the  public  tranquillity— 
nnd  perhaps  lead  to  civil  war,  the  greatest  scourge  that  ever 
afflicted  mankind.  Unceasing  efforts  were  used  to  excite 
our  citizens  to  open  resistance  of  the  government.!  This 
principally  took  place  in  the  eastern  states ;  but  there  was 
hardly  a  portion  of  the  union,  in  which  there  were  not  per- 
sons constantly  employed  in  inflaming  the  public  mind,  and 


V* 


*  An  idea  Iim  been -propagated  by  superficial  writers,  and  pretty  universal- 
ly believed  hy  superBcial  readers,  that  party  and  faction  are  peculiar  to  re- 
Sublics.  Never  was  there  a  greater  error.  There  is  hardly  a  body  of  men, 
ow  small  or  insignificant  soever,  that  is  not  disturbed  more  or  less  by  party 
and  faction  Within  the  last  ten  years,  one-half  at  least,  of  the  Religious  Con- 
gregations In  Philadelphia,  have  been  distracted  by  discord  and  faction,  which, 
in  more  instances  than  one,  have  been  carried  to  tiie  extreme  length  of  abso- 
lute separation.  And,  to  mount  higher,  who  can  forget  the  violent  f:ictions  at 
the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Georse  III.  when  England  was  on  the  ve- 
ry verge  of  insurrection— and  let  me  add  the  religious  crusade  of  Lord  George 
Gordon,  which  was  the  offspring  of  faction,  and  ti^rminated  in  enkindling  tlur" 
ty-gix  fires  at  onee  in  London — of  which  city  the  mob  had  undisturbed  posses- 
sion for  several  days.  All  the  folons,  and  other  tenants  of  the  prisons  had 
their  chains  knocked  off.  and  were  let  loose  once  more  to  prey  on  the  public. 
The  enumei-ation  were  endless.    Let  this  slight  sketch  suffice. 

t  These  topics  will  be  fully  dlscu£.«ed  in  specific  chapters  at  the  cloie  of  tlu> 
work.  f  ' 

0 


30 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[I 


preparing  it  for  commotions.^  Thousands  and  tens  of  thou* 
sands  of  citizens,  upright,  honest,  and  honorahle  in  private 
life,  were  so  deluded  by  the  madness  of  party  as  to  believe, 
that  the  defeat,  the  disgrace,  and  the  disasters  of  our  armiesf— 
the  destruction  of  Uie  public  credit^-- (as  leading  to  the  expul- 
eion  from  their  stations  of  the  highest  public  functionaries  du- 
ly chosen  by  the  people) were  all  "  a  consummation  de- 
voutly to  be  wished" — and  the  certain  means  of  procuring  a 
speedy  and  an  honorable  peace,  which  we  could  not  fail  to 
obtain  from  the  magnanimity  of  Great  Britain,  provided  we 
removed  those  public  officers,  whom,  according  to  them,  she 
had  so  much  reason  to  execrate. 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  uniform  voice  of  history  proclaimed 
that  the  generosity  of  nations  towards  each  other  is  a  nonen- 
tity ;  that  the  terms  of  a  treaty  are  more  or  less  favorable  or 
injurious  in  proportion  to  the  relative  strength,  and  energy, 
and  means  of  annoyance  or  defence,  of  the  parties ;  that  |)Ow- 
crful  nations  have  almost  always  taken  advantage  of  the  fee- 
bleness of  their  adversaries ;  and  that  the  certain  road  to  a 
Bpeedy  and  an  honourable  peace  has  ever  been  to  wage  war 
ivith  the  utmost  decision  and  effect. 

Were  history  wholly  silent  on  this  topic,  the  inherent  pro- 
pensities of  human  nature,  properly  explored,  might  satisfy 
every  rational  mind  of  the  soundness  of  these  political  max- 
ims. They  are  fair  deductions  of  reason  and  common  sense, 
to  which  the  universal  experience  of  mankind  bears  testimo- 
ny. Every  nation,  in  its  periods  of  debility,  has  been  oblig- 
ed occasionally  to  submit  to  injustice.  Every  nation,  pos- 
sessing the  power  to  do  injustice,  has  more  or  less  availed 
itselfof  the  opportunity.         w     -^  ^    •      •" 

*  See  second  Note,  at  the  bottom  of  the  preceedirig  page. 

f  To  some  of  my  readers  this  will  srem  impossible.  It  certainly  appear* 
incredible.  But  there  are  many  things  rery  incredible,  that  are  nevertlicless 
true.  And  it  is  capable  of  the  most  complete  judicial  proof,  that  gentlemen 
highly  estimable  in  private  life,  have  thanlced  God  most  fervently  for  the  dis- 
graceful capture  of  our  armies.  Others  have  prayed  to  God  tliat  every  one  of 
our  soldiers  who  entered  Canada,  might  be  slaughtered.  This  is  one  of  the 
inany  strange  and  unaccountable  instances  in  which  our  history  is  utterly  un- 
like the  histories  of  the  other  nations  of  the  earth,  it  is  really  a  sui  generis. 
I  feel  pretty  confident  that  no  man  of  character  or  worth  in  England  or  France, 
ever  rcjoicvs  at  the  disgrace  or  disasters  of  his  country.  But  I  blush  to  tell  it, 
the  disgrace  of  our  armies  has  been  repeatedly  a  subject  of  as  much  exulta- 
tion in  our  cofTec  houses  and  our  newppupers,  as  in  the  city  of  London.  I  could 
name  individuals  of  the  utmost  worth  in  all  the  social  relations,  except  that 
nhich  they  bear  to  their  country,  whose  satisfaction  at  the  distresses  and  ein- 
barrassmeots  of  our  goveroraeat  hat  at  least  equalled  that  of  lord  Castle- 
rjagh. 


:,!i 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCfr. 


31 


IS  of  thou" 
in  private 
0  believe, 
armiest— 
Ihe  expuN 
naries  du- 
fiation  de- 
ocuring  a 
not  fail  to 
vided  we 
them,  she 

roclaimed 
s  a  nonen- 
vorable  or 
d  energy, 
that  |>ow- 
of  the  fee- 
road  to  a 
wage  war 

lerent  pro- 
ght  satififjr 

ical  max- 
non  sense, 
rs  testimo- 
een  oblig- 

ion,  pos- 
SB  availed 


inly  appears 
nevertlicless 
it  gentlemea 
for  thedis- 
Bvery  one  of 
s  one  of  the 

utterly  un- 
sui  generis. 
A  or  France, 
sh  to  tell  it, 
luch  exulta- 
lon.  f  could 

except  that 
ses  and  em- 
lord  Cagtie* 


I  was  aware,  that  my  fears  of  civil  war  were  regarded  as 
visionary,  as  the  wild  effusions  of  a  disorded  brain.  I  found 
myself  in  a  small  minority.  And  were  the  correctness  of 
opinions  to  be  tested  by  the  numbers  who  entertain  them, 
mine,  would  appear  most  miserably  erroneous.  But,  this  is  a 
conclusion  not  warranted  by  history.  It  had  been  a  thousand 
times  asserted,  and  will  be  as  often  repeated,  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  were  too  enlightened  to  fall  into  such  a  fatal 
error,  and  that  they  knew  too  well  the  value  of  the  blessings 
they  enjoyed,  to  sacrifice  them  so  absurdly.  Such  a  delusion 
was  pardonable  a  few  years  previous  to  that  period.  But  our 
then  recent,  stupendous  follies  ought  to  have  wholly  dispell- 
ed it.  We  displayed,  in  many  cases,  as  much  insanity  as  the 
history  of  the  world  exhibits  in  any  of  its  pages. 

Danger  is  not  diminished  by  shutting  our  eyes  against  its 
approach,  or  by  denying  its  existence.  This  would  be  a 
cheap  price  to  pay  for  security.  But  it  is  not  to  be  purchas- 
ed thus.  And  those  who  seriously  weigh  the  causes  that  led 
to  the  civil  wars  which  desolated  France,  under  the  house 
of  Yalois;  England  under  Charles  I. ;  and  Italy  for  entire 
centuries,  with  hardly  any  intermission ;  will  have  reason  to 
believe  that  our  security  was  by  no  means  so  well  founded  as 
was  generally  supposed.  In  numberless  points  of  view,  our 
situation  and  our  proceedings  bore  a  very  strong  analogy  to 
those  of  the  three  nations  to  wbieh  I  have  referred,  immedi- 
ately previous  to  their  respective  civil  wars.  Whoever  reads 
with  due  attention  Davila's  history  of  France,  Machiavel's 
of  Florence,  or  Clarendon^s  of  the  rebellion  under  Charles  I., 
will  be  astonished  at  the  near  resemblance.  '^ 

The  difference  between  our  situation  a  few  years  since, 
and  the  hite  turbid  state  of  the  country,  was  indubitably  far 
greater  than  from  where  we  then  stood  to  insurrection,  and 
separation,  and  civil  war.  While  there  were  so  many  com- 
bustible materials  scattered  abroad,  and  such  unceasing 
pains  taken  to  inflame  the  public  mind,  very  trivial  accidents 

*  Tho  divisions^  nnd  distractions,  and  factions,  that  prevailed  among,  and 
the  butelierjes  alternately  perpetrated  on  each  other,  by  tlie  contending  par- 
ties in  the  Grecian  and  Italian  republics,  are  ably  and  instructively  detailed  in 
the  Difence  of  the  American  Constitutions  by  the  ex-pre.sidc;it  John  Adams, 
"I'his  work  has  not  had  the  fate  it  merited.  It  has  been  laid  aside  and  almost 
forgotten.  _  Vet  there  is  no  work  extant  whicli  contains  more  useful  lessons 
for  an  American— none  in  which  the  horrors  of  faction  are  more  forcibly  dis- 
played—none timt  our  stgtrfmen  and  politicians  ought  to  study  more  care- 
fully. A  few  passages,  selected  here  and  there,  have  been  employed  for  the- 
purpose  of  decrying  it,  and  with  too  much  succes".  But  there  never  yet  was  a 
human  prcductioii  that  might  not  be  eoBdemned  to  the  flames  by  the  same  mode 
of  tiial. 


i^^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


might  have  enkindled  a  conflagration.— ^Onee  unhinge  a  gov* 
ernment — once  let  loose  mankind  from  the  restraints  of  law 
and  constitution'-and  the  human  mind  cannot  readily  calcu- 
late the  terrible  result. 

It  was  said,  that  those  who  had  for  years  urged  the  propri- 
ety, and  necessity,  and  advantages  to  the  eastern  states,  of  a 
dissolution  of  the  union,  did  not  intend  to  proceed  thus  far ; 
and  that  they  held  out  these  threats  m  terrorem  to  awe  the 
administration.  There  is  the  strongest  possible  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  this  was  a  pernicious,  a  fatal  error — and  that  the 
leaders  of  the  malcontents  were  perfectly  serious  in  their 
views  of  a  separation.  How  often  had  the  churches  echoed 
^Ith  the  insurrectional,  the  .treasonable,  the  fanatical,  the  re- 
bellious cry,  "WHERE  IS  OUR  MOSES?  Wlure  is  the 
rod  of  Ms  miracles  ?  Where  is  our  Aaron  2  Have  we  no  Mo^ 
€es  to  had  us  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt  J"'  Fatuity  itself  coukl 
not  mistake  the  meaning  of  this  species  of  declamation.  But 
even  were  the  leaders  merely  threatening,  it  afforded  us  no  se- 
curity against  the  ruinous  result.  Those  who  raise  the 
storm  of  civil  commotions,  possess  not  the  power  at  pleasure 
to  alluy  its  violence — to  say  with  effect,  "  thus  far  shalt  thou 
go,  and  no  farther."*  This  theory  was  fully  exemplified  in  the 
civil  w;  rs  of  England  between  Charles  I.  and  his  parlia- 
ment, and  likewise  in  the  French  revolution.  The  latter,  of 
which  nearly  all  the  early  leaders  perished  in  jails  and  on 
scatfolds,  is  a  very  strong  case.  Very  few  of  these  distin- 
guished and  illustrious  men  contemplated  a  recourse  to  arms. 
They  hoped  for  a  bloodless  triumph  over  tyranny.  But 
they  were  borne  down  and  destroyed  by  violent,  and  wick- 
ed, and  sanguinary  men,  or  rather  monsters,  whom  their  pro- 
ceedings released  from  restraint,  but  whom  their  utmost  ef- 
forts could  not  restrain  or  control. 

Never  had  brighter  prospects  shone  on  a  nation  than  those 
that  shone  on  the  United  States.  Never  had  a  nation  been 
more  highly  blest.  Never  had  the  security  of  person  and 
property — of  liberty,  civil  and  religious — been  attained  by 
such  easy  sacrifices.  Never  had  the  weight  of  government 
pressed  more  lightly.  It  was  not  felt.  Never  had  the  fond- 
est theories  of  philosophers  and  lovers  of  mankind,  been 
more  completely  realized. 

Our  case  was  very  analagous  to  that  of  a  youth  who  inher- 
its a  large  estate,  and,  unacquainted  with  the.  ditTicuIty  of  its 
acquisition,  cannot  form  an  estimate  of  its  value.  This  can 
only  be  done  by  a  due  consideration  of  the  condition  of  those 
rvho  are  destitute  of  the  advantages  of  fortune.     He  becomes 


:■■* 


ige  B  gov'o 
nts  of  law 
liily  calcU' 

the  propri- 
jtates,  of  a 
1  thus  far ; 
lo  awe  the 
18011  to  be- 
ll that  the 
s  ill  their 
les  echoed 
cal,  the  re- 
'here  is  the 
we  no  M(h 
itself  could 
ation.  But 
3d  us  no  se- 
)  raise  the 
at  pleasure 
r  shalt  thou 
lified  in  the 
his  parlia- 
le  latter,  of 
lils  and  on 
lesc  distin- 
'se  to  arms, 
ny.      But 
and  wick- 
1  their  pro- 
utmost  ef- 

(han  those 
[ition  been 
lerson  and 
tained  by 
overnnient 
d  the  fond- 
Lind,  beeu 

who  inher- 
julty  of  its 
This  can 
on  of  1  hose 
e  becomes 


THE  OUVE  BRANCH. 


a  prodigal.  He  lavishes  away  his  treasures.  He  only  then 
begins  to  appreciate  them,  when  they  are  irretrievably 
squandered.  This  was  precisely  our  case.  We  had  not  suf- 
ficiently compared  our  situation  with  that  of  the  mass  of 
manliind.— We  had  never  taken  a  full  view  of  the  glorious,  the 
inestimable  advantages  we  possessed.  We  had  the  most  no* 
ble  inheritance  that  ever  f«ii  to  the  lot  of  a  nation,  and  had 
not  duiy  appreciated  our  happiness.  We  had  jeopardized 
it  most  wantonly  and  fatuitously. — We  were  on  the  verge  of 
its  total  loss.  A  little  further  progress  in  folly  and  madness, 
and  we  should  have  been  undone.  We  had  by  rapid  strides, 
ajtproached  the  banks  of  the  Rubicon.  Whether  we  should 
plunge  in,  and  ford  the  stream,  or,  struck  with  a  due  sense  of 
our  errors  and  our  danger,  make  a  retrograde  movement,  and 
regain  the  elysium  whence  we  started,  was  in  the  womb  of 
time.  Heaven  directed  us  to  the  blessed  alternative!  Be- 
yond the  stream  verges  a  dreary  desart,  wKere  anarchy  and 
civil  war  hold  their  terrific  reign,  with  all  their  long  train  of 
horrors,  and  where  the  devious  paths  lead  directly  to  ruth- 
less des[iotism. 

It  was  time,  thierefore,  to  make  a  solemn  pause — to  retrace 
our  steps — and,  since  we  refused  to  profit  by  the  sad  expe- 
rience of  other  ages  and  nations,  to  avail  ourselves  of  our 
own.  By  honest  endeavours by  abating  the  odious  vio- 
lence of  i)arty  spirit — by  mutual  compromise — by  rending 
asunder  the  odious,  the  degrading,  the  pernicious  yoke  of 
the  violent  men  whose  influence  and  prosperity  depended  on 
public  commotions — we  might  happily  regain  the  ground  we 
Inid  lost — we  might  dispel  the  delusioa  that  was  leading  us 
to  temporal  perdition. 

To  vindicate  myself  from  the  charge  of  folly,  in  my  gloo- 
my apprehensions  and  anticipations,  I  submit  to  the  reader 
a  few  specimens  of  the  unceasing  efforts  which  for  years  have' 
been  making^to  enkindle  the  flames  of  civil  war.  That  we 
liave  not  yet  been  involved  in  it,  isnot  justly  chargeable  to 
the  want  of  a  due  degree  of  labour  and  industry.  Never  wag 
more  activity  displayed — never  was  a  cause  more  sedulous- 
ly or  ably  advocated.  And  never  was  there  less  scruple 
about  the  means,  provided  the  end  was  accomplised. 

"  On  or  before  the  4th  of  July,  if  James  Madison  is  not,  out  of  oflBce,  a  ntm 
form  nf  government  will  be  in  operation  in  the  tasteYn  seeUon  of  the  union, 
instantly  ^fter,  the  contest  in  many  of  the  states  will  be,  whether  to  adhere  to 
the  old,  or  join  the  new  government.  Like  every  thing  else  foi^told  years  ago,  - 
and  which  is  verified  every  day,  this  warning  will  be  also  ridiculai*  as  visona- 
ry.  Be  it  so.  But  Mr.  Madison  cannot  complete  his  tenn  ©f  pervicc,  if  the  ■• 
war  coutinues.  It  is  not  possible ;  and  if  he  knew  human  nature,  he  wouli^ 
see  it."    Ftdtrul  Republiami  November  7.  ViU, 

D3 


m 


d4 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"  Is  there  a  federalist,  a  patriot  in  America,  who  conceives  it  his  duly  iu 
rfird  hi«  blood  for  Bouapai  te,  for  Madison,  for  J«?frerson,  and  that  HOST  OF 
RUFFIANS  in  Congreas,  who  have  get  their  faces  against  US  for  years,  and 
l>I)irited  ii]>  the  BRUTAL  pakt  of  the  populace  to  destroy  us  P  Not  one. — 
shall  we  then  any  longer  l)e  held  in  slavery,  and  driven  to  desperate  poverty, 
by  such  a  graceless  faction  !'— Heaven  forbid,"     Boiton  Gasitle. 

"  //  at  the  present  moment,  no  symptoms  qf  civil  war  appear,  TTT'  THE  Y 
CERTAINLY  WILL  SOON,  unless  the  courage  o/the  mir  party  jail  them.'' 
Sermon  by  DaviJ  Osgood,  D.  D.  Pastor  of  the  chujci)  of  Medford,  delivered 
Juno26   1812,  page'J. 

*•  A  civil  war  bfcnmrj  as  certain  a«  the  events  that  happzn  aeeording  to  the, 
known  laws  and  established  ctmrse  of  nature y     Idem  puge  15. 

♦•  If  we  would  preserve  the  liberties,  by  llmt  struggle  [the  American  revolu- 
tion] so  dearly  purchased,  the  call  for  RESISTANCE  ugaimt  the  tisurpations 
qfour  own  governmtnt  it  as  urgent  as  it  was  formerly  against  those  if  our 
toother  counttyy* 

"  If  the  impending  negociation  with  Great  Britain  is  defeated  by  insidious 
artifice  ;  if  ll»e  friendly  and  conciiiatory  proposals  of  the  enemy  should  not, 
from  Frendi  subserviency,  or  views  of  sectional  ambition,  be  met  throughout 
with  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  siwcerity,  so  as  to  terminate  the  infamous  war 
which  is  scattering  its  hoiTors  around  us,  ani  arrest  the  calamities  and  distress 
of  a  disgraced  country,  it  is  necessary  to  apprise  you,  that  suck  conduct  will  be 
tvo  longer  home  nilh.  The  injured  States  will  be  compelled,  by  every  motive  (f 
duty,  interest,  and  honour  ;  by  one  manly  exertion  rf  their  strength,  to  daih 
into  atoms  the  bonds  if  tyranny.  It  will  t/ien  be  too  late  to  retract.  The  die 
nill  be  cast.    Freedom  preserved,  "f 

'•  A  separalitm  of  the  States  nill  be  an  inevitable  result.  Motives  nutwrous 
and  urgent  will  demand  that  mea^tire.  As  they  originate  in  opj)ression,  the  op- 
pressors muH  be  responsible  for  the  momentous  and  oyntingent  events,  arising 
from  the  dissolutim  of  tlie  present  confederacy,  and  the  erection  of  separate 
governments.  It  will  be  their  work.  While  posterity  will  admire  the  inde- 
pendent spirit  of  the  Eastern  section  of  our  country,  and  with  sentiments  of 
gratitude,  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  firmness  and  wiedom — the  descendants  of 
the  South  and  West  will  have  reasoa  to  curse  the  infatuation  and  folly  of  your 
councils."    (Idem  page 9.) 

**  Bold  and  rt^ohitt,  nhen  tJiey  step  forth  in  the  sacred  came  of  freedom  and 
independence,  the  Northern  ptople  will  secure  their  object.  No  obstacle  can  im- 
pede them.  No  force  can  withstand  their  powerful  arm.  The  most  numerous 
armies  will  melt  before  their  manly  strength:  Does  not  the  p3ge  of  history 
instruct  yon,  that  the  feeble  debility  of  the  South,  never  could  face  the  vigor- 
ous activity  of  the  North  ?  Do  not  tlie  events  of  past  ages  remind  you  of  the 
.  valuable  truth,  that  a  singh  spark  of  Northern  liberty,  especially  when  en- 
tightened  by  congenial  covimerce,  nill  explode  a  whole  atmosphere  of  sultry 
Southern  despotism  ?  You  well  know  the  termination  of  the  expedition  of 
Xerxes,  with  his  hundreds  of  thon.«and9,  against  the  Greeks  !  The  comnter- 
eial  Atlienians  taught  the  debilitated  tyrant  of  Asia,  on  the  plains  ofMara- 
tlion,  and  at  tlie  streights  of  Salamis,  of  what  exertions  Freedom  is  capable, 
when  roused  by  oppression-  The  hardy  Macedonians  not  only  defeated  and 
dispersed  countless  hordes  of  Southern  effeminacy,  but  traverfced  their  coun- 
try at  pleasure."    (Idem  page  i:^) 

*  Discourse  delivered  ^jefbre  the  lieutenant  "•nvemor,  the  council,  and  the 
two  houses  composing  the  legislat»''e  of  tlie  'oniiPonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 
.  jVIay  31,  1809.     By  David  Osgood,  D.  D.  page  25. 

f  "  Northern  grievances,  set  forth  in  a  Letter  to  James  Madison,  by  a  North 
American.."  Publisiied  May,  1814,  and  circulattd  with  great  industl'y, 
throughout  New-England  aad  New- Vork.  page  4.  l        ' 


♦ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


35 


it  his  duty  iv 
at  HOST  OF 
for  years,  and 
?  Not  one. — 
f rate  poverty, 

rti^/aUlhem.''' 
brd,  delivered 

cording  to  thf. 

leiican  revolu- 
Ihe  usurpations 
it  tJwse  of  OUT 

d  by  insidious 
ny  should  not, 
aet  througliout 
s  infamous  war 
ieg  and  distress 
conduct  nill  be 
every  motive  (f 
ren^^th,  to  da:,h 
••act.      The  die 

lives  numfrous 
)rcssion,  the  op- 
ivents,  arinng 
on  of  separate 
mire  the  inde- 
li  sentinipnts  of 
descendants  of 
id  folly  of  your 

of  freedom  and 

jbitacle  can  im- 

most  numerous 

i3ge  of  history 

face  the  vigor- 

ind  you  of  the 

inlly  nhen  en- 

ohere  of  sultry 

^  expedition  of 

The  comnier- 

ains  ofMara- 

miis   capable, 

y  defeatf'd  and 

ed  their  coun- 


uncil,  and  the 
Massachusetts, 

on,  by  a  North 
reat  indudtl'.v, 


;,  '•  When  ?'.ic!i  are  the  efferts  of  oppression  upon  men  resolved  not  to  submif, 

,       as  dirplayed  in  the  North  and  Scuti;  of  Europe,  and  in  all  ngcs  of  llie  world, 
;  ^       do  you  flatter  yourself  with  it."  pidduciiig  a  dilTercHt  operation  in  this  country  ;' 
'\^       Do  you  lliink  tiic  energies  of  Nortiit  rn  freemen  are  to  be  tamely  muoLhcred  V 
Do  you  imagine  they  will  allow  tiuin^selvcs  to  be  trampled  upon  with  inipjuii 
t>  !'   And  by  whom?  The  Southmi  and  Western  Stute.s !    by  men  who  eunl 
ted  eflbrtu  are  not  sufficient  to  keep  in  order  thtir  own  enslavfd   population, 
and  dffend  their  own  frontiers  !  by  warrior.'^  whose  repeated  attempts  at  inva- 
sion o»  a  neij;hbouriiis  province,  have  been  disgracefully  foiled  by  a  handful  oi 
disciplined  1 1 oop.s  !  by  Generals,  monuments  of  arro;;ance  and  folly  I  bycouir- 
/         cils  llic  esbence  of  corruption.  imlK^ci'ity  und  tnadnevs  ! 

"  The  (iggrti^rite  strength  of  the  Soidh  and  fVest,  if  brought  agidnsi  the  North, 
would  he  driven  int't  the  acean.  or  back  to  their  on  n  suUri!  nild'!—!md  the,; 
mi^ht  think  thanselcji  fortunate  \f  they  esc  r/nvi  other  punishnunt  thnn  p  de 
feat,  which  their  temerity  ntuld  merit.  WWiXk  the  one  would  strive  to  en- 
slave, tlie  otlier  wouUl  tight  for  freedom.  Wijile  the  councils  of  the  0!ie  would 
be  di-stracted  with  discordant  interests  ;  the  decinions  of  tlie  otiier  would  he  di- 
rected by  one  soul.     Beware  !  Pause  !  before  yoa take  the  fatal  pluiise  " 

(Idem  pae;f  1.1) 
**  You  have  carried  your  oppressions  to  the  utmost  it^  etch.  iVc  will  no 
longer  submit.  Restore  the  Constitution  to  its  purity  j  give  us  scfurity  foi* 
tiie  future,  indcumity  for  the  past.  .Vboiish  every  tyrannical  law.  Make  ar\ 
immediate  and  honorable  peace.  Revive  our  Commerce.  Increasejonr  a:.- 
vy.  Protect  our  seamen.  Unless  yni  cumply  nith  thi^f.just  demands,  mtk- 
out  delay,  we  mil  nithdraiv  from  the  Uni-m,  ^caller  to  the  ninds  the  bonds  of 
tyranny,  and  transmit  to  posterity,  that  Liberty  purchaicd  by  the  RcvAution.''* 

(Idem  page  Iti.) 
"  Americans  f  PREPARE  YOUR  ARMS—yminillsuun  hr^cUcdtoir.s 
them.  We  mu-it  use  them  for  the  empeiorof  France,  O/i  POll  OUR- 
SELVES. It  is  hut  an  individual  who  m\v  points  to  this  ambiguous  alterna- 
tive. But  Mr.  Madison  and  his  cabal  m.iy  rest  assured,  there  is  in  the  hearts 
of  many  thousands  in  this  abused  atid  almost  ruined  cou:itry,  a  sentiment  and 
energy  to  ilhutrate  the  distinction  when  his  madness. shall  call  it  into  action.'* 

(Boston  Repertory.) 
"  Old  Massachusetts  is  as  terrible  to  the  Anuria  n.  non;  as  she  was  to  tiie 
British  cabinet  in  1775  y  for  America.,  too,  haa  her  Butcs  and  htr  Norths.  Let 
then  the  commercial  st'ites  breast  themselves  to  the  i-hock.  afid  know  tlr.it  to  tliem- 
selves  they  must  look  for  safety.  All  party  bickerings  must  be  s.icrificed  on 
the  altar  of  patriotism.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  shrill  they  humble  the  pride 
and  ambition  of  Virginia,  whose  slren.ith  lies  in  their  weakness  ;  and  chastise 
the  insolence  of  those  madmen  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  nho  aspire  to  the 
govermment  tf  these  states,  and  threaten  to  involve  the  country  in  all  the  horrors 
of  war.''*  (Nciv- York  Commercial  Advertiser.) 

The  language  of  the  writers  is  plain  and  unequivocal.    It 
aduiits  of  no  mistake  or  misconstruction.     That  lliey  intend- 
ed to  produce  insurrection  and  dissolution  of  the  union,  ua- 
i        less  they  and  their  friends  were  enabled  to  seize  m)on  the 
I        government,  regardless  of  the  frightful  consequences,  it  woidd 
I        require  consummate  inpudence  to  deny  ;    it  would  be  folly, 
I        or  insanity  to  disbelieve.       What  might  ultimately  be  their 
U        success,  it  was  ihfipnssible  to  foresee.     Every  thing  deuend- 
(i,        ed  on  the  course  pursued  by  those  who  had  an  interest  in  the 
I         public  welfare.     If  they  were  not  wanting  to  themselves  and 
to  their  country,  we  wert^  sure  to  rise  triiimt'hant  over  our 
(Ufficulties  and  emburrasgiueuts.     But  if  the  then  prevailing 


m 


3» 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


wonderful  apathy  continued;  if  we  remained  sluggishly  with 
our  arms  I'oldtd,  while  our  situation- became  daily  more  aw- 
ful and  iihumui'i;  ruin  was  inevitable.  We  should  have  af- 
forded one  of  the  most  striking  instances  in  history,  of  pre- 
in'ilure  ilacjy  nnd  dtorepitude.  The  Lord  in  his  mercy  has 
averted  such  an  awfu!  fate  ! 

Reliance  was  i)laced  by  those  who  denied  the  existence  of 
the  danger  which  I  deprecated,  upon  the  sober  ciiaracter  of 
the  nation.  They  regarded- that  chtii'MCler  as  a  guarantee 
asainst  civil  war.  I  was  well  aware  ol  th's  circumstance.  I 
allowed  it  a  due  share  of  intiuence  and  importance.  But  the 
strong  inference  drawn  from  it,  was  unwarranted  by  history. 
And  let  it  be  observed,  once  for  all,  that  the  only  unerring 
guide  in  government,  or  politics,  is  history,  to  the  neglect  of 
whose  lessons  may  be  ascribed  more  than  two  thirds  of  our 
errors  and  follies. 

T^je  Athenians  were  a  highly  polished,  and  a  refined  peo- 
ple. No  nations  in  ancient  times,  ever  excelled  them  in  these 
respects.  Yet  they  were  occasionally  seduced  into  the  most 
frightful  cruelties  by  their  Cleons  and  other  enrages.  They 
often  massacred  their  prisoners  in  cold  blood,  and  long  after 
they  were  taken.  And  the  proscriptions  and  butcheries  the 
adverse  parties  perpetrated  on  each  other,  as  they  gained  the 
ascendency,  are  frightful  subjects  of  reflection,  and  to  us  hold 
out  most  invaluable  warnings. 

No  nation  of  modern  Europe  excelled  Prance,  few  equal- 
led her — in  courtesy — in  mildness — in  urbanity.  And  yet 
never  did  mankind  exhibit  themselves  under  a  more  hideous 
aspect — never  did  they  change  nature  more  completely  with 
"wolves,  tygers,  and  hyaenas,  than  the  French  under  Marat, 
Danton,  Couthon,  and  Robespierre.  UT^"  These  are  awful 
kssans^  to  which  these  who  were  lending  their  aid  to  tear  down 
the  pillars  of  our  government^  ought  to  have  attended. 

Man  is  the  same  every  where,  under  the  same  excitements. 
We  have  our  Cleons,  and  our  Couthons,  and  our  Dantons, 
and  our  Robespierres,  who  only  required  suitable  occasions  to 
have  given  scope  to  their  energies^  Mild  and  gentle  as  is 
the  American  character  generally,  the  revolution  in  this 
country  exhibited  in  various  places,  where  the  parties  were 
rancorously  embittered  against  each  othec  many  terrifying 
scenes.  Prisoners  were  often  hung  up  without  trial  by  the 
partizans  on  both  sides.  Men  and  women  were  treacherous- 
ly shot  down  in  their  houses.  And  not  unfrequently  private 
malice,  to  sate  its  rage,  disguised  itself  under  the  cloak  of 
public  spirit.  Let  us  ponder  well  on  those  circumstauces. 
They  are  fraught  with  importaat  admonitions* 


7 


4 


THE  OLIVE  BRANGH. 


37 


jglialily  with 
y  more  aw- 
uld  have  af- 
Lory,  of  pre- 
3  mercy  has 

jTfistence  of 

?.]iaracter  of 
u  guarantee 
instance.  I 
B.  But  the 
by  history. 
\y  unerring 
B  neglect  of 
lirds  of  our 

refined  peo- 
em  in  these 
ito  the  most 
i^es.  They 
]  long  after 
tcheries  the 
I  gained  the 
cl  to  us  hold 

few  equal- 
And  yet 
jre  hideous 
letely  with 
der  Marat, 
are  awful 
0  tear  down 
d. 

citements. 
Dantons, 
ccasions  to 
;entle  as  is 
[>n  in  this 
irties  were 
terrifying 
rial  by  the 
eacherous- 
tly  private 
cloak  of 
imstauced. 


To  apply  a  remedy  to  any  evil,  moral  or  physical,  it  is  in- 
dispensably necessary  to  explore  its  nature — to  ascertain  il5 
causes — and  to  trace  its  consequences.  Any  other  proce- 
dure arises  from  error  and  folly,  and  is  pregnant  with  defeat 
and  disap{)ointment. 

With  this  view  I  respectfully  solicits  he  public  atten- 
tion. I  took  a  rapid  retrospective  glance  at  the  folly  and 
guilt,  which  the  factious  and  discordant  state  of  our  country 
bad  generated.  As  far  as  in  my  power,  I  divested  myself  of 
any  party  bias,  and  treated  the  subject  as  if  it  belonged  to  an- 
other age  or  nation.  Whatever  errors  1  fell  into,  arose  not 
from  sinister  intention:  they  were  chargeable  to  inadvert- 
ence and  human  imperfection.  On  my  freedom  from  partial- 
ity, 1  felt  the  more  reliance,  from  my  unalterable  conviction* 
that  both  the  hostile  parties  that  divide  this  country,  and  who 
regard  each  other  with  so  much  hatred  and  jealously,  had 
largely  contributed  towards  the  misfortunes  that  had  befallea 
us — the  melancholy  change  that  had  taken  place  in  our  situ- 
ation— and  the  dangers  that  threatened  us.  It  was  impossi- 
ble for  a  candid  mind  to  review  the  scenes  through  which  we 
had  passed  for  some  years,  without  a  thorough  conviction, 
that  each  had  been  guilty  of  most  egregious  errors  and 
follies,  and  occasionally  of  something  worse  than  either;  and 
^  that  \Xj^nlicnev€r  the  interests  of  the  nation  and  tJie  interests  of 
.  the  partly  came  iti  collision,  the  former  had  been  too  frequent^ 
sacrificed^  hy  both  federalists  and  dimocrats  to  the  latter.  No 
man  who  has  any  public  spirit,  can  take  a  review  of  our  his- 
tory without  feeling  the  deepest  regret  at  the  extent  of  the 
mischief  this  miserable  system  of  conduct  has  produced.  It 
has  defeated  many  of  the  noblest  plans  that  the  wisdom  of  the 
country  has  ever  devised.  1  may  be  wrong  in  my  calcula- 
tions ;  but  I  believe  it  has  prevailed  to  at  least  as  great  an 
extent  here,  as  in  almost  any  other  country,  or  at  any  other 
period  of  time.  When  the  present  generation  sits  for  its  pic- 
ture to  the  historian,  it  will  form  a  strong  contrast  to  that 
which  is  past  and  gone.  The  errors  or  follies,  however*  of 
either  party  would  have  produced  but  little  injury  compara- 
tively, had  not  those  of  the  other  conspired  to  give  them  ma- 
lignity and  etfect. 

From  this  exposition  of  my  views,  it  was  obvious  I  should 
iteer  a  course  very  ditferent  from  the  generality  of  \^  riters  on 
jjolitical  topics.     With  hardly  a  single  exception,  their  ob* 

*■  This  is  one  of  the  most  lamentable  and  humiliating  fucts  ip  our  history. 


A.*. 


38 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Ject  is,  having  espoused  a  party,  to  justiry  and  emblazon  its 
supporters,  whether  right  or  vsrong ;  and,  if  needs  be, 

*'  To  make  tlic  worgc  appear  the  better  cause.** 

In  pursuit  of  this  object,  their  own  partizans  ure  all  angels  of 
light, — whose  sublime  and  mtigniticent  plans  of  policy  ure 
calculated  to  produce  a  political  millenium ;  and  their  oppo- 
nents, demons  incarnate,  intent  on  the  destruction  of  the  best 
interests  of  the  country.  These  portraits  are  equally  unjust 
and  incorrect.  One  is  all  beauty,  with  little  resemblance  to 
the  pretended  original — the  other  a  hideous  caricature,  equal- 
ly  foreign  from  honor,  truth,  and  justice. 

Amon<];  the  frightful  consequences  resulting  from  this  odi- 
ous practice,  a  plain  and  palpable  one  presents  itself.  These 
horrible  portraits  engendered  a  satanical  spirit  of  hutred, 
malice,  and  abhorrence  in  the  parties  towards  each  other. 
Citizens  of  adverse  opinions,  whose  views  were  perfectly 
pure  and  public  spirited,  were  to  each  other  objects  of  dis- 
trust and  jealously.  We  attached  all  possible  guilt  and  wick- 
edness— political  at  least — to  our  opponents — and  then  de- 
tested the  hobgoblins  which  we  hao  ourselves  created. 
'  It  is  not  thus  society  is  constituted.  The  mass  of  man- 
kind perhaps  of  all  parties,'  and  in  a'l.ages,  have  meant  well, 
except  in  very  corrupt  states  of  society.  And  little  more  is 
necessary  to  produce  harmony  between  them,  than  to  under- 
stand each  other  correctly..  But  hostility  is  excited  and  per- 
petuated by  the  intrigues  and  management  of  demagogues, 
whose  influence  and  consequence  depend  on  fomenting  dis- 
cord, and  who  would  sii.k  into  insignificance  in  times  of 
tranquility.  Mankind,  aa  1  have  hinted,  hate  each  other, 
not  for  real  existing  differences,  but  for  phantoms,  the  pro- 
duction of  heated  imaginations.  Experience  has  frequently 
evinced  that  the  very  plans  of  policy  which  parties  out  of 
power  have  reprobated  and  denounced  as  pernicious,  they 
have  j)ursued  themselves  ns  soon  as  they  had  vanquished 
their  opponents,  and  seized  on  their  places.  And  I  believe 
every  man  of  reflection  will  acknowledge,  that  if  the  federal- 
ists had  retained  the  administration  in  their  hands,  they 
would  have  advocated  the  rights  of  their  country  as  firmly 
as  their  successors  have  done ;  and  would  probably  have 
adopted  measures  to  resist  the  arrogant  and  destructive  claims 
of  England,  similar  to  t-hose,  for  which  they  have  so  strenu- 
ously, though  not  very  honourably  or  consistently,  opposed 
the  present  administration. 

This  is  not  mere  supposition.      It  is  historical  fact.      It 
will  be  seen  in  the  sequel  of  this  work,  that  the  federalists 


^. 


THE  OLIVE  BRA 


39 


emblazon  i{& 
ids  be, 

'e  all  angels  of 
of  policy  are 
nd  their  oppo- 
on  of  the  best 
equally  uiijust 
esetnblunce  to 
icature,  equal- 

from  this  odi- 
itself.  These 
rit  of  hatred, 
s  each  other, 
fere  perfectly 
objects  of  dis- 
nilt  and  >vick- 
-and  then  de- 
zreated. 
mass  of  man- 
e  meant  well, 
little  more  is 
han  to  under- 
cited  and  per- 
demagogues, 
)raenting  dis- 
5  in  times  of 
;  each  other, 
)ms,  the  pro- 
las  frequently 
larties  out  of 
licious,  they 
1  vanquished 
nd  I  believe 
'  the  federal 
hands,  they 
try  as  firmly 
•obably  have 
jctive  claims 
ve  so  strenu- 
itly,  opposed 

jal  fact.      It 
le  federalists 


took  as  high  ground  on  the  subject  of  »»pr»  ssm**'  ,  and  aa 
firmly  and  j>atriotically  resisted  the  un juf  the  liar  l^  th*-  «le. 
grading  pretensions  of  England,  as  Mr. .)  Terson  o\  Mr.  Mp  V 
ison  have  done.  Yet  the  resistance  of  the  two  latier  p>  • 
dents  has  tieen  among  the  strongest  accusations  £iIUmI  a 
against  them  by  their  political  adversaries.  It  is  impusfe<  e 
to  rrfli'ct  on  these  topics  without  sigbing  over  human  wi  .«k- 
ncss  and  folly.  Federalism  hag  in  these  transactions  suffer^ 
ed  a  stain  never  to  be  effaced. 


•>» 


CHAPTER  11. 

Errors  of  the  Democratic  Party,  Federal  Constitution.    Oppo- 
silion  to  a  Navy.  Allien  ami  Sedition  Law.  Jay's  Treaty. 

In  pursuance  of  my  plan,  I  proceed  to  a  review  of  those 
errors  of  the  democratic  party,  which  contributed  to  produce 
the  change  in  the  prospects  of  this  country,  and  to  darken  the 
political  horizon ;  and  1  trust  it  will  appear  that  I  have  not 
done  them  injustice  in  charging  a  large  portion  of  the  folly 
tnd  guilt  to  their  account. 

»  Federal  Constitution. 

In  the  convention  that  formed  the  federal  constitution,  the 
ilemocratic  party  sowed  the  seeds  of  a  premature  dissolution 
of  that  instrument,  and  of  the  American  confederacy.  Re- 
garding society  more  as  it  oughf  to  be,  than  as  it  has  ever 
been,  or  is  ever  likely  to  be — led  away  by  theories  more 
plausible  than  solid — applying  to  a  free  elective  government, 
deriving  all  its  powers  and  authorities  from  the  voice  of  the 
people,  m:ixims,and  apprehensions,  and  precautions,  calcula- 
ted for  the  meridian  of  monarchy,  they  directed  all  iheir  ef- 
forts, and  all  their  views,  towards  guarding  against  oppres- 
sion from  the  federal  government.  Whatever  of  authority 
or  power,  they  divested  it  of,  to  bestow  on  the  state  govern- 
ments, or  reserve  to  the  peo[)le,  was  regarded  as  an  impor- 
tant advantage.  Against  the  federal  government  their  fears 
and  terrors  were  wholly  directed.  This  was  the  horrible 
monster,  which  they  laboured  to  cripple  and  chain  dowp.  to 
prevent  its  ravages.  The  state  governments  they  reganled 
with  the  utmost  complacence,  as  the  public  protectors  against 
this  dreadful  enemy  of  liberty.  Had  they  succeeded  in  hU 
tbeir  views,  they  would  have  depriveil  the  geneial  govern 


10 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


fin 


il' 


f  f^' 


itirnt  of  nearly  all  its  efficiency.  Alas !  little  did  they  gup- 
poie  that  our  greatest  dungcrs  would  arise  from  the  UBurfia^ 
tions  or  the  slate  governments,  some  o(  which  have  since 
most  awfully  antl  treasonably  Jeopardised  the  union.  Unfor- 
tunately this  party  whs  too  successful  in  the  convention. 
Its  endeavors  pro<luced  a  constitution,  which,  however  admi- 
rably calculated  for  a  period  of  peace,  hag  been  found  in- 
competent in  war  to  call  forth,  at  once  and  decisively,  the 
energies  of  the  nation,  and  the  administration  of  which  has 
been  repeatedly  l)earded,  baffled,  and  thwarted  by  the  state 
governments.  Had  the  real  federalists  in  the  convention 
succeeded,  and  made  the  general  government  somewhat  more 
energetic — endowed  it  with  a  small  degree  more  of  power- 
it  might  endure  for  centuries.  What  fate  at  present  awaits  it, 
is  not  in  human  wisdom  to  foresee.  I  fervently  pray,  with 
the  celebrated  father  Paul,  esto prrpctua. 

This  error  of  the  democratic  party  arose  from  a  want  of  due 
regard  to  the  history  of  republics,  and  from  a  profound  study 
of  those  political  writers  who  had  written  under  monarchical 
governments,  and  whose  views  were  wholly  directed  to 
guard  against  the  danger  of  tyranny  flowing  from  the  over- 
weening regal  power,  especially  when  possessed  by  men  of 
powerful  talents,  and  great  ambition.  The  theories  whence 
they  derived  their  views  of  government  were  splendid  and 
sulklime — the  productions  of  men  of  great  public  spirit,  and 
regard  for  the  general  welfare  and  happiness — and,  bad  they 
been  duly  attempered  by  maxims  drawn  from  experience, 
T^'ould  have  been  of  inestimable  value. 

Estahlishmenl  of  a  small  Navy, 

The  steady  and  factious  opposition  made  by  the  democrat- 
ic party,  to  the  establishment  of  a  small  navy,  adequate  at 
least  to  the  protection  of  our  own  coasts,  has  been  proved  hy 
the  event  to  have  been  most  wretched  and  miserable  policy. 
It  arose,  as  well  from  a  spirit  of  hostility  towards  the  party  in 
power,  as  from  a  sordid  and  contemptible  8|)irit  of  economy, 
Tvhich  has  in  many  instances  disgraced  and  dishonoured  this 
party,  who  have  frequently  proved  themselves,  to  use  a  very 
trite  but  very  expressive  proverb,  "  penny  wise — pound  fool- 
ish." When  we  analyse  the  boasted  spirit  of  economy,  to 
which  the  opposition  to  a  navy  may  be  in  part  ascribed,  we 
shall  find  it  arises  from  two  sources ;  the  one,  from  men  of 
narrow  minds  carrying  into  public,  the  huckstering  habits  of 
private  life.  The  other,  a  base  spirit  of  courting  popularity 
by  husbanding  the  public  treasure,  even  on  occasions  when 
liberality  is  true  economy,  nvbich  as  frequently  occur  in  pub- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^ 


lid  they  sup- 
n  the  UBurpB' 
1  have  since 
ion.     Unfor- 

convention. 
jwever  admi- 
en  found  in- 
Risively,  the 
of  which  has 

by  the  state 
)  convention 
mewhat  more 
e  of  power— 
ent  awaits  it, 
\y  pray,  with 

a  want  of  due 
ofound  study 

monarchical 
'  directed  to 
rom  the  over- 
;d  by  men  of 
ones  whence 
splendid  and 
c  spirit,  and 
ind,  bad  they 

experience. 


he  democrat- 
adequate  at 
en  proved  by 
rable  policy. 
» the  party  in 
of  economy, 
lonoured  this 
to  use  a  very 
—pound  fool- 
economy,  to 
ascribed,  we 
from  men  of 
ing  habits  of 
ig  popularity 
asions  when 
occur  in  pub- 


»ic  affairs  as  In  private  life.  Both  motives  are  equally  eon- 
(em^itible;  buC^«4«tter  is  tlie  more  pernicious,  and  produces 
the  most  ruinous  ctfi^sequences.  It  starves  and  smothers  pub- 
lic undertakings,  and  public  spirit ;  and  often  defrauds  illus- 
trious men  of  their  due  rewards.  It  is  the  characteristic  vice 
of  our  times,  and  of  our  nation,  and  ought  to  be  hunted  dowft 
by  every  m;in  who  has  a  real  regard  for  the  honor  or  interest 
of  his  country.  To  this  vile  spirit  we  must  ascribe  the  nev- 
cr-enough-to-be  despised  debate,  whether  Eaton,  the  glorious 
und  immortal  hero  of  Derne,'"'  should  be  rewarded  with  a 
sword  or  a  medal !  a  debate  which  brought  down  on  the  con* 
gress  in  which  it  took  place,  the  contem|it  of  every  magnan- 
imous and  liberal  man  in  the  nation;  n  debate  which  would 
have  disgraced  the  common  council  of  the  most  petty  bo- 
rough in  the  union.  To  this  spirit  it  is  due,  that  votes  of 
thanks,  and  swords,  and  urns,  and  other  cheap  modes  of  dis- 
playing our  gratitude,  have  tranquilized  our  minds,  and  de- 
ceived us  into  the  opinion,  that  we  have  paid  the  boundless 
dnbt  due  to  the  Hulls,  the  Bainbridges,  the  Decaturs,  the  Per- 
rys,  the  Porters,  the  Macdonoughs,  the  Joneses,  the  Ripleyst, 
the  Browns,  the  Scotts,  the  CofTres,  the  Carroll8,tlie  Macombs» 
the  Jacksons,  and  the  other  heroes  whose  glory  will  live  as 
long  as  public  spirit,  consummate  talents,  and  bravery  com- 
mand the  veneration  of  mankind. 

The  modest,  the  unassuming,  the  youthful  Perry,  rescued  $. 
whole  frontier,  men,  women,  and  children,  from  the  murder- 
ous tomahawk.  Macdonough  certainly  rescuetl  another,  and 
prevented  the  enemy  from  establishing  his  winter  quarters  far 
within  our  territory.  And  Jackson  has  achieved  for  himself 
and  his  country  immortal  honour,  by  an  exploit  certainly  nev- 
er exceeded,  perhaps  never  equalled.  He  preserved  one  of 
the  most  important  keys  and  emporiums  of  the  country,  from 
the  power  of  the  enemy,  by  the  most  consummate  prudence, 
talents,  and  bravery.      The  interest  of  the  property  he  saved 

*  Perhaps  my  estimate  of  this  exploit  may  be  erroneous.  f  caonot  but  re- 
gard it  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious  events  in  American  military  affairs  by 
land — when  ail  the  circumstances  of  the  case  are  taken  into  view.  1  never  r€«- 
^ect  without  amazement  and  admiration  on  the  heroism  of  Ihe  );allant  band, 
wlio,  under  this  intrepid  <^ief,  pierced  through  the  frightful  desart,  and  sbo^k 
a  powerful  usurper's  throne  to  tlie  centre,  i  have  always  deplored  the  inaus- 
picious interference  that  dashed  tlie  glorious  priee  to  Ih*.-  c'tth  just  as  Eatoii 
Bad  stretched  out  his  hand  and  was  ready  to  seize  it  wit!ioi:t  the  smallest  dan- 
der of  an  unfavourable  ;'ei>ult.  The  state  of  Mas«achusetT8  acquired  a  high 
dt;i!;r;'e  of  honour  by  j  'h  iiberality  to  the  warrior  of  De»  ne,  on  whom  it  bestow- 
ed 10  000  acres  of  land  as  a  mark  of  its  esteem  ar.d  admiration.  This  act  off 
generosity,  by  the  cor.trast,  made  the  miserable  conduct  of  Congress  appeST 
woLthy  of  additicoal  eootenipt. 

•E 


«r  'm. 


Ai 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


'I 


it 


I 


from  depredation,  is  probably  above  $  750,000  per  annum. 
Yet  1  doubt  wliether  there  is  gratitude  e«iQufh  in  our  public 
bodies,  who  hold  the  purse  strings  of  the  nation,  or  in  the  in- 
dividuals whose  property  has  been  preserved,  to  make  him 
any  adequate  return.  1  hope  and  pray  I  may  be  deceived. 
1  deprecate  being  correct  in  this  calculation.  But  I  have 
.  fearful  misgivings  on  the  subject. 

'  To  enable  us  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  immense  debt  we 
owe  our  illustrious  heroes,  it  is  only  necessary  to  call  to  recol- 
lection, the  prostration  of  the  public  mind,  and  the  d^rada- 
tion  of  the  national  character  in  the  early  part  of  the  war, 
when  our  operations  on  land  were  *'  onen;ontinued  stream"  of 
disgraces  and  disasters ;  and  when  but  for  the  exploits  of  Hull 
and  a  few  others  on  the  ocean,  the  name  of  an  American 
would  have  been  a  passport  to  shame  and  disgrace.  The  na- 
tional character  was  supported  throughout  the  war  by  our  lit- 
tle navy,  whose  exploits  may  chiUlenge  comparison  with  any 
of  the  most  signal  acts  of  heroism  recorded  in  history.  And 
on  land  it  was,  towards  the  close  nobly  retrieved  by  the  he- 
roes whose  names  I  have  given,  and  others  who  will  grace 
their  country's  annals.  And  is  it  possible  that  congress  will 
lie  base  enough  not  to  give  some  substantial  proof  of  the  na- 
tion's gratitude  for  benefits  so  far  beyond  all  price ! 

In  no  instance,  hitherto,  have  congress  or  the  people  of  the 
United  States  discharged  their  duty  in  this  respect,  or  dis-< 
played  a  suitable  degree  of  gratitude.  Of  votes  of  thanks  they 
Iiavc  been  abundantly  liberal.  These  cost  nothing.  A  few 
Bwords  and  medals  too  have  been  awarded.  But  of  all  the 
benefactors  of  their  country — those  men  who  have  preserved 
it  from  tlie  hoUomless  abysses  of  disgrace  and  dishonour  into 
which  it  ivas  precipitously  falling — who  have  given  it  a  rank 
nmong  the  nations  of  the  earth,  I  believe  there  is  not  one  ou 
whom  the  nation  has  bestowed  a  reward  worthy  of  him  or  it. 
Who  was  he  that  said,  **  the  sin  of  ingratitude  is  worse  than 
witchcraft  ?"  Whoever  lie  was,  honoured  be  his  name. 

The  debt  due  to  the  illustrious  men  with  whose  names  I 
have  honoured  my  page,  and  others,  who  have  trod  the  same 
path  of  glory,  can  hardly  ever  be  discharged,  even  on  the 
ground  of  mere  calculation  of  benefit  to  the  nation,  exclusive 
of  the  elevation  of  its  character. 

If  England,  whom  in  this  respeci  we  ought  to  aspire  to  em- 
ulate, gave  500,000/.  sterling  to  per  Wellingtons  and  Nel- 
sons, let  the  United  States  give  some  solid  and  substantial 
proof  of  their  gratitude,  to  their  illustrious  heroes.  I  need 
not  add,  tliat  I  do  not  ciUcuIate  upon  such  very  extravagant 


per  annum. 
1  our  public 
or  in  the  in- 
)  make  him 
e  deceived. 
But  I  have 

nse  debt  we 
all  to  recol- 
he  d^rada- 
of  the  war, 
d  stream"  of 
loitsofHulI 
1  American 
!.  The  na- 
r  by  our  lit- 
Dn  with  any 
tory.     And 

by  the  he- 
*  will  grace 
ongress  will 
f  of  the  na- 
b! 

teople  of  the 
»ect,  or  dis- 
thanks  they 
ng.  A  few 
it  of  all  the 
ve  preserved 

honour  into 
en  it  a  rank 

not  one  ojb 
)f  him  or  it. 

worse  than 
ame. 

se  names  I 
>d  the  same 
ven  on  the 
I,  exclusive 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


43, 


spire  to  em- 
(  and  Nel- 
substantial 
I  need 
xtravijgaat 


rewards  as  the  British  parliament  voted  "  the  great  lord,"  as 
he  has  been  styled.  But  the  gift  ought  to  be  worthy  of  the 
donor  and  accentor ;  ought  to  operate  as  a  rewaid  to  the  mer- 


none.     I  return  to  the  navy.  ,      ^     w 

I  feel  confident,  that  the  nation  has  lost  one  hundred  times  as 
much  through  the  want  of  a  small  navy,  as  it  would  have  cost. 
Numbers  of  instances  have  occurred,  of  valuable  merchant- 
rwoM  iioving  been  captured  by  petty  pickaroons  or  pirates, 
with  one  or  two  guns.  Our  ports  have  been  insulted  and  out- 
raged, and  the  ships  and  cargoes  of  our  merchants  been  plun- 
dered by  privateers  and  sloops  of  war,  which  a  few  armed  ves- 
sels would  have  forced  to  keep  a  respectful  distance.  There 
is  none  of  the  points  on- which  the  two  hostile  parties  have 
differed,  wherein  the  democrats  have  been  so  very  far  below 
their  adversaries  in  consulting  the  real,  the  permanent  honour 
and  interest  of -the  country,  as  in  the  establishment  of  a  na- 
val force.  The  policy  of  the  federalists  in  this  respect  wa» 
dignified  and  honourable ;  that  of  the  democrats  miserably 
contracted. 

Mien  and  Sedition  l/awSt  and  "Eight  pet  cent.  Loans. 

The  factious  clamour  excited  against  the  seditionand  al- 
ien lawsj  and  against  the  eightpercent.'ldan — which  clamour 
was  the  principal  means  of  changing  the  administration,  and 
taking  it  from  the  hands  of  the  federalists,  to  place  it  in  those 
of  the  democrats — may  be  justly  reckoned  among  the  sins  of 
(he  latter  party.  A  candid  review  of  the  so-styled  sedition 
law,  at  the  present  hour,  when  the  public  ferment  to  which  it 
gave  rise  has  wholly  subsiued,  will  satisfy  any  reasonable' 
majj,  that  so  far  from  being  an  outrageous  infringement  of 
liberty,  as  was  asserted,  it  was  a  measure  not  merely  defensi- 
ble; but  absolutely  necessary  and  indispeusible  towards  the 
support  of  government.*  To  enable  the  reatler  to  judge  for 
himself,  without  the  trouble  of  referring  to  a  volume  of  the 
laws,  1  annex  the  document  itself. 

*  It  is  but  justice  to  avow-that  the  writer  of  this  book  wag  as  ardent  in  his 
opposition  to,  and  as  much  alarmed  at  the  probable  consequences  of  the  alien 
and  sedition  laws,  as  any  man  in  the  community.  As  it  requiies  an  extraordi- 
nary degree  of  corporeal  sanity  to  resist  the  effectst  of  a  violent  epidemical 
disorder,  so  it  requires  great  strength  of  mind  to  keep  out  of  the  vortex  of  fac- 
tious contagion,  when  prevalent  with  those  whose  opinions  are  generally  con- 
genial with  our  own.  Of  thi?  strength  of  mind  tiie  writer  was  dcbtitute  in  com- 
mon with  a  large  iicrtipa  ©f  his  fellow  citizens. 


4i 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH, 


the 

.all 


•|  Sec  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Renrosf  nliitiv>:!  of 
United  States  of  Auicrica,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  if  any  ceii-ons  s 
unUmifully  combine  or  conspire  ingdher,  nith  inUnt  h  dppose  any  mca.inre  or 
measures  of  the  government  i^'  the  Unittd  SUdcs,  nldch  are  or  shnll  be  diredal 
by  proper  authority,  or  tj  impede  Uie  operation  of  any  law  fif  the  Unittd  Stata; 
•r  to  intimidate  or  j^revcnt  any  person  holding  a  place  or  office  in  or  under  the 
government  of  the  Uriilt'd  States,  from  umiertaking.  performing,  or  executing 
Ins  trust,  or  duty  ;  and  if  any  person,  or  per  •  ns,  with  mtent  as  aforetiaid,  shnM 
counsel,  advise  or  attempt  to  procure  any  insurrection,  riot,  imiawful  asst  nibjy, 
or  combination,  wiiether  sucli  coii'^piracy,  threatenir  g,  counsel,  advice  or  sit- 
teuipt  shall  have  the  proposed  effect  or  not,  he  or  they  fliall  bo  deemed  guilty 
«f  a  high  misidemeanor  ;     and  on  con%iction,  before  any  court  of  the  United 


faokien  to  find  sureties  for  his  or  their  good  bthaviour  in  such  bum,  and  lor  buv-u 
time,  as  the  said  court  may  direct. 

"  Sec.  2.  And  ha  it  furtlu  r  enacted,  Tliat  if  any  person  sliall  write,  print, 
utter  or  publish,  or  shall  cau-o  or  procure  to  be  written,  printed,  uttered  or 
j;i>i>;iiihed,  or  shall  kno«iii';^ly  and  willingly  assist  or  aid  in  writing;,  priiitlnp, 
uttering  or  publishin?  ^^^^  any  false,  scandalous  and  malicous  nriling  nr  nri- 
lin^s  agi,imt  the  govera>'  <^nt  f\f  the  United  Stales,  or  either  house  <\f  the  Con- 
grtis  of  thd  United  Stales,  or  the  President  nf  the  United  States,  with  intent  to 
defame  the  said  governmwnt,  or  either  house  of  the  Congress,  or  the  said  Pres- 
ident, or  to  bring  them,  or  either  of  them,  into  contempt  or  disreput§  ;  or  to 
excite  against  them,  or  either  or  any  of  f  lieni,  the  hatred  of  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States,  or  to  stir  up  sedition  within  the  United  States}  or  to  excite 
any  utdawful  combination3  thereiii,  for  opposing  or  resisting  any  law  of  the 
tjaited  States,  or  any  act  of  the  president  of  the  United  Statfs,  done  in  pursu- 
ance of  any  such  law,  or  of  the  powers  in  him  vested  by  the  confititutiou  of  the 
United  States  ;  or  to  resist,  oppose,  or  defeat  any  such  law  or  act ;  or  rj^  to 
aid,  :ncourage,or  abet  any  hostile  designs  qf  any  foreign  nciipnagitnu  the 
United  States,  their  people  or  government,  thensuclj  person,  being  thereof  con- 
victed before  any  court  of  the  United  Statei  having  jurisdiction  thereof,  shall 
be  punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand  dollars,  and  by  imprison - 
saent  not  exceeding  two  years. 

"  Sec.  3.  And  be  it  further  enaetcd  and  declared,  That  if  any  person  shall 
,  be  prosecuted  under  this  act,  for  writing  or  publishing  any  libel  as  aforesaid, 
rrT'  it  shall  be  lanfui  for  the  defendant,  upon  the  Irud  nf  the  cause,  to  give  in 
evidence,  in  his  dffence,  the  truth  of  the  matter  contained  in  the  publication 
charged  as  a  Itbel.  And  the  jury  who  shall  try  tlie  cause,  shall  have  a  right 
to  determine  the  law  and  the  fact,  under  the  direction  of  the  court,  as  in  other 
cases. 

"Sec.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  this  act  shall  continpe  and  be  in 
fcrce  until  the  third  day  of  March,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  one,  ard 
no  longer  :  Provided,  that  the  expiration  of  the  act  shall  not  prevent  or  defeat 
a  prosecution  and  puuishmeot  of  any  offence  against  the  law,  during  the  time 
it  shall  be  in  force." 
July,  1798. 

The  fate  of  this  law  holds  out  an  all-important  lesson  on 
faction  and  party  spirit.  Laudable  and  necessary  as  it  was, 
and  guarded,  as  far  as  a  law  can  be  guarded,  against  abuse, 
the  o,*po8ition  to  it  was  as  violent,  and  it  excited  as  much 
horror  and  indignation,  as  if  it  had  wholly  destroyed  the  lib- 
erty of  the  press,  and  "  left  not  a  trace  behind.'''  And  in  this 
senseless  and  disgraceful  clLwour,  were  engaged  vast  numbers 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


45 


'4' 


ntiilivf :?  of  the 
\y  per.-oiis  sliall 
any  measure  or 
hnll  he  (lirtiUil 
!  United  .S'/p/ci-, 
in  or  under  tlie 
g,  or  executinc; 
aforebaid,  siin.'l 
iwful  assenibiy, 
1,  advice  or  at- 

I  deemed  guilty 
of  tiie  United 

t  exceeding  five 

lan  six  niunllis, 

court,  may  be 

m,  uiiu  lor  huy-u 

II  write,  print, 
ed,  littered  or 
tina;,  priiitinjj, 
wriiing  or  nri' 
uae  fj"  the  Con- 
,  with  intent  to 
r  the  said  Pres- 
reput§  ;  or  to 
I  good  people  of 
:s ;  or  to  excite 
any  law  of  the 

done  in  pursu- 
ifititutiou  of  the 
act ;  or  fj^  to 
lifiti  ag-ii.'vii  the 

ig  thereolcon- 

thereof,  shall 
by  inoprisou- 

\y  person  shall 
i;l  as  aforesaid, 
/W$e,  to  give  in 
he  publicatimi 
11  have  a  right 
irt,  as  in  other 

iniae  and  be  in 

and  one,  ard 

svent  or  defeat 

uring  the  time 


t  lesson  on 
y  as  it  was, 
inst  abuse, 
(1  as  much 
red  the  lib- 
^nd  in  this 
IS  t  number 


't 


M 


ni5 


of  tl»e  best  and  moat  intelligent  members  of  Ihe  community. 
Tiie  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  were  made  the  subject  of  an 
elegant,  but  violent  and  inflammatory  report,  agreed  to  by  the 
legislature  of  Virginia,  as  respectable  and  enlightened  a  de- 
liberative botiy  as  any  in  the  United  States,  or  perhaps  in  the 
world.  But  they  were  bitten  by  the  mad  dog  of  faction  in 
common  with  so  large  a  portion  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and 
were  seized  wiih  the  prevalent  disorder.  They  regarded  the 
two  obnoxious  laws  as  inroads  upon  public  liberty,  which  re- 
quired to  be  repelled  with  the  utmost  firmness. 

It  would  be  uncandid  hot  to  state,  that  the  trials  under  thig 
.•?«t,  for  libels  against  the  president,  and,  as  far  as  my  recol- 
lr?cUon  serves  me,  agaijist  some  of  the  other  public  function- 
aries, were  managed  with  very  considerable  rigour;  and, from 
the  abuse  of  the  law,  tended  to  give  an  appearance  of  propri- 
ety and  justice  to  the  clamour  against  it.  The  case  of  Thomi- 
os  Cooper  and  Matthew  Lyon,  Esqrs.  who  were  both  treated 
uith  remarkable  severity,  excited  a  high  degree  of  sympathy 
in  the  public  mind.  I  have  strong  doubts,  whether,  under  all 
ihe  circumstances,  a  jury  could  be  found  in  London  to  pro- 
nounce a  verdict  of  "  guilty"  against  either  of  them.  Of  the 
two  cases,  it  may  be  justly  said — summumjusy  summa  injuria. 
But  the  censure  did  not  attach  to  the  law.  It  lay  at  the  doot 
of  thejuriest. 

I  have  little  to  offer  respecting  the  alien  law.  It  was  un- 
doul)tedly  liable  to  strong  oltjections.  It  invested  the  presi- 
dent with  powers  liable  to  great  abuse.  But  it  certainly  heV- 
er  warranted  the  awful  outcry  that  was  raised  against  it.  To 
enable  the  reader,  however,  to  form  his  own  opinion — and,  if 
mine  be  erroneous,  to  reject  it  altogether,  I  annex  the  most 
obno!Liou8  clause  of  the  act. 

*'Sec.  I.  Be  it  enacted  hy  the  Senate  and  Mouse  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  qf  Jmerica  in  Congress  assembled.  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  thfe 
IVosident  of  the  United  States,  at  any  time  during  the  continuance  of  this  act, 
to  order  all  such  aliens  as  he  shall  judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of 
llie  United  States,  pr  shall  have  reasonable  grounds  to  suspect  are  concerned 
in  any  ^reasonable  or  secret  machinations  against  the  government  thereof,  t6 
depart  out  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  within  such  time  as  shall  ht 
expressed  in  such  order ;  which  order  shall  be  served  on  such  alien  by  deliv- 
ermg  him  a  copy  thereof,  or  leaving  the  same  at  his  usual  abode,  and  return- 
ed to  the  office  ©f  the  secretary  of  state,  by  the  niarghall  or  other  person  t(^ 
whom  the  same  shall  be  directed.  And  in  case  any  alien  so  ordered  to  depart* 
shall  be  found  at  large  within  the  United  States  after  the  time  limited  in  suc^ 
order  for  his  departure,  and  not  having  obtained  a  license  from  the  president 
to  reside  therein,  or  having  obtained-  such  license  shall  not  have  conformed 
thereto,  erery  such  alien  sliall,  on  conviction  thereof,  be  imprisoned  for  a  terdi 
not  exceeding  three  years,  and  shall  never  after  be  admitted  to  become  a  citi- 
zen of  the  U.  States      Provided  aHvays,  and  be  ii  further  enacted,  That  if  any 
aUcn  80  ordered  to  depart,  shall  prove  to  the  jatisfaction  of  the  presideat,  >y 

£4'  2 


S  7, 


4i  THE  OLIVE  BRANCH, 

evidence  to  bo  takr-n  before  such  ptTson  or  persons  an  \he  prc-iJoiit  ib^li  <ii 
rect,  wiio  i^fefor  that  purpose  liertby  autliojized  to  admiiii^tt^r  oallis,  lli.it  nw 
injury  or  danger  to  ttie  United  States  will  arise  from  sufrcrinii;  such  alien  U» 
reside  therein,  tiic  president  may  grant  a  liame  to  such  alien  to  remain  with- 
in the  Uniti:d  Stak's,  for  such  time  as  he  shall  judge  proper,  and  at  such  place 
as  !ic  uii«y  designate.  And  the  president  may  also  rt quire  of  such  alien  to  en- 
ter into  a  bond  to  the  United  States,  in  md\  ptnal  sum  as  lie  may  direct,  with 
one  or  more  sufficient  sureties  to  the  satisfaction  of  tiie  person  authorized  by 
the  president  to  take  the  same,  conditioned  for  the  good  behaviour  of  such  al- 
ien during  his  residence  in  the  United  States,  and  not  violutin;;;  his  licrrsc  •( 
which  license  the  president  may  revoke,  whenever  be  shall  think  proper." 
July  6, 1798. 

The  eight  per  cent.  loan  remains.  It  was  united  wilh,  and 
increased  the  clamour  against,  the  alien  and  sedition  laus  ; 
and  these  obnoxious  measures,  as  I  have  ah'eady  observed, 
precipitated  the  federalists  from  pow^ir.  Yet  we  have  since 
found  that  their  successors,  the  democrats^,  have  themselves 
given  about  eight  per  cent,  on  their  loans.  This  would  af- 
ford a  glorious  triumph  to  federalism  over  her  inveterate  rival, 
democracy,  were  it  not  that  the  annals  of  the  former  can  fur- 
nish many  instances  of  similar  frailty,  and  inconsistency,  and 
departure  from  professions.  And  it  is  a  melancholly  truth, 
that  the  histories  of  all  the  parties  and  factions  that  have, 
since  government  was  first  instituted,  cursed  and  scourged 
mankind  by  their  senseless,  envenomed,  and  implacable  hos- 
tilities, are  rep'lete  with  instances  of  errors  equally  disgrace- 
ful and  dish(mourabIe.  A  history  of  the  matlness,  the  folly, 
and  tie  depravity  of  party  and  faction,  is  a  grand  desidera- 
tOBI. 

Jay's  Treaty, 

The  violent  opposition  to  this  instruanent^  which  pervaded 
(be  union,  and  greatly  disturbed  the  administration  of  Gener- 
al Washington,  was  a  highly  factious  procedure  on  the  part 
of  the  democrats,  who  were  led  away  by  objections,  plausible, 
but  not  substantial — hardly  any  of  which  have  been  realised. 
This  affair  evinces  the  danger  of  yielding  to  the  sudden  im^ 
pulses  of  national  feelii^,  which  heap  down  every  thing  be- 
fore them,  and  which  wholly  overpower  the  reason  apd  un- 
derstanding of  even  the  wise  and  the  good,  who  on  such  oc- 
casions, are  only  on  a  level  with  the  most  uninformed  and 
uncultivated  part  of  the  community.  Nearly  all  the  predic- 
tions respecting  this  treaty  have  been  the  sooth-sayiags  of 
falfe  prophets;  of  men,  seme  led  astray  by  their  prejudices — 
others  by  perturbed  imaginations.  Such  of  them  as  have  been 
realised,  have  been  more  than  counterbalanced  by  th«  solid 
advantages  resulting  from  the  adjustment  of  the  differexic^e;^ 
between  the  two  uatiops.  >.,^  .^,,. 


>,/ 


'J^Uli  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


lout  zhnW  «ii 
)atlis,  Ihiitn*) 
(■ucli  alien  U* 
remain  with- 
at  sucli  place 
:h  alien  to  en- 
y  direct,  with 
authorized  by 
)iir  of  such  al- 
ig  l;is  licrrBC  } 
k  propiT." 

d  with,  and 
ilion  laws  ; 
y  olservcd, 
have  since 
IhemselveB 
Is  would  af- 
ter'.e  rival, 
mer  can  fur- 
stency,  and 
;holly  truth, 
that  have, 
nd  scourged 
)lacable  hos- 
ily  disgrace- 
s3,  the  folly, 
ntl  desidera- 


ch  pervaded 
on  of  Gener- 
ou  the  part 
IS,  plausible, 
een  realised. 
i  sudden  im^ 
ry  thing  be- 
son  a^id  «n- 
on  such  oc- 
iformed  and 
I  the  predic- 
h-sayi«gs  of 
prejudices — 
as  have  been 
by  the  solid 
i  difference 


'.U 


CHAPTER  HI. 


Monroe  and  IHnkncy's  Trcatij  with  England, 
the  States.     Trcaaoniible  Publications. 
ten'CGuroc, 


Embargo. 


Separation  of 
ISonin- 


Of  the  errors  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  adiiiinistnition,  it  is  unne- 
Cpssary  to  mention  more  than  tliroe,  ilenoling  two  v<^ry  o;)- 
posite  extremes  of  character — the  one  highly  bold  and  daring 
— the  other  di3|)laying  an  equal  dei^ree  of  feeMeness. 

Monroe  and  Pinkney*s  Trcatij  with  England, 

Two  mi uistersr appointed  by  Mr.  Jeirerson,had  negociated 
a  treaty  with  England,  the  best  they  could  procure.  It  had 
been  transmitted  to  him  in  due  form.  Without  consjjl ting  the 
co-ordinate  branch  of  the  treaiy-maltihg  power,  he,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  rejtctetl  it,  and  transmitted  to  these  min- 
isters instructions  to  begin  the  negociation  anew.  This  was 
a  mighty  and  a  fatal  error.*  It  may  he  doubted  whether  it 
were  not  a  violation,  at  least  of  the  spirit  of  the  constitution. 
It  was  at  all  events  a  case  that  probably  did  not  enter  into 
the  conceptions  of  the  framers  of  that  instrument.  If  it  had, 
it,  is  likely  they  would  have  provided  against  its  occurrence. 

A  calm  reflection  on  this  subject  can  hardly  fail  to  convince 
tiie  redder  that  probably  to  this  source  may  be  fairly  traced 
nearly  all  our  present  diflficultie?'.  Had  this  treaty  been,  as 
it  ought;  laid  before  the  senate,  they  would  in  all  likelihood 
have  ratified  the  chief  parts  of  it,  and,  as  had  been  the  case 
"with  Jay's  treaty,  have  referred  the  obnoxious  clauses  to  a 
new  discussion.  Our  disputes  with  England  would  have  been 
thus  compromised — and  our  party  divisions  could  never  have 
been  excited  to  such  a  height  as  to  endanger  the  peace  and 
security  of  the  country. 

It  has  been  inferred  from  the  rejection  of  this  treaty,  that 
it  arose  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  desire  of  a  cause  of  war  with 
England.  This  is  radically  wrong.  At  no  period  since  the 
commencement  of  the  French  revolution  has  there  been  a 
deficiency  of  a  real  cause  of  war  with  England,  in  fhe  impress- 
ment of  our  seamen,  and  the  violent  proceedings  against  our 
commerce.    But  a  pregnant  proof  of  the  fallacy  o^  this  charge 

*  It  has  been  attempted  to  justify  this  procedure,  by  the  circumstance,  that 
the  negociators  had  violated  one  explicit  item  of  Mr,  Jefferson's  instructions-— 
to  conclude  no  treaty  without  a  specific  article  euarding  against  iinpresgmenta. 
Tttis  is  no  justiGcatioo.    It  is  barely  a  palliation. 


m 
m 


}tL' 


^•^ 


I 


W- 


m 


THfe  OLIVE  BRANCff, 


arises  out  of  the  attack  of  (he  Leopard  on  the  Chesnpcake. 
Tliis  circumstance  settles  the  question  forever.  Had  Mr. 
Jeilerdon  been  desirous  of  war  with  England,  nothing  more 
was  necessary  than  ta  have  convened  congress  immediately 
alter  that  event,  during  the  extraordinary  ebullition  of  the 
public  m'lQiX  which  it  created.  All  parties  were  then  clam- 
orous for,  and  would  have  heartily  united  in  a  war.  And  war 
would  certainly  have  been  declared  by  congress  almost  unan- 
imously. But  with  a  desire  of  peace,  deserving  of  the  high- 
est praise  and  gratitude  of  his  countr}^  which  he  has  never  re- 
ceived, he  deferred  the  convening  of  congress  about  ibur 
months,  within  which  periotl  the  public  ferment  had  subsided. 
This  important  fact  .las  been  wholly  overlooked  in  the  fac- 
tious discussions  that  have  taken  place  respecting  his  admin- 
istration; so  true  it  i&,  that  in  times  of  turbulence,  reason  rai- 
ses her  voice  in  vain.  It  is  drowned  in  the  obstreperous 
brawlings  of  noisy  factionists. 

The  justice  which  leads  to  this  vindication,  compels  me 
unqualifiedly  to  censure  the  very  extraordinary  and  unpre- 
cedented measure  of  rejecting  the  treaty  on  his  ow  n  responsi- 
bility. , 

Besides  the  want  of  an  explicit  clause  on  the  subject  of  im- 
pressment, the  friends  of  Mr.  .lefferson  assign  another  plea  to 
justify  hjra  for  the  rejection  of  this  treaty.  After  it  was 
agreed  to  by  both  parties,  there  was  a  rider  annexed  to  it  by 
the  British  commissioners,  which  was  calculated  to  give  the 
treaty-sanction  to  the  celebrated  orders  in  council,  which, 
even  then,  it  would  appear,  were  in  contemplation. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  decide  correctly,  I  annex  the  rider. 

NOTE 

Of  the  British  Commissioners^  acconvpamfing  Monroe  and 

Pinckney'*&  Treaty* 

London,  Dec.  31,  1866. 

"  The  undersigned,  Henry  Richard  Vassal,  lord  Holland,  and  William  lord 
Auckland,  plenipotentiaries  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  have  the  honor  toinforia 
James  Monroe  and  William  Pinkney,  commissioners  extraordinary  and  pleni- 
potentiaries  of  the  United  States  of  America,  that  they  are  now  ready  to  pro. 
ceed  to  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of  amity, commerce,  and  navigation)  on  the 
articles  of  which  they  have  mutually  agreed. 

"  But  at  the  same  time  they  have  it  in  command  from  his  ra^esty,  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States,  to  some  extraordinary 
proceedings  which  have  lately  taken  place  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  to 
communicate  to  them  officially  the  sentiments  of  bis  msgesty*s  government 
thereupon. 

"  The  proceedings  alluded  to  are  certain  declarations  and  orden  of  the 
Freacb  goverameot  issued  at  Berlia,  oq  the  Slat  of  JNoveiober  lait. . 


■'•^. 


esapcakc. 
Had  Mr. 
hing  more 
imediately 
ion  of  the 
Lhen  ciam- 
.  Andwar 
nost  unan- 
f  the  high- 
s  never  re- 
about  ft)ur 
i  subsided, 
in  Ihe  fac- 
bis  admin- 
reason  rai- 
jstreperous 

;ompels  me 
and  unpre- 
m  responsi- 

ibjccl  of  irn- 
itber  plea  to 
Jter  it  was 
Led  to  it  by 
to  give  the 
iCil,  which, 
1. 
X  the  rider. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


49 


mroe 


and 


.31, 1806. 

William  lord 
^nor  to  inform 
lary  aud  pleni- 
1  ready  to  pro- 
EgatioD)  on  the 

ty,  to  call  the 
lextraordinary 
luropc,  and  to 
Is  government 

wden  of  the 


■*' 


•:i 


♦  III  IhoiiC  orders,  the  French  goyernment  seeks  to  justify  or  palliate  its  own 
iiniust  preteusionw,  by  imputing  to  Great  Britain  principles,  which  she  never 
piofessid,  and  practices  which  never  existed.  His  maj.  fcty  is  accUFcd  of  a  sys- 
4«MJialicand  Rt'iieial  disregard  of  the  law  of  nations,  lecogniied  by  civilii:ed 
m.iUd  and  more  particularly  of  an  unwarrantable"  extension  of  tlic  right  of 
blockade.  Whereas  his  majeft>j  imy  covJidmUu  appeal  to  the  rvorld  on  hts 
uivform  rfuved  to  iif.ulrul  rinhls,  and  his  gimrul  and  scrupulous  adherence 
tj  ihe  lutv  of  mtions,  without  coiule-ccnding  to  contrast  hii  conduct  in  tliese 
particulari  with  that  of  liis  enemy  :  and  with  regard  to  the  only  specitied  cliarge, 
t«  is  mtoiiaus  that  he  has  never  declared  any  ports  to  be  m  a  stale  of  blorkude, 
nilhout  alliittlnn  to  t/iut  object  a  force  siiJUcitnt  to  make  Vie  erUrance  into  Ifitm 
manifestly  diiitiserous  *  *    •    «-f 

"  ^  uch  allegation?,  unfounded  as  they  are,  the  enemy  attempts  to  justify 
his  pretentions  of  confiscating  ai  lawful  prize,  all  produce  of  English  industiy 
or  inanufacliwe,  tiiouih  it  be  the  property  of  neutrals ;  of  excluding  from  his 
harbours  every  neutral  vessel,  whicli  lias  touched  at  any  port  of  his  majesty's 
dominions,  tiiongli  employed  in  an  innocent  commerce ;  and  of  declaring  Great 
Di-.t.-.o  in  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  though  his  own  naval  ports  and  arsenals 
are  actually  ni«eUafl«'rf  !  and  he  iu  unable  to  station  any  naval  force  whatever, 
beforeany  port  of  the  united  kingdom. 

'^  Such  vprinciples  are  in  themselves  extravagant  and  repugnant  to  the  law 
of  nations  ;  and  the  pretensions  founded  on  them,  though  professedly  directed 
solely  against  Great  Britain,  tend  to  alter  the  practice  of  war  among  civilized 
nations,  and  utterly  to  mbvert  ihe  rights  and  independence  of  neutral  powers. 
The  underaig&ed  cannot,  therefore,  l^lieve  that  tli»  etH^iny  will  ever  seriously 
attempt  to  enforce  such  a  system.  If  he  sliould,  they  are  confident  that  the 
good  sense  ef  the  American  government  will  perceive  the  fatal  consequences  of 
such  pretensions  to  neutral  commerce ;  and  that  its  spirit  and  regard  to  nation- 
al honour  will  prevent  its  acquiescence  in  such  palpable  violations  of  its  rights 
aud  injurious  encroachments  on  its  interests. 

"  If.  however,  the  enemy  should  carry  these  threats  into  execution  ;  and  if 
neutral  nations,  contrary  to  all  expectations,  should  acquiesce  in  such  usurpa- 
tions ;  his  majesty  might  probably  be  compelled,  however  reluctantly,  to  re- 
taliate in  his  just  defence,  and  to  adopt,  in  regard  to  the  commerce  of  neutral 
tiiktions  with  his  enemies,  the  same  measures  which  those  nations  shall  have 
permitted  to  be  enforced  against  their  commerce  with  his  subjects.  The  com- 
missioners of  the  United  States  will  therefore  feel,  that  at  a  moment  when^is 
nmjfrjy  and  all  neutral  nations  are  threatened  with  such  an  extension  qfUie  belli- 
gerent pretensions  qf  his  enemies,  he  cannot  enter  into  the  stipulations  of  the 
present  treaty,  without  explanation  from  the  United  States  of  their  intentionH, 
or  a  reservation  on  the  part  pf  his  majesty  in  the  case  ab»ve  mentioned,  if  it 
should  ever  occur. 

"  The  undersigned,  considering  that  the  distance  of  the  American  govern- 
ment, renders  any  immediate  explanation  on  this  subject  impossible,  and  anima- 
ted by  a  desire  of  forwarding  the  beneficial  work  in  which  they  are  engaged, 
are  authorized  by  his  msyesty  to  conclude  the  treaty  without  delay.       They 
proceed  to  the  signature  under  the  full  persuasion  that  before  the  treaty  shall 
he  returned  from  America  with  the  ratification  of  the  United  States,  the  ene- 
my will  either  have  formally  abandoned  or  tacitly  relinquished  his  unjust  pre- 
tensions ;  or  that  the  government  of  the  United  States,  by  its  conduct  or  as- 
surances, will  have  given  security  to  his  majesty  that  it  will  not  submit  to  such 
innovations  in  the  established  system  of  maritime  law  ;     and  the  undersigned 
have  pressnted  this  note  from  an  anxious  wish  that  it  should  be  clearly  under- 
stood on  both  sides,  that  without  such  an  abandonment  on  the  part  of  the  ese- 
my,  or  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  HIS  MAJESTY  WILL 
NOT  CONSIDER  HIMSELF  FOUND,  BY  THE  PRESENT  SIGNA- 
TURE OF  HIS  COMMISSIONERS.   TO  RATIFY  THIS  TREATY, 
OR  PRECLUDED  FROM  ADOI'TING  SUCH  MEASURES   AS  MAY 
SEEVI  NECESSAHY  FOR  COUNTERACTING  THE  DESIGN3  OF 
HISF-NEMY, 


0  rrr 


50 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


I 


m 

It!*'  ' 


**  The  undersigned  cannot  conclude,  witliout  expressihg  their  satisfaction  on 
the  prospect  of  Hcconiplishing  an  object  so  important  to  the  interests  and  friend- 
ly connection  of  botii  nations,  and  their  just  sense  of  the  conciliatory  disposi- 
tion, manifested  by  tlie  coiumiEsicnerB  of  the  United  i9tates,  during  the  wliole 
course  of  the  negociation. 
(Signed) 

VASSAL  HOLLAND,- 
AUKLAWa 
To  James  Monroe,  ^c.  Ac.  &c,        ■*  •   • 
William  Finknev,  &c.  &.c.  &c.  _^ 

However  exceptionable  the  terms  of  this  note  maybe,  I  can- 
not persuade  myself  that  it  justifies  the  rejection  of  the  trea- 
t}-^  without  consulting  t4ie  senate.  Men  of  powerful  minds  de- 
feud  the  procedure.  Their  arguments  have  never  convinced 
me.     To  the  read^rs's  judgment  I  submit  the  subject. 

Separation  of  the.  States. 

The  next  error  of  Mr.  Jefiferson's  administration,  involves 
a  very  great  neglect  of  duty.  During  nearly  the  whole  of 
that  period,  the  insurrectional  and  treasonable  doctrine  of  a 
separation  of  the  states,  was  publicly  advocated  in  some  of  the 
gazettes  to  the  eastward,  and,  wonderful  and  shameful  to  tell^ 
preached  from  the  pulpit.  These  publications  and  sermons, 
having  a  dirtct  tendency  to  the  destruction  of  social  order, 
and  the  introduction  of  civil  war,  demanded  the  severe  ani- 
madversion of  the  law  officers  of  the  government.  It  was  the 
incumbent  duty  of  the  President  to  have  had  the  laws  put  in 
force,  to  repress  the  offences,  and  to  punish  the  offenders. 
And  if  there  were  no  law  ta  reach  the  (^ence,  he  ought  to 
have  submitted  the  case  to  congress,  for  the  purpose  of  sup- 
plying the  defect.  A  re-enactment  and  enforcement  of  the 
sedition  law  were  imperiously  required.  And  the  good  sense 
of  the  nation  would  have  supported  a  measure  which  the  pub- 
lic welfare  rendered  so  necessary.  It  may  be  fairly  averred 
that  there  is  no  country  in  the  world  but  the  United  Slates^ 
In  which  an  open  attempt  to  subvert  the  government,  and  tear 
doAvn  the  pillars  of  society,  would  have  escaped  condign  pun- 
ishment. Every  society  ought  to  possess  within  itself,  and 
to  exercise  whenever  occasion  calls  for  it,  the  fundamental 
principle  of  self-preservation. 

It  is  impossible  to  censure  too  highly  the  error  here  ad- 
verted to.  The  jeopardy  in  which  the  nation  was  lately  pla- 
ced,' when  the  nearest  and  dee  est  interests  were  in  the  most 
imminent  danger,  may  be  fairly  ascribed  to  this  most  fatal  and 
pernicious  misconduct.  In  every  science  there  are  some 
great,  leading  truths  which  cannot  be  controverted.  And 
in  political  economy  there  is  no  maxim  jnore  indubitable  than 


THE  OLIVE  BJIANCH. 


bl 


lis  faction  on 
s  and  friend- 
Lory  disposi- 
ig  the  w-liole 


LLAND, 


rbe,Ican- 
>f  the  trca- 
minds  de- 
convinced 
ic-t.  .. 

1,  involves 
le  whole  of 
ctrine  of  a 
Bomc  of  the 
lefiil  to  teli; 
id  sermons, 
ocial  order, 
severe  ani- 

It  was  the 
laws  put  in 
J  offenders, 
he  ought  to 
)ose  of  sup- 
mentof  the 
;  good  sense 
ich  the  pub- 
irly,  averred 
ited  States, 
>nt,  and  tear 

ondign  pun- 
1  itself,  and 

'undamental 

•or  here  ad- 
IS  lately  pla- 
in the  most 
lost  fatal  and 
re  are  some 
•ted.  And 
il  itable  than 


..;< 


this,  that  [trtrcason  never  rvas,  and  never  will  be — andin  truth 
hardly  can  be  propitiated  by  forbearance.  Since  the  world 
was  formed  never  did  a  conspiracy  meet  with  the  same  de- 
gree of  impunity.  "  0»r  PRlinurus  slept  at  the  helm."  The 
mutineers  had  full  scope  for  their  activity.  They  made 
their  arrangements  at  leisure,  as  undisturbedly  as  if  they  were 
engaged  in  promoting  the  salvation  of  the  state.  To  what- 
ever cause  this  neglect  may  be  ascribed,  whether  to  torpor, 
inactivity,  or  reliance  on  the  good  sense  of  the  nation,  it  casts 
an  indelible  stain  on  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

The  last  of  the  errors  of  that  administration  which  1  shall 
notice,  arises  from  its  neglect  of  enforcing, 

The  Embargo^ 

Which  was  a  most  efficient  weapon  for  procuring  redress 
from  England.  Its  effects  upon  her  colonies  by  privations  of 
the  necessaries  of  life — and  upon  her  trade  and  naval  power, 
by  withholding  supplies  of  raw  materials  and  naval  stores, 
were  'vcry  considerable.  And  had  it  been  duly  enforced,  as 
the  duty  of  the  chief  magistrate  required,  it  could  hardly  have 
Ctiled  to  impel  the  British  to  relinquish  those  pretensions, 
which  so  highly  and  perniciously  infringed  our  rights.  But 
it  was  openly  and  flagitiously  violated :  and  of  course  its  in- 
tended operation  on  England  utterly  counteracted.  It  be- 
came a  mere  brutumfulmen.  Its  effects  on  this  country  were 
highly  pernicious.  While  it  curtailed  the  trade  and  profits 
of  the  fair  trader,  it  enabled  smugglers,  and  those  who  set  the 
laws  of  their  country  at  defiance — whose  god  was  gain,  to 
make  rapid  and  unhallowed  fortunes.  In  a  word,  it  sacrificed 
the  interests  of  some  of  -the  best,  to  those  of  the  very  worst 
members  of  the  community.  In  proportion  as  a  citizen  held 
the  laws  sacred — in  proportion  as  he  honestly  yielded  them 
obedience — in  the  same  proportion  did  he  sacrifice  his  inter- 
ests. And  by  this  political  arithmetic,  in  proportion  as  he^ 
disregarded  the  law — in  proportion  as  he  sacrificed  the  pub- 
lic interest  to  his  thirst  of  gain — in  the  same  proportion  did 
he  aggrandize  himself.  The  export  trade,  which  was  frau- 
dulently carried  on  to  a  considerable  extent,  was  wholly  in 
the  hands  of  persons  of  the  latter  description.  Their  vessels, 
laden  with  abundant  supplies  for  the  British  colonies,  were 
very  conveniently  driven  to  sea  by  westerly  winds,  and  forcr 
ed  into  the  West  Indies.  v 

It  has  been  said,  in  vindicatian  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  h^^ 
had  not  sufficient  power  to  enforce  the  ex^ecutioQ  of  the  law. 
This  is  utterly  incorrect.     His  powers  were  amply  adequate 


54 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


k 


for  this  purpose.  But  even  if  this  defence  were  valid,  it  ex- 
onerateB  him  not  from  the  high  degree  of  censure  attached  to 
this  dereliction  of  duty.  He  ou^ht,  in  that  case,  to  have  sta- 
ted ;he  defect  to  congress,  who  had  the  power  of  applying, 
and  undoubtedly  at  his  requisition  would  have  applied  a  rem- 
edy. 

Besides  the  non-euforcement  of  the  embargo  act,  there  was 
a  ra<lical  error  committed  by  the  government  in  continuing 
it  so  long.  Is  inadequacy  to  eil'tct  the  purpose  its  friends  had 
contemplated,  was  fully  established.  And,  failing  that,  its  ef- 
fect was  to  punish  ourselves  for  the  lawless  proceedings  of 
others.  It  ought  to  have  been  considered  principally  as  a 
preparation  for  war.   . 

The  measure  substituted  for  the  embargo,  that  is,  the  non- 
intercourse  with  both  belligerents,  has  been  generally  regard- 
tied  by  the  democrats  as  a  feeble  one  :  and  the  tenth  congress, 
which  m'cide  the  change,  has  been  on  that  ground  stigmatized 
by  them  almost  universally,  as  imbecile  and  contemptible. 
This  is  a  most  egregious  error.  It  is  inconceivable  how  it 
could  have  found  such  general  credence.  The  non-inter- 
couise  law  was  as  bold,  as  manly,  and  as  energetic  a  measure 
as  the  annals  of  Christendom  can  produce  for  a  century.  An 
infant  nation,  with  five  or  six  frigates,  and  a  number  of  gun- 
boats, forbids  the  entrance  into  her  ports,  under  penalty  of 
confiscation,  to  the  vessels  of  the  two  most  powerful  nations  in 
the  world ;  the  one  absolute  by  land — the  othei  by  sea,  and 
owning  a  thousand  vessels  of  war !  and  this  is,  forsooth,  a 
measure  dictated  by  imbecility  !  The  human  mind  can  hard- 
ly conceive  a  greater  instance  of  folly. 


^.  I 


CHAPTER  IV.  r^ 

Bank  of  the  United  States.    Miser aite  policy  not  to  renew  the 

Charter, 


Among  the  great  sins  of  the  democratic  party,  must  be 
numbered  the  non-renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States.  This  circumstance  injuriously  aflfecfed  the 
credit  and  character  of  this  country  abroad — produced  a  great 
degree  of  stagnation,  distress,  and  difficulty  al  home — and 
was  among  the  caiKes  of  the  late  embarrassments  and  difficul- 
ties of  the  pecuaiar^  concerns  of  the  country.    Had  this  bank 


% 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


63 


ralid,  it  CX' 
attached  to 
lo  have  eta* 
f  apiJlying, 
ilied  a  lem- 

t,  there  was 
continuing 
friends  had 
5  that,  its  ef- 
tceedings  of 
cipally  as  a 

is,  Ihe  non- 
ally  regaid- 
th  congress, 
stigmatiKcd 
ontemptible. 
liable  how  it 
e  non-inter- 
ic  a  measure 
lentury.  An 
nber  of  gun- 
[r  penalty  of 
ul  nations  in 
by  sea,  and 
forsooth,  a 
Qd  can  bard- 


1r- 


to  renew  the 


rty,  must  be 
Bank  of  the 
affecied  the 
Jured  a  great 
home — and 
and  difficul- 
iad  this  bank 


I 
I 
I 


been  in  existence,  ils  capital  might  readily  at  any  lime  have 
Ix'Pti  increased  by  Congress,  ten,  Itventy,  thirty,  or  forty 
millions,  so  as  to  aid  the  government  most  effectually,  and 
support  the  nationid  credit. 

To  the  renewal  of  the  charter  there  were  various  objections 
oflf  red,  on  the  ground  of  inexpediency  :  but  these  had  not  much 
influence — nor  were  they  enlertainetl  by  many  of  the  members. 
The  grand  difficulty  arose  from  the  idea  so  steadily  maintained 
by  most  of  the  democratic  parly,  that  the  constitution  imparted 
no  power  to  grant  charters  of  incorporation.  Many  of  the  mem- 
bers  who  on  this  ground  voted  in  the  negative,  most  unequivo* 
cally  ndmitlcfl  the  expedicnc})  of  the  renewal  of  the  charter. 

This  consti(uii(Mial  oljjeclion  was  obviated,  it  would  appear, 
uniMiswerably.  All  the  departments  of  the  government,  legis- 
lalivo,  executive  and  j.nliciary,  had  recognized  the  institution, 
at  various  times  durinii  the  twenty  years  of  ils  existence. 

[C'T/if  cotirts  v/dij/crait  states^  and  of  the  United  States^  had 
sustaimd  various  suits  hrcus^ht  by  the  hank  in  its  corporate  capacity; 
by  which,  so  far  as  depended  upon  the  judiciary,  it  had  had  the 
seal  ofconstifulionality  stamped  on  it.  This  was  a  very  serious, 
imforlnnt,  and  decisive  circumstance. 

In  additicm  to  Ibis,  a  democratic  legislature  of  the  United 
States  had  given  it  a  most  solemn  sanction.  In  March,  1804, 
nn  act  had  passed  to  authorise  the  institution  to  establish 
branches  in  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  which  power 
was  not  embraced  by  the  original  charter.  [tT'  This  ad  wa6 
passed  without  a  division,  when  nearly  all  the  members  were  present. 
No  constitutional  objection  couUf  have  been  then  suggested  ; 
for  such  members  as  believed  the  measure  unconstitutional, 
would  indubitably  have  <:alled  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  in  ordfet 
to  record  their  dissent. 

The  act  was  signed  by  Nathaniel  TVfacon,  speaker  of  th« 
house  of  re|  resentatives ;  Jesse  Franklin,  president  of  the  senate; 
and  Thomas  Jefferson,  president  of  the  United  States. 

These  cases,  with  others  which  might  be  cited,  produced  thif 
dilemma.  They  either,  as  I  have  stated,  afforded  a  complete 
recognition  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  charter,  or  a  grops, 
paljiahle  violation  of  the  constitution,  by  the  three  several  grand 
de|>artments  of  the  government. 

I  presume  it  cannot  lie  doubted,  that  if  a  charter  of  incorpo- 
ration  be  unconstitutional,  every  extension  of  the  powers  of  the 
corporate  body  must  be  equally  unconstitutional— perhaps  I 
might  go  so  far  as  to  assert  that  every  act  recognizing  the 
charter  is  in  the  sjime  predicament.  But  U  is  not  neoesswy 
for  my  pur|j08e  to  proceed  thus  far*  "^    "    ^ 


94 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


r^ 


It  rtiererore  irresistibly  fullows  tlmt  every  rnemlier  of  congreis 
w1k>  voted  for  the  act  of  March  1804,  and  afterwurds  voted 
against  a  renewal  of  the  charter,  merely  on  the  grounds  cf 
unconstitutionality,  vibh  guilty  of  a  manifest,  if  pot  a  criminal 
inconsistency.* 

•  A  circumstance  connected  with  this  transaction,  rendered 
the  impropriety  of  the  rejection  of  the  application  of  the  banjv 
for  a  renewal  of  its  charter,  still  more  striking  and  palpable. 
The  government  till  the  year  1802  held  2200  shares  of  the 
stock,  Tvhich  they  sold  to  Sir  Trancis  Itnring  at  13  per  cent, 
advance,  whereby  they  made  a  clear  profit  of  $300,600  beyond 
the  par  value.  Those  who  purchaseil  of  Mr.  }laring,  and  held 
the  stock  till  the  dissolution  of  the  bank,  lost  all  tlii^  sum, 
exclusive  of  a  considerable  difference  between  the  dividenOs 
and  legal  interest  on  the  purchase  money.  They  could  never 
have  entertained  any  doubt  of  the  continuance  of  the  charter. 
They  must  have  conceived  it  to  be  as  permanent  as  that  of  the 
bank  of  England.  Had  they  supposed  otherwife,  they  would 
j)ot  have  bought  at  so  great  an  advance.  And  it  would  not  be 
«asy  to  satisfy  the  candid  and  impartial,  that  our  government 
could  with  propriety  or  justice,  make  such  profit  out  of  their 
%ni>rance  and  their  confidence  in  its  integrity  and  fairne?!3< 


\t' 


^*l 


CHAPTER  V. 


Armistice  f^cposedhy  Admiral  Warren, 

•Pre  next  of  the  errors  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  that 
I  notice,  is  the  refusal  of  the  armistice  offered  by  admiral  Warren, 
.  on  the  12th  of  September,  1812,  nearly  three  jnonths  after  the 
declaration  of  war. 

Never,  probably,  was  war  inore  just.  Never  had  a  country 
more  patiently  borne  the  most  humiliating  accumulation  of 
outrage  and  injury  than  the  United  State?  had  done.  Her  char- 
acter  hi^d  in  consequence  fallen  in  the  estimation  of  mankind. 
She  was  universally  presumed  to  be  so  lost  in  the  sordid  pursuit 
of  gain,  hC  to  be  Ci\llbus  to  outrage,  to  insult,  and  tojcontumely. 
She  bad  ap|>eaced  to  ha^ye  forfeited  all  regard  to  national  honor 
and  dignity.  Her  mendicant  ambassadors  had  been,  for  years, 
in  vain  suing  for  justice  and  forbearance  at  the  poitals  of  St, 

♦  For  furthfr  d^tailfi  on  this  subject,  the  reader  is  referred  to  *'  Seven  letter* 
to  Dr.  Seybert  en  the  renewal  rf  tlie  charter  of  tlte  Back  of  the  United  Statw," 
^yM.Q. 


to 


oth 
fihi 
Cit 
the\ 


ofoongreis 

ircis   voU><t 

grounds  t)f 

a  criminai 

,   remlered 
)fthe  bank 
il  jmlpable. 
urea  of  the 
5  per  cent. 
JOO  heyoml 
5,  and  helil 
i  tlli^  sum, 
e  dividenOs 
ould  never 
llie  charter. 
J  that  of  tlie 
they  woiilil 
ould  not  be 
[government 
out  of  their 
fairnega* 


THE  OtIVE  BRANCH. 


4^ 


* 


tration,  that 
iral  Warren, 
Ihs  after  the 

d  a  country 
imulation  of 
Her  char- 
of  mankind, 
ordid  pursuit 
tt^ontumely. 
tional  honor 
;n,  for  years, 
)0itals  of  St, 

»» Seven  letter* 
Uoited  States,' 


I 


.lames*  pntace.  The  pusiUanimity  of  the  Kovenimont  had 
become  a  subject  of  reproach  to  the  federalists — of  shame  to  the 
democrats.  And  it  was  a  bye  word  amonj;  the  opposers  of  the 
administrution,  that  it  *'  could  not  lie  kicked  into  a  war.'*  ThiB 
genteel  expression  was  used  in  congress  by  Mr.  Josiah  ^uincey, 
and  was  quite  common  out  of  doors. — It  is  impossible  to  forget 
the  torrents  of  reproaches  heaped  upon  the  cabinet  at  Washing- 
ton, on  this  ground.  The  pusillanimity  and  cowardice  of  the 
frderal  administration  furnished  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  rhctoop 
ical  embelliHhments  to  flowery  speeches  innunieral)le. 

Tiie  declaration  of  war  was  therefore  really  as  just  as  any 
similar  document  from  the  days  of  Nimrod.  The  expediency 
of  it  was,  however,  not  equally  clear.  The  risk  wa<i  immense. 
It  was  putting  to  hazard  the  vital  interests  of  eight  millions  of 
people,  on  the  very  uncertain  chances  of  war.  Yet  I  do  not 
pretend  to  decide  the  question  of  expediency  in  the  negative : 
for  let  it  be  observed,  that  every  argument  against  this  war, 
would  apply  with  nearly  equal  force  against  resistance  to  any 
degree  of  insult,  outrage  and  injury  from  England  ;  as  the  chief 
arguments  against  its  expediency,  are  predicated  upon  the 
immense  naval  force  of  that  nation,  and  her  conseipicnt  means 
of  inflicting  incalculable  injury  upon  the  United  States  :  and 
•whatever  cogency  there  may  be  in  these  arguments,  would 
equally  exist  let  the  injuries  susUrtned  be  what  they  might.        > 

But  whatever  might  be  the  justice,  necessity,  or  policy  of  the 
"war,  if  was  a  great  error,  when  the  orders  in  council  were 
repealed,  and  an  armistice  oflered  by  the  British  government, 
not  to  accept  it.  Negociations  for  the  removal  of  the  rest  of 
our  grievances  might  have  taken  place ;  and  would  undoubtedly 
liave  b^en  conducted  under  more  favorabble  auspices,  than 
those  that  preceded  them ;  for  England  having  discovered  that 
she  had  calculated  too  far  on  our  passiveness,  would  have  beea 
far  more  disposed  to  do  us  justice. 

Unftirtunately  the  proposition  was  rejected — a  rejection  preg- 

"    "     *  ^  "    ..    -..  r-i — u^  m 

*  Candor  and.iust}c«.  t6  IVfr.  Madison  require  that  T  should  state  that  heoffei*il 

o  a.ree  to  «n  armistice  with  Sir  John  6orlase  Warren,  on  cond  t^on  tha*  ^e 

rrac  ice  of  impres^mrnt  should  be  suspended  during  the  ..egociSn.     FroS 

the^  letter  of  tfie  Secretary  of  Stale  to  Sir  Jdm  on  this  subject.  I  annex  an  eJ^ 

«ti?JI'®  "^'f '™  ''[,*'}f.  Y'^'^^}  Kovernment  is  to  take  from  the  merchant  vessels  of 
other  countne^,  Bnti.h  subjects.  In  the  practice  the  commanders  of  the  British 
ships  of  war  oHen  take  from  the  merchant  vecsels  of  the  United  States  American 
Citizen...  r^IfihtUniUdSUiUsprohmihtemphymeni  e/5wS'iS  ?S 
Mnr^crrra,  ami  enforce  the  prohibition  by  suitable  regulati^s  aJpeSe  th» 
«..  ue  to  the prachce  ts  takmm^y.  Q^it  is  in  this  mode  that  the  FrVsident  il 
TT.l  mg  to  accoramoda  e^his  imnorta,rn?o„troverFv  with  the  British  gove  niSnt  f 
-nd  It  cannot  be  conceived  on  wUt  groynd  the  ^rinpoincnt  can  be  rlfi 


£9 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


When  the  preceding  article  was  written,  I  hail  not  sufficIentljT 
examined  the  celebrated  repeal,  as  it  is  styled,  of  the  orders  in 
council,  which  is  very  different  intleed,  from  what  I  had  con- 
ceived it.  It  is  liable  to  strong  olijections,  which  I  believe 
have  never  been  fully  stated,  and  of  which  the  public  are  not 
probably  aware.  To  enable  the  reader  to  comprehend  my 
lAeaning,  anil  to  form  his  own  opinion  correctly  on  a  point  of 
such  great  magnitude,  independent  of  any  impression  to  be 

"  A  suspension  of  the  practice  of  impressment,  pending  tho  armistice,  aeems  to 
')e  a  nrcPBsary  consequence.  It  cannot  be  presumed,  witilc  the  parties  are  eng;aged 
ill  a  ni^gociation  to  adjust  amicably  iliis  important  difference,  tliat  the  United 
States  would  admit  ^he  right,  or  aci^uiesce  in  the  practice,  of  the  opposite  party  ; 
or  that  Great  Rritam  would  be  unwilling  to  restrain  her  cruisers  from  a  practice 
which'  wbiild  have  t!»e  strongest  tendency  to  defeat  the  negociation.  It  is  pre- 
eiimahle,  that  both  parties  would  enter  into  the  negociation  with  a  sincere  desire 
to  give  it  effect.  For  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  that  a  clear  and  dis  inct 
understanding  be  firi^t  ohtnined  between  them,  of  the  accommodation  w^iicli  each 
is  prepared  to  make,  rj^^  If  the  British  government  is  willing  to  suspend  the 
prncliceofimprcwnenl./>')>n  American  vessels,  on  connderatian  that  the  United 
Stales  7vill  exclude  British  seamen  from  their  service,  the  regulationi  by  ivhich  the 
eampromise  should  be  carried  into  effect,  would  be  solely  the  object  of  negndntion . 
The  armistice  would  be  of  short  duration.  If  the  parties  agreed,  peace  would  be 
tile  result.  If  the  negociatiou  failed,  each  would  be  restored  to  its  former  state, 
aud  to  all  its  pretenuons  by  recurring  to  war. 

*'  The  President  desires  that  the  war  which  exists  between  the  two  countries 
should  be  terniinated  on  such  conditions  as  may  secure  a  solid  and  durable  peace. 
To  accomplish  this  great  object,  it  is  necessary  that  the  great  subject  of  impress- 
ment, be  satisfactorily  arranged,  fj^^  He  is  rdlling  that  Great  Britain  should  bn 
secured  againH  the  evils  of  which  me  complains.  He  seeks,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  should  be  protected  against  a  practice,  which, 
rrj=»ivhile  it  degrades  the  nation,  deprives  them  of  their  rights  as  freemen,  takes 
t/um  by  farce  from  their  families  and  country  into  a  foreign  service,  to  fight  the 
battles  (f  a  foreign  power,  perhaps  against  their  omn  kindred  and  country.'^ '^ 
These  proposals  were  perfectly  fair  and  honorable — and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that 
Sir  J.  6.  Warren's  powers  were  not  extensive  enough  to  allow  him  to  accept 
them  :  but  as  they  were  not  thu«i  extensive,  it  is  equally  .^o  be  lamented  that  the 
suspension  of  impressment  was  insisted  on. 

As  this  is  a  most  important  feature  in  our  public  proceedings,  it  is  proper  t«> 
state  further,  that  so  sincerely  desirous  was  Mr.  Madison  to  close  the  breach, 
that  on  the 'Jtitli  of  June  1812,  only  eight  days  after  the  declaration  of  war,  he 
authorised  Mr.  Ru-:sel  to  make  the  same  proposition  to  the  government  of  Great 
Britain.  The  communication  was  made  to  lord  Castlereagh  by  Mr.  Russel,  in 
♦t~  ft»ii-.™j A  -  ijonOon,  August  :£,<ii4i, 


101^. 


"  As  an  inducement  to  Great  Britain ,  to  discontinue  the  practice  of  impressment 
from  American  vessels,  I  am  authorised  to  give  assurance,  that  a  law  shall  be 
passed  (to  be  reciprocal,)  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  British  seamen,  m  the 


more  efRca- 
impressment. 


public  or  commercial  service  of  the  United  States. 

"  It  is  sincerely  believed,  that  such  an  arrangement  would  prove 
dous  in  secui  .ng  to  Great  Britain  her  seamen,  tlvan  the  practice  of  i    . 
S  derogatory  to  the  sovereign  attributes  of  the  United  States,  and  y>  incompatible 
with  the  personal  rights  of  her  citizens.'* 

This  proposition  was  rejected. 

*  Message  of  the  President  to  Congress,  Nov.  4,  1812. 


THE  ^LlVfi  BRANCH. 


^7 


ficiently 
orders  ia 
had  coa- 
l  believe 
;  are  not 
hend  my 
point  of 
ion  to  be 

:e,  seems  to 
ire  engaged 
the  United 
)site  party  ; 
n  a  practice 
It  is  pre- 
icere  desire 
ind  dis  inct 
w^iclj  each 
srispfTid  tfie 
the  United 
by  rvhich  the 
negodntion. 
Loe  would  be 
ormer  state, 

fo  countries 

rable  peace. 

;  of  impress- 

lin  should  be. 

other  hand« 

ctice,  which, 

iemen,  takes 

to  fight  the 

country.'^'^ 

iraented  that 

in  to  accept 

ted  that  tlie 

g  proper  to 
the  breach, 
n  of  war,  lie 
;nt  of  Great 
r.  Russel,  in 

impressment 
law  shall  be 
imen,  in  the 

more  efRca. 
impressment, 
incompatible 


made  by  my  statement,  I  annex  the  paragraph  of  the  instru- 
'  ^  meat  to  which  1  allude,  and  which  I  am  confident  never  vvaa 
mt       generally  understood  or  attended  to. 

•'  His  royal  highness  is  hereby  pleased  to  declare,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf 
of  IiIk  majesty,  that  nothing  in  this  present  order  contained  ahall  be  understood 
t(j  preclude  his  royal  highnefs  the  prince  regent,  IP  CIRCUMSTANCES 
{SHALL  jjO  REUUIRE,"  [mark  thes^  words,  reader — '' if  circumstances  shall 
so  require,''^]  '^from  restoring,  after  reasonable  notice,  the  ordei  of  the  1th  qf 
January,  1807,  and  2&th  of  April,  \%QQ,  or  any  part  thereqf,  to  their  full  effect  p 
OR,  fi cm  taking  such  other  measures  of  retaliation  against  tlie  enemy,  ag  may 
appear  to  his  royal  highness  to  be  just  and  necessary." 

This  is  a  most  extraordinary  clause.  The  prince  regent 
has  received  an  authenticated  document,  containing  the  repeal 
of  the  Berlin  and  Miiiin  decrees,  on  which  he  deems  himself 
bound  to  repeal  the  orders  in  council.  But  in  the  instrument 
ivhich  hi!  issues  on  the  subject,  he  expressly  reserves  the  right 
of  restoring  thoseorders,  *^  if  circumstances  shall  so  require.^* 
On  these  "  circumstances^^  he,  of  course,  is  to  decide.  These 
*'  circumstances^^  are  wholly  independent  of  "  retaliatiorC — as 
provision  is  made  in  the  su!)sequent  part  of  the  paragraph  ex- 
pressly for  "  retaliation^^  in  a  distinct  clause.  It  therefore 
appears  that  the  orders  in  council  were,  in  strict  technical  Ian- 
"^  guage?  never  repealed.  They  were  merely  suspended  till "  cir- 
cumstances should  require"  their  revival. 

No  candid  reader  will  deny  that  the  above  is  fair  reasoning. 
This,  therefore,  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  "rfpca/,"  in  the  sense 
in  which  this  nation  had  a  right  to  expect  the  orders  in  council 
to  be  "  repealed''''  according  to  the  British  pledge,  to  proceed 
pari  passu  with  the  repeal  of  the  French  decrees.  The  ordem 
in  council  might  have  been  "  restored*^  in  one  month,  after  the 
date  of  this  instrument,  according  to  its  tenor, "  ifcircutnstance^ 
should  have  so  required^^  without  our  government  having  any 
just  reason  to  complain  of  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  that  <k 
Great  Britain.  There  never  was  a  public  document  more  cau* 
tiously  worded.  And  had  it  arrived  here  previous  to  the  declar- 
ation of  war,  this  country  would  have  been  perfectly  warranted 
in  refusing  to  regard  it  as  a  repeal.  To  meet  and  to  fulfil  the 
idea  held  out  in  the  previous  pledges  of  the  British  government* 
the  repeal  ought  to  have  been  unconditional,  except  the  reser^ 
vation  of  a  right  io  renew  the  orders  in  council  in  the  one  spe- 
cific case  of  the  revival  of  the  French  decrees. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  respecting  this  repeal,  that  io  the  de*- 
bates  upon  it  in  the  British  parliament,  the  mighty  wrongs  in- 
flicted by  the  orders  in  council  upon  this  country  formed  hardly 
any  part  of  the  reasons  whereon  the  adoption  of  the  measure 

vras  mig^i},    {lY^a  Mr*  Brcugham,  tbe  powerful  opponeAl  «f 


• 


4WI: 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


the  orders,  and  the  mover  of  the  address  for  their  '* rcpeai^^ 
founded  his  arguments  in  his  published  speech,  wholly  on  the 
injurious  effects  experienced  in  England  by  the  loss  of  our  trade. 
It  is  true,  he  once  glances  at  the  injustice  of  the  orders,  but  it 
is  very  slightly  and  merely  incidentally.  He  does  not  boldly 
and  magnanimously  expose  them  to  reprobation  on  the  ground 
of  the  violation  of  our  rights,  as  Mr.  Baring  had  done  in  his 
celebrated  pamphlet. 

But  [!?'««  the  president  admitted  the  instrument  to  be  a  repeal ^ 
it  was,  I  repeat,  to  be  deeply  regretted,  that  he  did  not  accept 
the  armistice,  and  trust  to  subsequent  negociation  for  redress 
on  the  subject  of  impressment.  His  admission  of  it  in  that 
point  of  light,  precluded  him  from  employing  the  solid  objection 
IV  wbicb  it  was  liable. 


CHAPTER  Vf. 


I 


Appointment  of  Mr,  Gallatin  as  Minister  to  treat  with  Great 
Britain.  Negociation  at  GoUcnbitrgh,  Recent  neglect  of  due 
Preparations. 

Tav.  appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin  as  minister  to  treat  vith 
Ihe  court  of  St.  James,  was  a  very  considerable  error.  This 
gentleman  has  had  the  reputation,  probably  with  justice,  of  being 
•ne  of  the  ablest  financiers  in  this  country.  For  twelve  years^, 
he  had  presided  over  the  financial  concerns  of  the  nation^ 
during  which  period,  moderate  talents  were  adequate  to  the 
duties  of  that  station.  But  a  crisis  had  arrived  when  the 
abilities  of  a  Colbert,  or  a  Sully,  or  a  Ximenes,  might  be 
necessary ;  and  most  injudiciously  and  indefensibly  he  was  then 
despatched  to  another  hemisphere ;  and  the  duties  of  his  de- 
volved ad  interim  on  another  oflicer,  whose  proper  official  duties^ 
cequire  all  his  time  and  all  his  talents. 

This  measure  was  highly  preposterous.  It  tras  incorrect 
in  the  President  to  confer — it  was  equally  incorrect  in  the 
secretary  to  receive,  the  appointment.  It  was  the  less 
defensible,  from  the  circumstance,  that  nearly  all  the  demo* 
•rats  in  the  United  States  had,  in  1 794,  utterly  disapprov- 
ed of,  and  declaimed  against,  the  appointment,  by  General 
Washington,  of  Judge  Jay,  to  negociate  a  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  pending  his  continuance  as  a  judge.  It  is  moreover 
obvious,  that  the  absence  of  one  judge  cannot  produce  any  ma* 
UsrUiHi  incoBveaieiiGe  >  avtbeire  are  always  oiber»  to  supply  hid 


M 


r 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


id» 


*  rcpeaU'' 
y  on  the 
)ur  trade. 
rs,  but  it 
ot  boldly 
ground 
^e  in  his 

a  repeal, 
ot  accept 
>r  redress 

in  that 
objectioiy 


ith  Great 
cct  0/ due 

reat  with 
r.  This 
e,  of  being 
Ive  years^ 
le  nationv. 
ite  to  the 
(vhen  the 
might  be 
;was  thea 
of  his  de- 
:i{d  duties 

incoTrect 
ct   in  the 

the  less 
the  demo- 
jisapprov- 
y  General 
nth  Great 
moreover 
e  any  ma- 
supply  hid 


place.  But  there  are  high  and  responsible  duties  attached  to 
the  office  of  secretary  of  the  treasury,  which  can  never,  with- 
out very  great  impropriety,  be  devolved  on  a  deputy.  I  pass 
over  all  but  the  transcendent  one  of  remitting  fines  anA  forfeit- 
ures, too  high  a  power  probably  to  be  trusted  to  any  individual 
whatever,  not  excepting  even  a  secretary  himself.* 

Negociation  at  Gotlmlurg, 

At  a  peritxl  when  it  was  of  immense  importance  to  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  close  the  war  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  president 
had  the  alternative  of  Fjondon  or  Gottenburgh  as  the  scene  of 
negociation.  We  had  been  unfortunate  by  land,  through  trea- 
son, incapacity,  or  some  other  cause.  It  was  our  interest  to 
accelerate — it  was  that  of  the  BritisU  to  procrastinate  the  ne- 
gociations.  The, chances  from  delay  were  much  m  their 
lavor.  War  is,  moreover,  a  component  part  of  their  system. 
Ours  is  calculated  for  peace.  These  observations  acquired 
treble  force  from  a  reflection  on  the  disaffection  of  the  Eastern 
portion  of  the  union,  and  its  aversion  to  the  war.  Of  course, 
we  ought  to  have  shunned  every  thing  that  might  cause  delay. 
It  was  therefore  most  extraordinary  and  unHCcounta!»!e  that  the 
pro3jdent  should  have  chosen  Gottenburg  in  preference  to 
London,  under  all  the  obvious  delays  res4ilting  from  the  ne- 
cessity that  would  probably  arise  or  be  pretended,  to  consult 
the  coijrt  of  St.  James*,  by  the  ministers  of  that  court.  It 
appears  almost  as  absurd  as  it  would  be  to  choose  the  Havanna, 
or  Port  Royal,  were  the  negociations  to  be  conducted  on  this 
oide  of  the  Atlantic.  This  was  the  more  erroneous,  from  the 
tkinsideration  that  the  fate  of  large  portions  of  our  territory,  and 
the  lives  of  inmdreds  of  valuable  citizens,  might  depend  upon 
flie  delay  of  a  single  day. 

Shortly  after  the  annunciation  of  the  choice  of  Gottenburg, 
ftiere  was  a  paragraph  published  here,  extractetl  from  a  London 
new3-paj>er,  stating  that  tvventy  mails  were  then  actually  due 
trom  that  place  at  London,  owing  to  the  continued  prevalence 
of  adverse  winds.  This  was  an  unanswerable  proof,  if  any 
vrere  necessary,  of  the  impropriety  of  the  choice  of  Gottenburg 

Recent  neglect  of  due  Preparations, 

Under  this  head,  the  president  and  the  heads  of  departments* 
were  still  more  culpable  than  under  any  of  the  former  ones. 

*  See  tl-.e  luminous  essays  on  this  subject  by  W.  B.  Giles,  esq.  which  are  repletCs 
^Itb  the  most  coavificiDg  and  uaaiuwsrablc  argwDcats; 


m 


«0 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH/ 


i! 

if 


From  the  perio*!  of  the  dowufal  of  Bonaparte,  and  the  com-, 
plete  triumph  of  Great  Britain  and  iier  allies,  it  vvaa  obvious 
to  the  meanest  capacity  that  her  powers  of  annoyance  UmI  in- 
creased prodigiously.  The  immense  forces  raised  to  aid  the 
coalition  against  France  were  liberated  from  all  employment 
but  against  ua.  And  of  the  disposition  of  England  to  continue 
the  war,  we  had  the  most  convincing  indications.  The  British 
newsjiapers  were  replete  with  denunciations  of  vengeance 
against  us,  and  with  statements  of  immense  [treparalions  for 
our  chastisement.  And  to  crown  the  whole — to  remove  alt 
possible  doubt  on  the  subject — to  deprive  us  and  our  rulers  of  all 
plea  in  Justification  of  our  torpor,  and  apathy  and  neglect,  an 
address  was  published  from  the  lords  of  the  admiralty  to  the 
navy,  stating,  as  a  reason  for  not  discharging  so  many  seamen 
as  (lie  return  of  peace  in  Europe  might  have  warranted,  that 
the  war  existing  with  this  country  for  the  maritime  rights  of 
Ihe  British  Empire,  rendered  such  a  measure  improper. 

liondm,  JprilSOth,  1814. 
*'Tlie  lords  comnilssloners  of  the  atliHiralty  cannot  announce  to  tlie  fleet  the 
tenninatloti  of  liostiliiies*  wilhout  expifs^inp;  to  the  petty  officers,  seamen  and  royal 
iriariues  of  his  majesty's  ship!?  the  hie;h  spns**  which  their  lordships  entertain  of 
their  Kallant  and  2;iorious  services  durins  the  la*"  wrar  The  patience,  perseverance 
and  discipline  ;  the  skill,  courage,  aiidd*'Voti«  n,  with  wiiicn  the  seamen  ai>d  ma- 
rines have  upheld  tlie  hest  interests,  and  achieved  tiie  noblest  triumphs  of  oiir 
country,  entitle  them  to  the  gratifude.  not  only  of  their  native  land,  which  they 
have  preserved  inviolate,  but  of  th?  other  nations  of  Europe,  of  whose  ultimate 
delivenmce  their  success  maintained  the  nope  ruid  accelerated  the  accompiislnnent. 
Their  lordships  regret  the  unjust  and  unprovoked  figgre''svm  of  the  AMERICAN' 
GOVERNMENT,  in  declaring  war  mjon  this  country,  after  all  the  causes  of  its 
tmgin'd  complnnt  had  been  remijved^  does  not  permit  them  to  reduce  the  fleet  at 
once  to  a  peace  establishmen*.  But  as  tiie  question  now  at  issue  in  this  war,  is^ 
the  maintenance  of  those  m>iritime  rights,  ivhich  are  the  sicre  foundation  "f  our 
naval  glvryy  their  lordships  look  with  confidence  to  that  part  of  the  fleet  which  It 
may  be  still  necessary  to  keep  in  commission,  for  a  contiimance  of  that  spirit  of 
discipline  and  gallantry,  which  lias  raised  tho  British  navy  to  its  present  pre- 
eminence. In  reducing  the  fleet  to  t!ie  establishment  necessary  for  the  American 
rmr,  the  seamen  and  marines  will  find  their  lordships  attentive  to  the  claims  of 
their  respective  services.  The  reduction  will  be  first  made  in  the  crews  of  those 
ships  which  it  may  be  found  i^xpedient  to  pay  ofl*j  and  from  them  the  petty  officers 
and  seamen  will  be  successrvely  discharged,  according  to  the  leugtli  of  their 
services  ;  beginning  in  the  first  instance  with  all  those  who  were  in  his  majesty's 
service  previous  to  the  7th  of  March  1803,  and  have  since  (continued  in  it.  When 
the  reduction  shall  have  been  thus  made,  as  to  tiie  ships  p«id  off",  their  lordships 
will  direct  their  attention  to  those  which  it  may  be  found  necessary  to  keep  m 
commission  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  of  the  war  will  admit,  will  bring 
home  and  discharge  all  persons  having  the  same  standing  and  periods  of  service,  as 
those  discharged  from  the  ships  paid  off,  so  that  in  a  few  months  the  situation  of 
iodiv'duals  will  be  e(iualized  ;  all  men  of  a  certain  period  of  service  will  be  at 
libert}'  to  return  home  to  their  families;  and  the  number  which  it  may  be  still 
necessary  to  retain,  will  be  composed  of  those  who  hnve  been  the  shorten  time  in 
tlje  service.  An  arrangement  in  iiself  so  just,  cannot,  in  their  lordships^  opinion, 
fail  to  give  universal  satisfaction  ;  and  they  ar«  induced  to  make  this  communica- 
ti(|p  to  the  fleet,  because  they  thittk  that  ttie  eseii)plar7  good  cood^et  of  all  tte 


1 


the  com-. 
3  obviouii 
e  had  in* 
to  aid  the. 
ijiloymetit 
)  continue 
he  British 
engeance 
at  ions  foi* 
imove  all 
ilers  of  all 
eglect,  an 
ilty  to  the 
\y  seamen 
nted,  that 
J  rights  of 
r. 

}th,  1814. 
tlie  fleet  the 
len  and  royal 
entertain  of 
perseverance 
uen  and  ma- 
mptis  of  oiir 

which  they 

ose  ultimate 

)mplialimei)t. 

MERICAN 

causes  of  its 

the  fleet  at 
this  war,  ?s, 
ition  of  our 
fleet  whicli  it 
hat  spirit  of 
present  pre- 
he  American 
the  claims  of 
ews  of  those 
petty  officers 
ijilii  of  their 
liri  majesty's 
in  it.  When 
;ir  lordships 
•  to  Veep  m 
t,  will  bring 
of  service,  as 
!  situation  of 
'  will  be  at 
may  be  still 
>rte^  time  in 
ips^  opinion, 
communica- 
ct  Of  all  tlWi 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


61 


x*^ 


JjHtty  oft'icers,  scaiurn,  and  marines,  entitles  tliem  to  every  conflder.cc,  and  to  this 
nil  iifid  candid  explanation  of  tht  ir  lordships'  intentions.  Tlitir  lordships  cannot 
conclude  witliout  expiessing  tlieir  iiope,  that  the  valor  of  liis  majesty's  fleets  and 
ainiies  will  speedily  bring  tlie  American  contest  to  a  conciusion,  honorable  to  the 
fit  iti!<li  name,  safe  for  British  interests,  and  conducive  to  the  lasting  repose  of  tlie 
civilized  world. 

"  By  comnaand  of  their  lordiiliips, 

"  J.  W.  CROKER." 

Notwithstanding  these  symptoms  of  a  near  approaching  hur-^ 
ricane,  a  delusion  almost  universally  prevailed  through  the 
nation,  of  which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  produce  a  parallel. 
Numbers  of  our  most  enlightened  citizens,  knowing  that  the 
restoration  of  peace  had  removed  all  the  ostensible  causes  of 
war,  and  placing  full  reliance  upon  the  magnanimity  of  Great 
Britain,  predicated  all  their  arrangements  on  a  speedy  and 
honorable  peace.  Purchases  and  sales  of  property  to  an  incal« 
culable  amount,  werip  made  under  this  soothing  expectation. 
And  we  were  lulled  into  a  state  of  the  most  perfect  security,  as 
if  all  our  dangers  had  utterly  subsided — the  temple  of  Janus 
were  about  to  be  closed — and  every  man  were  to  convert  his 
sword  into  a  plough-share. 

To  such  a  degree  was  this  infatuation  carried,  that  authentic 
information  of  the  sailing  of  hostile  armaments  produced  no 
effect  to  diminish  it.  We  were  gravely  told,  that  it  was  quite 
in  character  for  nations  to  assume  an  energetic  and  formidable 
attitude  when  they  were  uegociating  ;  that  the  expense  to 
England  of  sending  these  armaments  was  inconsiderable ;  that 
they  would  be  recalled  as  soon  as  a  treaty  was  signed ;  and  in 
fine  that  she  was  too  magnanimous  to  take  advantage  of  the 
existing  state  of  things — \\Uh[CF' an  endless  vamty  of  argumenta 
and  asscrlionSi  equally  profound,  convincing,  and  cos  mt. 

There  were  infinite  pains  taken  by  the  friends  of  England  in 
this  country,  to  foster  and  extend  this  delusion.  Their  efforts 
were  crowned  with  the  most  complete  success.  The  nation 
fell  into  the  snare  with  a  degree  of  cullibility  that  afforded  a 

These  deceits  were  varied  with  an  address  and  industry, 
worthy  of  a  better  cause.  They  assumed  every  shape  from  an 
humble  six-penny  paragraph,  extracted  from  a  London  [»aper, 
to  an  important  public  document.  Extracts  of  letters  innumer- 
able, '';om  ^^  eminent  merchants"  in  London,  Liverpool,  and 
Glasgow,  to  merchants  cX equal  eminence  in  Boston,  New- York, 
Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore,  were  published  with  most  confident 
assurances  of  the  immediate  appointment  of  commissioners,  td 
negociate  with  ours,  on  terms  comporting  with  the  magnanini* 


4 
m 


1.  -.  •  • 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


I' 


ity  of  England,  and  perfectly  honorable  to  llie  United  States, 
Letters  ^^ere  said  likewise  to  have  been  received  from  Mr. 
Gallatin,  full  of  assurances  of  pei&ce,  which  Great  Britain  would 
grant  on  terms  more  favorable  than  when  she  was  pressed  by 
the  power  of  Bonaparte.  All  these  tales,  how  wild  or  extrava- 
gant soever,  were  greedily  caught  at  and  believed  by  our  citi- 
zens, as  they  flattered  and  coincided  with  their  ardeni desire  for 
peace.    So  justly  sings  the  poet, 

,,^-;     -,         *' What  we  wish  to  be  true,  we  are  fond  to  believe."'  :.  ^^ 

Several  times  we  were  Jellided  with  information  that  Ad- 
niiral  Cochrane  had  received  despatches  announcing  an  ap- 
proacJ)iijg  armistice,  and  his  consequent  recall  from  the  A- 
merican  station.  In  a  word,  no  pains  were  spared  to  lead 
us  into  a  most  profound  sleep ;  and  the  ojiiatcs  operated  most 
powerfully. 

During  all  this  deceitful  calm,  through  which  every  man  of 
discernment  might  readily  and  unerringly  foresee  the  approach- 
es of  a  fearful  storm — as  every  indication  from  England,  deserv- 
ing of  credit,  portended  a  long,  a  desperate,  and  a  vindictive 
warfare ;  the  government  of  the  United  States  took  no  measure 
to  dispel  the  delusion.  In  vain  the  public  looked  to  Washing- 
ton for  information  on  tlie  prospect  ofaiTalrs.  All  was  there 
|)rofoundly  silent.  Govei^hAienft  must  have  had  all  the  inform- 
ation on  the  subject  that  vcas  in  this  country  :  and  it  was  their 
incumbent  duty  to  have  disseminated  abroad  the  result  of  their 
intelligence,  that  the  public  might  regulate  their  proceedings, 
and  predicate  their  measures  on  rational  and  prudential  calcula- 
tions. But  this  imperious  duty  was,  I  venture  to  assert,  utterly 
neglected.  There  was  not  a  line  of  official  communication  on 
the  subject.  And  nothing  appeared  in  the  National  Intelligen- 
cer, that  slronsly  marked  either  a  probability  of  peace,  or  of  a 

-canilniumce  of  the  war.  As  far,  however,  as  conclusions  could 
more  the  hope  ot  a  resiorauou  m  ^icaw  \^^.,^^^^.^ni^,\  much 
trary. 

This  conduct,  on  the  part  of  the  administration,  was  to  the 
last  degree  culpable.  It  was  a  dereliction  of  duty  that  exposed 
our  citizens  to  ruinous  consequences.  The  Philadelphians 
were  among  ihe  most  deluded  portion  of  the  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  There  were  no  preparations  made  for  defence  ex- 
cept the  embpdying  a  number  of  volunteer  corps,  very  ineflicient 
indeed  to  protect  m.  And  I  shudder  to  think  what  mijjht  have 
been  the  consequences,  had  the  enemy  assailed  us  while  we 
were  thus  napping  in  a  state  of  stupid  and  most  irrational  ge*- 
curitj^.^ 


'.M 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


>d  States. 
*rom  Mr. 
tin  would 
essed  by 
extrava- 
'  our  citi- 
desire  for 


*Thc  craih  of  the  conflagration  at  Washington,  awaked  us 
putofour.BlumberB,  and  dispelled  the  delusion. — We  were  tJien 
aroMsed  to  a  full  sense  of  our  dangerous  situation,  and  of  the 
folly  and  supineness  that  had  caused  it.  We  went  manfully  to 
work — and  in  a  lew  weeks  made  such  pre|)arations  as  renewed 
public  confidence,  and  promised  fair  to  enable  us  to  repel  the 
enemy,  should  he  make  his  appearance. 


that  Ad- 
;  an  ap- 
m  the  A- 
[1  to  lead 
ated  most 

py  man  of 
approach- 
id,  deserv- 
indictiver 
3  measure 
Washing- 
was  there 
e  inform- 
ivas  their 
It  of  their 
iceedings, 
il  calcula- 
rt,  utterly 
cation  on 
ntelligen- 
e,  or  of  a 
ons  could 
<»>«1  innrh 


-% 


%        ^        f    :       CHAPTER  VII.      '        ' 

General  Wilkinson  and  General  Hampton.  Prccccdina^.'i  of  Conr 
grcss.  Lamentable  torpor^  delat/,  and  indecision.  Neglect  of 
public  opinion. 

In  military  affairs,  when  combined  operations  are.  underta* 
ken,  it  is  indisjiensibly  necessary,  in  order  to  insure  siucpss, 
that  a  good  understanding  should  prevail  between  the  com-i 
manders  who  are  to  co-operate,  A  want  of  due  attention  to 
this  obvious  dictate  of  prudence  and  common  sense,  has  caused 
the  failure,  among  various  nations,  of  expeditions  of  the  utmost 
importance.  It  is  one  of  those  plain  rules,  which  can  hardly 
escape  the  discernment  of  a  man  of  even  mediocre  capacity. 

Nevertheless,  the  northern  campaign  of  1813,  was  intrusted 
to  Gen.  Wilkinson,  and  Gen.  Hampton,  between  whom  existed 
a  high  degree  of  hostility,  which  was  sufficiently  well  known, 
to  have  pointed  out  the  absurdity  of  the  procedure.  The  issue 
of  the  campaign  was  disastrous.  And  it  is  not  improbable  that 
a  large  portion,  perhaps  the  whole  of  the  disaster,  arose  from 
the  neglect  of  a  rule  so  very  rational,  that  it  is  astonishing  how 
t  could  have  been  overlooked. 

Proceedings  of  Congress. 

Among  the  grievous  sins  of  the  ruling  party,  I  know  of  none 
much  more  culpable  than  the  shocking  and  miserable  mode  in 
which  the  proceedings  of  Congress  are  managed. — Whatever 
may  be  the  urgency  of  public  business,  how  ruinous  soever 
may  be  delay,  it  appears  utterly  impossible  to  inspire  that  body 
■with  a  due  degree  of  energy  or  promptitude.  Week  after  week, 
and  month  after  month,  pass  over — and  the  public  anxiously, 
but  in  vain,  expect  remedies  to  be  applied  to  the  disorders  of 
the  state.  To  a  most  culpable  spirit  of  procrastination,  i»nd 
the  itch  of  speaking,  this  wretched  waste  of  time  and  neglect 
of  the  public  embarraennents  may  be  fairly  traced* 


94 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


i 


'fi*;'* 


if 


■  Two  or  three  powerful  orators  on  eacli  side  take  a  compve* 
hensive  view  of  a  subject.  They  exhaust  it  coratjietely  — 
They  are  followed  by  a  crowd  of  speakers,  who  are  uiiahle  to 
throw  any  new  or  important  light  on  it — and  whose  speeches 
stand  in  the  same  relation  to  those  of  the  early  orators,  that  a 
hash  warmed  over  a  second  or  third  time  does  to  the  original 
noble  sirloin,  of  whose  fragments  it  is  formed.  And  thus  is 
the  money  of  the  nation  expended,  and  its  hopes  frustrated, 
merely  that  Mr.  A,  and  Mr.  B,  and  Mr.  C,  and  Mr.  D,  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  making  lo',j;  speeches  to  prove  to  their 
constituents  how  wisely   they  have  selected  representatives ! 

I  have  not  before  me  the  debates  of  the  British  parliament — 
and  therefore  cannot  with  full  confidence  state  what  is  actually 
their  mode  of  proceeding.  But  it  is  strongly  impressed  on  my 
mind,  that  they  generally  decide  on  questions  at  one  sitting. 
This  at  least  I  cin  aver  with  the  utmost  certainty,  that  many 
of  the  most  momentous  questions,  involving  the  interests  of 
80,000,000  of  people,*  have  been  thus  decided,  after  a  debate 
from  three  o'clock  in.  the  afternoon,  till  three  our  four  in  the 
morning.  And  in  the  debates  on  these  subjects,  some  of  the 
greatest  men  in  Europe  have  displayed  their  talents  on  both 
sides — Erskine,  and  Pox,  and  Grey — Pitt,  and  Burke,  and 
Wyndham.  Whereas  one  of  our  specchip.rs  will  sometimes 
occupy  eight,  ten,  or  twelve  hours,  sometimes  two  days,  with  a 
single  speech. 

A  large  portion  of  the  people  of  this  country  have  taken 
opposite  sides  respecting  England,  its  manners,  and  its  customs. 
One  party  admires  and  copies  — the  other  censures  and  desf>i- 
ses  almost  every  thing  British. — They  are  both  in  equal  error. 
England  presents  much  to  admire  and  imitate — much  to  censure 
and  avoid.  It  is  highly  desirable  we  should  imitate  her  in  the 
management  of  her  parliamentary  preccedings. 

As  repects  the  business  of  Congress,  a  remedy  ought  to  be 
applied  immediately.  The  debates  ouashttobe  limited  within 
reasonable  ')ounds.  When  they  have  been  extended  far  enough, 
thej''  ought  to  be  terminated  by  flie  previous  question,  notwith- 
standing the  clamor  and  outcry  of  the  minority.  And  whenev- 
er the  emergency  of  the  case  requires  promptitude,  the  sitting 
ought  to  be  continued  till  the  subject  is  decided,  unless  its 
comi^lication  and  ditficulty  may  render  an  adjournment  neces- 
sary. 

What  a  lamentable  prospect  the  country  exhibited  at  the 
moment  I  wrote  these  lines !    It  was  the  sixth  of  Decemlier. 

*  I  ncTuding  it!<  East  India  po»se8aioo3»;  the  abore  is  Uie  number  of  the  subject 
qftUe  British  Empire. 

..  J.,  .  •  .  f  -  -  ■        • .  -      »-■■--,,■.» 


■■•t 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^ 


I  conipve* 
►letely  — 
iiKible  to 
spfiechea 
rs,  tliat  H 
3  original 

id  tllU3    IB 

friiet  rated, 
.  D,  mny 
e  to  their 
atives ! 
liament — 
is  actually 
jed  o;i  my 
ne  sitting, 
that  many 
interests  of 
jr  a  debate 
four  in  the 
ome  of  the 
its  on  Wotli 
?urke,  and 
sometimes 
lys,  with  a 

lave  taken 
s  customs. 
and  desf)i- 
qual  error, 
to  censure 
her  in  the 

ught  to  be 
ited  within 
far  enough, 
notwith- 
id  whenev- 
the  sitting 
unless  its 
lent  neces- 

ited  at  the 
December. 

ofthesubjcctl 


%< 


[1, 


Congress  had  been  in  session  nearly  three  months. — They 
found  the  credit  of  the  government  laid  prostrate — the  sea-board 
exposed  to  depredation — the  pay  of  the  array  in  arrears — and 
every  thing  in  a  situation  that  was  calculated  to  excite  energy 
nnd  decision  among  a  nation  of  Sybarites.  And  what  was  the 
result  ?  There  had  probably  been  one  or  two  hundred  flowery 
•speeches  made — amendments  and  postponements  innumerable 

, and  only  two  important  acts  passed — one  for  borrowing  three 

millions  of  dollars — and  the  other  for  buying  or  building  twenty 
schooners. 

To  those  who  were  actuiited  by  a  sincere  regard  for  the  wel- 
fare and  safety  of  their  country,  these  proceedings  were  a  source 
of  the  most  poignant  uneasiness.  They  were  utterly  unac- 
countable, and  irreconcilable  with  the  plainest  dictates  of  rea- 
son and  common  sense.  Laying  aside  all  considerations  of 
pultlic  spirit  or  patriotism,  a  due  regard  to  personal  interest  and 
{lersonal  safety,  ought  to  have  prescribed  a  totally  dififerent  line 
of  conduct. 

The  majority  endeavoured  to  shelter  themselveh  by  censuring 
the  minority  who  made  those  long  speeches  for  the  purpose  of 
embarrassing  them  and  protracting  their  debates  and  proceed- 
ino;s.  This  plea  would  not  stand  examination.  Were  it  valid, 
a  minority  of  six  or  eight  persons,  possessed  of  the  faculty  of 
making  "  long  talks^"*  might  at  all  times  baffle  a  majority,  and 
paralize  the  motions  of  the  government.  Suppose  each  member- 
of  the  minority  to  m'ake  a  speech  of  a  day  or  two  on  every  sub- 
ject that  arose  for  discussion — allow  a  reasonable  time  for  repli- 
cation to  the  majority — and  the  whole  year  would  be  inadequate 
for  that  portion  of  business  which  the  British  parliament  would 
with  ease  despatch  in  a  month. 

Besides  the  delay  arising  from  the  disfdays  of  oratory  which 
I  have  stated,  there  is  another  source  of  delay,  equally  injuri- 
ous. Private  and  triffing  business  obtrudes  itself  on  the  atten- 
tion of  congress,  and  occupies  a  large  portion  of  th«  time  which 
is  loudly  called  for  by  the  important  affairs  of  the  n^ition.  The 
former  ought  to  be  postponed  till  the  other  is  :dl  despatched. 

Here  I  must  notice  one  particular  case,  of  the  most  extraor* 
dinary  kind  that  ever  occupied  the  attention  of  a  public  body. 
Never  was  there  a  greater  mockery  of  a  deliberative  «8S*»mbly, 
A  stud  horse,  called  Romulous,  belonj^in^^  to  a  ^Jv.  David 
D^rdin,  was  impressed  by  a  continenta!  officer,  in  the  year 
17BI.  Having  been  valued  at  7)0  pounds  specie.  General 
Green  returned  him,  on  account  of  the  extravagant  price.  He 
was  aAe^wards  taken  by  another  officer,  and  never  returned. 
His  widow,  Mrs.  Amy  Dardin,  has  been  a  very  as»iduuu8  dJ^ 

G 


'1 


% 


Oft 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


plicont  to  conf^rres  Tor  remunerntion  from  that  period;  ami  llie 
subject  has  nt  various  sessions,  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the 
time  of  that  body.  The  wages  of  congress,  during  the  lime  of 
the  debates,  would,  I  am  persuaded,  purchase  horses  for  the 
best  ap|>ointed  regiment  of  dragoons  in  Christendom.  A  wor- 
thy member  from  Virginia  used  to  ride  Romuhis  into  congress 
in  great  stale,  every  year  during  his  life.  He  is  now  no  more. 
Who  has  been  apj.'oiiiitd  "  master  of  the  horse"  in  his  place,  1 
cannot  decide.  But  that  he  has  a  successor,  is  beyond  a  doubt ; 
for  Dardin's  horse  wns  curvetting  and  prancing  as  usual,  even 
during  the  late  very  important  session. 

A  gentleman  to  whom  I  mentioned  this  circumstance,  in- 
forms me  that  in  the  years  1802  and  1803,  there  were  twopHm- 
phlt'ts  published  on  this  subject  at  the  expense  of  the  nalion,/or 
ilic  use  of  the  members,  the  ccst  of  which  would  perliaps  have 
paid  for  the  horse. 

To  render  this  procfulure  more  culpable,  as  well  as  more 
farcical,  the  Senate  of  the  United  Stales  were  on  the  'th  or  8th 
or  9th  of  February,  1815,  when  every  moment  of  their  time 
was  inexpressibly  invaluable,  gravely  debating  a  bill  for  the  re- 
muneration of  Mrs.  Danlin !  And  they  were  then  within  a 
month  of  the  close  Cff  their  session — and  had  made  no  provision 
for  the  defence  of  our  cities,  liable  to  hourly  destruction,  nor 
for  (lie  restoration  of  public  credit !  The  mind  is  lost  in  the 
most  profound  astonishment  at  the  contemplation  of  such  a 
futile,  such  a  puerile  mode  of  managing  public  business.  I 
am  mist^en  if  the  annals  of  legislation  can  produce  any  par- 
allel. 

One  of  two  things.     The  claim  is  .just  or  unjust.     If  the  for- 
mer, it  is  disgraceful  and  dishonorable  not  to  have  discharged 
it.     If  otherwise,  it  is  really  insufierable  to  have  the  public  tax- 
ed by  such  importunity. 
■>,■-'  ■-  '  '■■■•'  ■'■■•'    \  ' 

Neglect  of  Public  Opinion, 

Of  all  the  errors  of  the  two  administrations  of  Mr.  JefTersoa 
and  Mr.  Madison,  the  least  criminal,  but  probably  the  most 
pernicious  in  its  results,  is,  the  indiflference  they  have  display- 
ed, towards  the  unfounded  allegations  whereby  they  were  borne 
dpwn,  and  their  reputation  and  usefulness  destroyed.  This 
may  have  arisen  from  an  absurd  reliance  on  the  good  sense  of 
the  public — or  on  the  rectitude  of  their  own  intentions— perhaps 
from  their  indolence  or  inattention.  It  was  probably  founded, 
if  it  arose  from  eilher  of  the  two  first  motives,  upon  a  trite,  but 
Callacious  maxim,  whijch  antiquity  hath  bequeathed  ut-— Trutlt 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


or 


i 


i«i  fi;rea(  niiil  will  prevail.  Million^)  oftimcB  has  this  cni)tiv(^ 
tiiij;  maxim  been  pronounced  ;  ami  it  is  almost  nniversally  ad- 
mitteif  08  incontrovertible.  Yet  the  history  of  the  world  in 
almost  every  page  bears  testimony  to  lU  fallacy.  Truth,  un- 
aided by  iiidnstry,  and  activity,  and  cnerjjy,  combats  at  very 
inieqnal  odds  against  falsehood,  supporied  by  these  auxiliaries. 
That  truth,  "other  things  beina;  equal,"  is  an  overmatch  for 
falsehood,  1  freely  grant.  But  the  friends  of  the  forner,  if  they 
ivly  Avholly  on  its  intrinsic  merits,  and  do  not  exercise  a  due 
ilei^ree  of  vigilance,  will  be  miserably  deceived  in  their  calcula- 
tions. 

A  supposed  case  in  point.  A  matron  is  charged  with  having 
been  seen  entering  a  brothel  in  the  face  of  day,  with  a  notorious 
seducer.  The  story  spreads.  It  is  universally  believed.  Her 
character  is  destroyed.  She  is  shunned  as  contaminatory.  Six 
months  afterwards,  she  produces  a  host  of  unexceptionable 
witnesses  to  prove  an  alibi.  They  establish  incontrovertibly, 
that  at  the  time  stated,  and  for  months  before  ami  after,  she  \\t\a 
in  China  or  Japan.  It  is  in  vain.  Her  character  is  gone.  The 
waters  of  the  Atlantic  would  not  purify  her.  She  pays  for 
her  neglect  and  her  folly,  the  mighty  forfeit  of  a  destroyed  rep- 
utation. 

Thus  has  it  been  with  the  administrations  of  Mr.  JefTerson 
and  Mr.  Madison.  They  have  been  charged  with  criminal 
conduct,  freq\^ntly  of  the  most  flagrant  kind.  The  charsres 
have  been  passed  over  in  silence  for  a  consitlerable  time.  Not 
being  denied,  they  were  presumjd  to  be  admitted.  And  in 
fiict,  how  can  the  public  determine,  whether  silence  under 
accusation  arises  from  conscious  guilt,  a  reliance  upon  con- 
scious rectitude,  or  an  absurd  and  criminal  neglect  of  public 
oj)inion  ? 

I  say,  "  a  criminal  neglect  of  public  opinion.''^  This  declara- 
tion is  not  lightly  hazarded.  The  character  of  a  public  oflicer 
is  in  some  sort  public  property.  A  private  person  may  allowr 
his  to  be  destroyed,  perhaps  without  inflicting  misfortune  on 
any  person  but  himself.  But  the  destruction  of  that  of  a  public 
oflBcer  is  really  a  public  irvjury — as  it  materially  impairs,  if  it 
does  not  destroy,  his  usefulness. 

There  is  in  the  history  of  General  Washington,  a  circum- 
stance which  appears  a  departure  from  the  sound,  masculine 
good  sense  that  almost  universally  presided  over  his  conduct. 
During  the  revolutionary  war,  some  of  the  British  emissaries 
published  a  collection  of  letters  ascribed  to  him,  which  were 
partly  genuine,  but  interpolated  with  forgeries,  and  partly  let- 
ters ^together  forged.     They  were  calculated  to  inspire  strong 


fl 


■  w 


I  m 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


•k)ubt8  of  his  attachment  to^  and  confidence  in  the  revolution. 
They  were  edited  bj  a  masterly  pen. 

The attaclc  was  unavailing.  The  attachment  to,  and  cunfi- 
denre  in,  the  general,  were  unimpaired.  The  pam;)hlet  sunk 
into  oblivion. 

In  the  year  1795,  during  the  discussion  excited  by  Jay's 
treaty,  it  was  reprinted  as  a  ^enunie  cnliection,  and  h>id  an 
extensive  circulation.  General  Wasbiii(;tun  did  not  at  the 
time  notice  it.  He  allowed  it  to  take  its  course,  apparently 
indifferent  as  to  the  consequences.  But  at  the  close  of  liis 
public  functions,  he  recorded  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of 
;*tate  a  formal  declaration  of  the  forgery.  I  feul  convincctl  the 
procedure  was  iujudicions.  If  the  ^lamphjet  were  entitled  to 
any  animadversion,  the  proper  period  was  when  it  was  repub- 
lished, and  of  course  when  it  would  jiroduce  all  the  etrect  liiat 
o«ui!d  result  from  it  on  his  public  cbaracler. 

The  instances  of  neglects  of  this  kind  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Jefierson  and  Mr.  Madison,  are  numberless.  I  shall  only  instance 
two.  A  cliarge  was  alledged  against  the  former,  of  having  sent 
two  millions  of  dollars  to  France  for  some  secret  and  sinister 
purpose,  which  I  cannot  now  recollect.  It  had  teen  in  univer-s 
sal  circulation  throughout  (he  union,  without  any  formal  or 
satisfactory  contradiction,  for  montiis.  At  lencitb,  after  it  had 
done  all  the  mischief  it  was  calculated  to  produce,  an  authentic 
documental  disproof  crept  out,  {IZT  exactly/ like  the  lad ij^ 6  alibi, 
and  CtT^  rvilh  the  same  effect. 

One  other  instance,  and  I  have  done  with  ihis^part  of  my 
subject.  The  olTer  of  the  Russian  mediation  was  made  by  r»I. 
Daschkoffin  March,  1813.  Mr.  Pickering  in  Boston,  shortly 
afterwards  published  a  series  of  letters  on  the  suiyect,  which 
were  republished  in  almost  every  town  and  city  of  the  United 
States.  He  openly  and  unqualidedly  asserted  that  the  who!*:; 
transaction  was  a  fraud  and  im{)ostnre — solely  calculated  to 
delude  the  citizens  into  subscriptions  for  the  pending  loan.-— 
He  denied  the  offer  of  mediation  altogether :  and  boldly  referred 
to  M.  Daschkofif,  and  to  Dr.  Logan,  to  prove  his  statements 
correct.  If  ever  an  accusation  demanded  attention  and  dis- 
proval,  this  was  of  that  description.  It  was  advanced  under 
Jbis  own  signature,  by  a  man  who  had  held  high  ofiicial  stations, 
and  who  possessed  very  considerable  standing  with  the  opposers 
of  the  p;o*'ernment.  But  tlw  same  fatal  and  unpardonai)le  neg- 
Ifct  prevailed  as  in  so  many  other  instances.  The  allepitioii 
was  allowed  tc»  produce  its  full  effect  without  any  other  at- 
tempt at  counteraction,  than  a  few  anonymous  paragraphs  of 
denial. 


^5 


■  t. 


»•.*** 


m  THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 

To  rentier  this  error  more  palpable,  a  motion  was  made  itk 
the  senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  2d  of  June,  1813,  for 
a  disclosure  of  the  corre8|)on<!ence,  of  which  the  government 
ought  to  have  gladly  availed  itself.     But  it  was  rejected. 

At  length,  when  the  alfair  had  in  some  measure  sunk  into 
oblivion,  on  the  18th  of  Jan.  18M,  a  motion  was  carried  in  the 
house  of  Refiresentatives  of  the  United  States,  for  the  publication 
of  the  correspondence  on  the  subject.  It  then  appeared  that  the 
wliole  of  the  charp;e8  were  calumnious  and  unfounded — and  that 
the  transaction  reflected  a  hi<;h  degree  of  credit  as  well  on  the 
potent  monarch,  who  took  so  warm  an  interest  in  our  atfairs,  as 
on  our  government,  for  its  prompt  acceptance  of  the  mediation. 
But  the  disclosure  was  too  late  to  counteract  any  of  the  perni* 
rious  effects  that  had  resulted  from  Uie  accusation.  ManjT 
persons  to  this  day  believe  the  whole  traosaction  a  decoptioAi. 


of  my 
^y  M. 
lortly 
which 
nlted 
whoif; 
ed  t0 
Jan.— 
ferred 
ments 
i\  dis- 
under 
it  ions, 
posers 
e  neg- 
pdioii 
ler  at- 
hs  of 


CIJAPTER  VIII. 

f'apfure  of  Washiiu^on.  Causes.  Mismaiu, iri>inettt.  Port 
Washington.  Trial  of  Captain  Dysor  Extraardiiu-jScn-' 
tincc.      Loans,      Injury  to  Public  C'cdii      Reirospeclion, 

The  Capture  of  Washington. 

On  the  24th  of  August,  the  capital  of  the  United  States  was 
taken  by  the  enemy.  Their  force  war  by  no  means  of  such 
magnitude  as  would  have  prevented  the  disaster  from  being 
accomp  « lied  by  disgrace.  Had  it  been  overwhelming,  the  Ios8> 
might  have  excited  regret,  but  we  should  have  been  spared 
mortification  and  disgrace.  But  as  it  stands  a  subject  for 
historical  record,  the  loss,  although  very  great,  is  undeserving 
of  consideration.  Placed  bet  :<>  the  dishonor,  it  sinks  into* 
insignificance  like  a  molehill  beLide  a  mountain. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  is  variously  stated.  The  highest 
estimate  is  6,000;  Dr.  Gatlett,  who  had  a  favorable  ofiportunity 
of  ascertaining  with  preriiL  loin  states  it  at  3j540.  Every  person 
with  whom  I  have  conversed,  that  saw  theni,  has  been  of  opin* 
Ion  that  they  were  so  jaded  with  their  march,  and  so  dispirited^ 
that,  had  suitabiie  preparations  been  made,  they  might  have  been 
easily  diefeated,  and  probably  captured; 

They  landed  at  Benedict,  on  the  1 8th  of  A  ugust,  and  proceed- 
ed in  a  tolerably  regular  course  toward?  Washington,  which  wa» 
tke  only  object  worthy  of  their  attention*    They  were  six  days 

Q  Z 


4' 
i 


TO 


M^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


on  their  march.  And  there  was  hardly  any  attempt  at  eflfiiient 
preparation  made  for  their  reception,  till  tliree  or  lour  (hiys 
before  their  arrival  at  that  cily-  The  secretary  at  war  ridicided 
the  idea  of  their  attacking  Washington,  till  within  three  days 
of  the  battle  of  Bladenshurg. 

One  obvious  plan  of  tlefence»  which  wouid  have  struck  thcj 
mind  of  a  mere  tyro  in  military  aifairs,  was  to  have  garrisoned 
the  capitol  and  the  president's  house,  with  as  powerful  a  force 
as  could  conveniently  operate  there.  The  strength  of  these 
two  buildings  would  have  enabled  the  garrisons  to  hold  out  a 
long  time,  until  troops  could  have  been  collected  to  encounter 
tbe  enemy. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  decide  on  whom  the  censure  ought  to  fall — 
on  the  president — the  secretary  at  war — on  the  district  general. 
Winder — or  on  the  whole  together.  But  let  that  point  be  de- 
termined as  it  may,  it  cannot  be  denied,  tliat  nothing  but  the 
most  culpable  neglect  could  have  led  to  the  results  that  took 
place — results  which  could  not  fail  to  prove  injurious  to  the 
national  character  in  Europe,  and  which,  had  not  the  news  of 
the  exploits  of  the  brave  and  illustrious  Macdonough  and  Ma- 
comb, arrived  there  at  the  same  time  as  the  account  of  this 
disgraceful  disaster,  would  have  materially  and  perniciously 
affected  the  ncgociation  at  Ghent. 

W^hen  the  preceding  strictures  were  written,  I  had  not  seen 
the  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  investigate  the  sub- 
ject, which  I  have  recently  examined  with  attention.  It  is 
clearly  established  by  the  documents  annexed  to  this  report, 
that  the  disaster  arose  from  a  series  of  the  most  extraordinary 
and  unaccountable  mismanagement  I  shall  enumerate  a  few 
of  the  instances  in  brief. 

Let  nae  previously  observe,  that  the  president  stands  excul- 
pated from  cejisure  in  the  affair  ;  for  a  cabinet  council  was  held 
at  Washington,  on  the  1st  of  July,  wherein  it  was  resolved  to 
•stablish  a  new  military  district,  to  comprise  the  cities  ol^ 
Washington,  Baltimore,  and  the  adjacent  country.  The 
command  of  it  was  given  to  general  Winder,  who  had  explicit 
directions  to  make  preparations  to  repel  the  enemy,  should  he 
make  any  attempt  on  the  seat  of  government,  which  the  council 
judged  highly  probal>le. 

Amona:  the  errors  committed,  the  following  are  the  mogt 
prominent : 

1.  There  was  no  attempt  made  to  fortify  those  parts  of  the 
country  calculated  for  defence,  although  General  Van  Ness, 
en  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  the  district  of  Columbia,  made 
repeated  and  earnest  applieatioos  to  the  becretar^  at  vfac  ou 


""s??-' 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


1 


tlie  subject,   and  although  he  as  repeatedly  promised  to  pay 
attention  to  their  requests. 

2.  There  was  not  the  slightest  effort  to  arrest  the  progresa  of 
the  enemy,  from  the  time  of  his  debarl^ation  till  the  day  of  the 
battle  of  Bladensburg,  although  the  country  through  which  he 
passed  was  admirably  calculated  for  the  purpose. 

3.  There  was  no  camp  formed  eijuidistantly  between  Balti- 
more and  Washington,  so  as  to  be  able  to  cover  and  protect 
either  or  both  places. 

4.  The  troops  from  Baltimore  were  not  ordered  out  in  due 
season.  Had  the  orders  been,  as  mosi  indubitably  they  ought  to 
have  been,  issued  at  least  on  the  debarkation  of  the  enemy,  these 
troops  would  have  arrived  in  proper  time — been  tit  for  duty"-— 
and  probably  rescued  the  country  from  the  dis2;race. 

5.  The  orders  for  the  Baltimore  troops  to  march,  were  re- 
ceived in  Baltimore  on  Saturday  the  20th  of  August.  They 
k)ok  up  the  line  of  march  the  ne\t  day,  Sunday  the  31st. — 
On  that  evening  they  received  an  order  from  general  Winder^  hy 
express^  to  halt  until  further  orders  t  Next  day,  thejS' 
had  renewed  orders  to  march  with  fall  speed  to  Bladensburg.— 
Those  to  General  Stansbury  were  received  at  10  A.M.  and  those 
to  Colonel  Sterrett  at  2  P.  M.  The  former  reached  Bladensburg 
on  the  22d  at  night— the  latter  on  the  23d  at  night.  The  fatal 
delay  arising  from  the  orders  to  halt,  was  among  the  principal 
Causes  of  the  disaster.  Colonel  Sterrett's  corps  arrived  on  the 
ground,  jaded,  and  fatigued,  and  harrassed.  They  had  but  little 
rest  the  night  previous  to  the  battle,  owing  to  some  false  alarms, 
and  were  in  every  respect  unfit  for  being  led  into  the  engage- 
juient. 

6.  Colonel  Young's  brigade,  by  order  of  General  Winder, 
was  stationed  at  a  distance  from  the  field  of  battle,  where  it 
remained  inactive  during  the  whole  time  of  the  engagement^ 
although  within  hearing  of  the  report  of  the  cannon. 

7.  An  efficient  corps  of  600  infantry,  and  100  cavalry,  under 
Colonel  Minor,  arrived  at  Washington  on  the  evening  preced- 
ing the  battle.  The  Colonel  applied  to  General  Armstrong  fop 
arms,  and  was  directed  to  [CT'  report  himself  the  next  morning ! ! ! 
to  Colpnel  Carberry,  who  had  the  care  of  the  arsenal.  This 
gentlerpan  spent  the  night  at  his  country  seat,  and  was  not  to  be 
found  in  the  morning,  although  invaluable  hours  were  spent  in 
the  search  for  him.  At  length  an  order  for  arms  was  procured 
from  General  Winder.  Even  then  delay  occurred,  from  the 
sciupulosity  of  Colonel  Carberry^s  deputy  in  counting  the  flints, 
and  further  delay  in  giving  receipt  for  them.  The  consequence 
was,  that  thia  corpS}  which  would|^  almost  to  a  certainty,  have 


ra 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


decided'  the  fate  of  the  day  in  favor  of  iheir  country,  begaa  their 
rnarch  so  late,  that  they  had  no  share  whatever  in  tiie  action^ 
and  met  the  retreating  army  afier  its  defeat ! ! ! 

8.  Had  a  stand  been  made  in  Washiog'on,  and  the  whole 
force,  even  discomfited  as  it  was,  been  collected  together,  there 
is  no  doubt  but  the  loss  might  have  been  retrieved.  But  there 
was  not  the  slightest  effort  of  the  kind  made.  The  retreat  was 
conducted  in  a  disorderly  manner,  and  as  much  like  a  flight  as 
could  be. 

Throughout  this  work,  in  all  important  cases,  I  do  not  merely 
refer  t,'>  my  authoiitiei,  as  is  usually  done.  The  reader  must 
observe  that  I  quote,  as  well  as  refer  to  them.  I  am  desirous  of 
silencing  incredulity  herself.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan,.^I 
submit  a  few  short  extracts  from  the  documents  published  by 
Congress,  on  which  the  preceding  views  are  founded. 

Extracts  from  the  letter  of  Gen  Van  Ness  to  the  committee  of  Congress,  appninted" 
to  enquire  into  the  causes  of  the  crpture  qf  Washington,  dated  Nov.  23,  1814. 

"  About  the  opening  of  the  presscnt  campaign,  I  pressed  again  upon  the  secretary 
the  subject  generally  of  our  dtferice ;  suggesting,  in  addition  to  the  occlusion  of  the 
river.,  the  convenience  and  importame  of  a  central  camp,  intermediate  between  Bal- 
timore, Annapolis,  Washington,  Alexandria,  Georgetown,  and  the  neighbouring- 
towns  and  country.  And  in  frequent  iutervic\rs,  (in  number,  to  be  sure,  very  much 
increased  by  the  importunate  applications  and  solicitations  \o  me,  of  both  the  civ- 
il and  military  branches  of  the  community,  whose  confidence  in  the  secretary  ap- 
peared at  an  early  period,  at  best  wavering,  if  not  declining,)  sometimes  official, 
ut  other  times  not  so,  which  I  had  with  him,  as  the  campaign  progressed,  1  did  not 
fciil  to  repeat  the  suggestion.  I  still  received  assurances,  generally  verbal,  fa- 
%-ourable^  accompanied  by  an  otherwise  apparent  iudifTereDce,  and  confidence  io. 
cqr  security.*"'  *  *  *  * 

•*  Thus  had  the  campaign  progressed,  without  any  visible  steps  towards  works 
of  defence,  either  permanent  or  temporary,  either  on  the  land  or  the  water  side, 
(/  never  having  heard  qf  a  spade  or  an  axe  being  struck  in  any  such  operation,)  or 
towards  forming  a  rendezvous  or  camp  of  regular  troops  in  the  neighbourhood,  to 
the  great  anxiety,  itiquietude,  and  alarm,  qf  the  district  and  surrounding  country  ; 
the  secretary  generally  treating  with  iiidiffermce  at  least,  \f  not  with  levity,  tht 
idea  qfan  attack  by  the  enemy,  j,**  #  #  *  # 

"  In  August  last,  when  the  increased  and' reinforced  fleet,  with  the  troops,  as- 
cended the  Chesapeake,  and  were  known,  from  authentic  information,  to  have 
entered  the  Patuxent,  1  called  on  secretary  Armstrong  again ;  and  expressed,  as 
u'fual,  my  apprehensions,  arising  from  want  of  means  and  preparations ;  adding, 
that  from  the  known  naval  and  reputed  land  force  of  the  enemy,  he  probably 
meant  to  strike  a  serious  blow.  His  reply  was,  "  Oh  yes  !  by  G—d,  they  mould 
iwt  come  nnth  sufh  afieet  without  meaning  to  strike  somewhere  :  but  they  certainly 
jfrill  nut  come  ''ere.  What  the  d^—l  mill  they  do  here  ?♦♦  ^c.  After  remarking  that 
I  differed  very  much  from  him,  as  to  the  probable  interest  they  felt  in  destroying 
or  capturing  our  seat  of  government,  and  that  I  believed  a  visit  to  this  place 
would>  for  several  reasons,  be  a  favourite  object  with  them,  he  obsei-ved.  "  No, 
no  t  Baltimore  is  the  place,  sir;  that  is  of  so  much  more  consequence. )"  *  *  *  * 

**  I  continued  to  see  general  Winder  occasionally  as  before,  and  to  be  astonished 
at  the  apparent  sluggishness  or  procrastination  in  the  preparation  for  the  recep- 
tkiD  of  the  enemy,  who  was  on  his  advance.     I  recollect  well,  tliat  even  after  he 


t,'- 


f  Report,  page  287.       f  Idem,  page  288,       t  Hem,  page  202. 


V  f : 


-«••(? 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


iu 


Iheli 
tion^ 

If  hole 
Ihere 
there 
t  was 
;hta8 

lerely 
must 
ous  of 
Ian,,,  I 
ed  by 


1814. 

ecretary 
OH  of  tbe 
leen  Bal' 
ibmring^ 
;ry  much 
I  the  civ- 
stary  ap- 
s  official, 
I  did  not 
rbal,  fa- 
dence  in. 

is  works 
iter  side, 
IfttonO  or 
rhooa,  to 
tounlry  ; 
\vityt  tk9 

3p9,  a»- 

to  have 
essed,  as 

adding, 
probably 
ey  would 
ftrlainly 

[ing  that 

[stroying 

uis  place 

"No. 

*  *  * 

koniihed 

recep- 

lafter  be 


had,  according  to  authentic  and  undotibted  infcrmation,  ascended  to  the  head  of 
(he  ship  navigation  of  the  I'atuxcnt,  and  had,  for  a^out  Iweiity-four  hour?,  been 
debarlijng  on  the  hither  bank  of  that  river,  and  marching  his  troops  to  their  en- 
campment on  the  l)eight3  of  Benedict,  (about  40  inile*  from  tl.is  on  the  UFiial 
route,)  general  W,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  of  mine,  whether  he  had  ordered  ou 
any  trooi'S  from  Baltimore,  and  whether  he  thouglit  they  would  be  here  in  time, 
wid,  THAT  THEY  WERE  ORDERED  ON;  AND  THAT  AJ-L  Hi$ 
FEAR  WAS,  ;  I\T  THEY  WOULD  BE  HERE  TOO  SOON.  Expres- 
sing to  him  n.}  aslouisliiiipnt  at  the  appteiiension,  he  said,  lie  thoujiht  it  very 
probable  ti)ut  tlie  enemy  would  suddenly  turn  about,  and  make  a  blow  at  BaUi- 
iiiore.f" 

^    ,rfj   •        Exlracl  from  General  Siansbwyh  lUport.  ^ 

"  The  men  under  my  command  were  worn  down  and  nearly  exhausted  from 
}ong  and  forced  marches,  want  of  food,  and  watching.  Tfiey  had  bten,  nith 
I  cry  liltle  inlcrjnission,  under  arms,  avtd  inarching,  from  the  time  n/ their  depar- 
turf  from  Baltimore^  wiih  hut  little  slttp,  bud  provisions,  and  but  little  opportunity 
to  rook.  They  certainly  were  not  in  ^  situation  to  go  into  battle ;  but  my  orders 
were  positive  ;  and  I  was  determined  to  obey  them. 

''  Before,  and  during  the  action,  /  did  not  see  uny  of  the  force  I  rvm  Ird  to  expert 
ivQuld  support  me.  1  understood  since,  they  were  on  their  way  to  my  assistauce, 
and  1  presume  exertions  were  made  lo  bring  them  up|." 

Extract  from  Colonel  Minor'*s  Report, 

"  I  took  up  my  I'ne  of  march,  and  arrived  at  the  capitol  between  sunset  and 
dark,  [Aug.  2'U\.]  and  immediately  made  my  way  to  the  president,  and  reported 
ray  arrival ;  when  he  referred  me  to  general  Armstrong,  to  whom  I  repaired,  and 
informed  him  as  to  the  strength  of  the  troops,  as  w«II  as  to  the  want  of  arms,  am- 
munition, &c.  which  made  it  as  late  as  early  candle-light ;  when  I  was  informed 
by  that  eentlen.an,  the  arms,  &c.  could  not  he  had  that  night,  and  directed  to  re- 
port myself  next  morning  to  colonel  Carberry,  mho  would  furnish  me  nith  arms^ 
lie  wliich  gentleman,  from  early  next  morning,  I  diligently  songht  for,  until  a 
late  hour  of  the  forenoon,  without  being  able  to  find  him,  and  then  went  in  search 
of  general  Winder,  whom  I  found  near  the  Eastern  Branch  ;  when  he  gave  an  or- 
der to  the  armourer  for  the  munitions  wanting,  with  orders  to  return  to  the  ca^i- 
io\^  tkere  to  ivait further  orders\\.^^ 

Extract  from  the  Eeport  of  Doctor  Catlelt. 

"  Respecting  the  condition  of  the  enemy's  troops,  I  was  informed  by  several  Ok' 
Uio  Britisli  officers,  that  just  previous  to  their  reaching  Bladensburg,  (with  exces- 
Mve  latgue  or  entire  exljaustion)  they  mere  dropping  off  in  considerable  nunUters  ; 
that  in  the  action,  it  mas  only  by  the  most  extraordinary  exertionx  that  the  main  body 
could  be  goaded  on.  Although  I  observed  some  of  their  flankers  at  times  advance 
on  the  run  a  small  distance,  these  were  said  to  be  only  the  most  active  of  their 
light  companies  of,  and  attached  to,  their  85th  regiment,  commanded  by  lieute- 
nant-colonel Thornton,  acting  as  brigadier  ;  they  nppeared  to  me  to  halt,  as  if  ex- 
hausted with  fatigue,  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  firing  ceased  on  our  part,  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  on  this  side  of  Bladeu&burg,  about  two  o'clock,  P.  M."11 

Extract  from  the  Heport  of  the  Committee  of  Congress  on  the  capture  of 

Wa^hivtgtun. 
"  Our  forces  at  this  time  at  the  Old  Fields,  are  variously  estimated,  with  no 
material  difTerence,  at  about  3,000  men,  in  the  following  corps  ;  about  400  horse, 
under  the  command  of  the  following  oUcers:  iieut.  col.  Jjavall,  col.  Tilman, 
raptains  Caldwell,  Thornton,  Herbert,  Williams.  &c.  400  regular  troops,  under 
the  command  of  Iieut.  col.  Scott,  viz.  36th,  33tb,  and  capt.  Morgan's  company 

t  Eeport,  page  296.    t  Wem,  page  185.    |1  Idem,  page  231.    H  idem,  page  3U. 


I] 


t\ 


4 


74 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


of  the  l2tii  inrantry  ;  600  marines  and  flotilla-mcn  tinder  com  Barney  ar^  capf. 
Miller,  witli  five  pieces  of  heavy  artillery — two  18  pounders  and  three  twelve 
yoimders  :  1,800  militia  and  volitnfeers,  gen.  Smithes  brigade  of  Georgetown 
and  city  militi.'i,  and  Maryland  orilitia  under  col.  Kramer,  of  which  there  were 
two  companies  of  artillery  under  cnpt.  Burch  and  m^jor  Peter,  with  six  6  pounders 
each,  making  an  aggregate  of  3,200,  with  17  pieces  of  artillery  The  enemy  n<as 
mthoitt  cavalry,  mid  had  two  srnrdl field  pitcei  and  one  howitser.  draivn  by  men  ; 
<imd  the  n^hole  country  ndltalculfded  for  defence,  skirmishingy  and  to  impede  the 
march  of  an  enemy.''''*        *        *        *        * 

"  Tiie  march  of  our  army  to  the  city  was  extremely  rapid  and  precipitate,  an^l 
orders  occasionally  given  to  captains  of  companies  to  hurry  on  the  men,  who  were 
f'xtremely  fatigued  and  exhausted  before  the  camping  ground  was  reached,  near 
the  Eastern  Branch  bridge,  within  the  district  of  Columbia,  "f    *    *    *    * 

"  Colonel  George  Minor,  wit!i  hir?  regiment  of  Virginia  militia,  composed  ofOOO 
infantry  and  100  cavalry,  arrived  at  the  city  of  Washington  in  the  twilight  of  the 
evening  ofthe2.<d  ;  he  called  on  the  president  who  referred  him  to  the  secretary 
of  war  for  orders  ;  the  secretary  irform^d  him  that  arms  could^  not  be  had  that 
night,  but  gave  orders  to  report  himself  to  colonel  Carberry,  early  in  the  morning, 
7vho  would  furnish  him  nith  arms  and  ammunition,  as  he  mas  charged  rvith  that 
duty  by  gen.  Winder.  From  early  in  the  morning  till  late  in  the  afternoon,  col. 
Minor  sought  col.  Carberry  diligently,  but  he  could  not  be  found.  He  rode  to 
headquarters,  and  obtained  an  order  from  gen  Winder  upon  the  arsenal  for  arms, 
&c.  ;  marched  to  the  place  with  his  regiment,  and  its  care  he  found  committed  to 
a  young  man,  whose  caution  in  giving  out  arms,  &c.  very  much  delayed  the  arm- 
ing and  supplying  this  regiment."|        *        *        *        # 

"  The  distance  from  Benedict  to  t!ie  city  of  Washington,  by  Bladensburg,  is 
upwards  of  fifty  miles.  The  enemy  rvas  rvithout  baggage-waggons  or  mmns  (f 
transportation  ;  his  troops  much  exhausted  with  fatigue  ;  many  compelled  to  quit 
the  rankSy  and  extraordinary  exertions  used  to  keep  others  in  motion  ;  and,  as  if 
unable  to  pursue  our  forces,  remained  on  the  battle  ground :  the  enemy's  advance 
reached  the  city  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  battle  having  euded  about 
two  o'clock,  or  before.  "II        *        *        *        * 

"  The  enemy,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th,  made  the  greatest  exertions  to  leave 
the  city  of  Washington.  They  bad  about  40  iodiffereut  looking  horses,  10  or  12 
carts  and  waggons,  one  ox-cart,  one  coach,  and  several  gigs.  These  were  sent  to 
Bladensburg  to  move  off  tlie  Tounded.  k  drove  of  60  or  70  cattle  preceded  this 
party.  Arriving  at  Bladensburg  the  British  surgeon  was  ordered  to  select  tlie 
wounded  who  could  walk  ;  the  forty  horses  were  mounted  by  those  who  could  ride : 
the  carts  and  waggons  loaded ;  and  upwards  of  90  nxmnded  left  behind.  About 
12  o'clock  at  night  the  British  army  pas!>ed  through  Bladensburg;  and  parties 
continued  until  morning,  and  stragglers  until  after  mid -day.  The  retreat  of  Ok 
enemy  to  his  shipping  rvas  precipitate  and  apparently  under  an  alarm :  and  it  is 
biippoeed  that  it  was  known  to  him  that  our  forces  had  marched  to  Montgomery 
^ourt-house,"}        *        *        #        * 

"On  the  12th  of  July,  gen.  Winder  was  authorized,  in  case  of  menaced  oT' 
actual  invasion,  to  call  into  service  the  whole  quota  of  Maryland.  On  the  I7tl« 
gen.  Winder  was  authorised  to  call  into  actual  service  not  less  than  2  nor  more 
than  3,000  of  the  drafts  assigned  to  his  command,  to  form  a  permanent  force  to  he 
stationed  in  some  central  position  between  Baltimore  and  the  city  of  Washington. 
On  the  same  day,  17th  or  July,  gen.  Winder  was  authorized  to  call  on  the  state 
of  Pennsylvania  for  5.000  men  ;  on  Virginia,  2.000  ;  on  the  militia  of  the  district 
of  Columbia,  in  a  dinposable  state,  2,000  ;  together  with  the  6,000  from  Maryland, 
making  an  aggregate  force  of  15,000  drafted  militia,  3,000  of  \f\nch  authorised 
to  be  called  into  actual  service ;  the  residue  in  case  of  actual  or  menaced  invasion, 
besides  the  regular  troops  estimated  at  1,000,  making  1H,000,  independent  of  ma- 
rines and  Hotii la-men..  This  was  the  measure  of  defence  contemplated  for  the 
military  district  No  10,  and  tiie  measures  takeo  by  the  war  department  up  to  th« 
17th  of  July  in  execution  of  it.l" 


•July 

*  Report,  page  21. 
P  Idem,  page  34. 


\ 


f  Idem,  page  2?. 
5  Idem,  page  3t}. 


\  Idem,  page  2(J. 
If  Idem,  page  38 


Onel 

ure  lilt  J 

escapeJ 

to  provl 

due  re  J 

GenI 

neighbl 

distanc^ 

veteraiL 

that  qui 

piness, 

to  the 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 

Destruction  of  Fort  Washington, 


15 


One  extraordinary  circurastance  attended  this  disastrojis  nffair, 
ivljich  1  cannot  refrain  from  statinjy  to  the  public.  Fort  Wash- 
ington was  commanded  by  captain  Dyson,  when  tbe  Hrilish 
took  the  city  of  Washini^ton.  He  had  feceived  oulors  from 
general  Winder,  incase  ihe  enemy  crime  in  o  his  rear,  to  blow 
uj)  the  fort,  and  retreat  with  his  garrison.  The  enemy  came. 
His  orders  were  clear  and  explicit.  He  olieyed  ihem — as  it 
appeals  he  was  in  duty  bound. 

For  this  act,  he  was  brought  to  trial — and  sentenced  to  be 
dismissed  the  service. 

I  am  no  military  man,  I  know  little  of  military  afTairs.  I 
fim  therefore  liabie  to  error  when  I  pronounce  opinions  on  them. 
But  with  due  deference  to  this  court  martial,  whereof  "  brigidier 
general  Smith,  of  the  militia  of  the  district  of  Colum'ia,  was 
president,"  I  cannot  but  believe  captain  Dyson's  case  to  be 
peculiarly  severe  :  and,  judging  on  plain  principles  of  reason 
and  common  sense,  I  think  the  sentence  most  exira^a<j;antly 
unjust.  Were  I  in  this  situation,  I  would  appeal  to  the  world 
against  such  a  condemnation — and  "  make  tlie  welkin  ring" 
with  my  complaints. 

Extract  frotn  the  Report  of  General  Winder. 

•'  1  Bent,  by  major  Hite,  direcUons  to  the  commanding  officer  of  Fort  Washing- 
ton, to  advance  a  guard  up  to  the  main  road  upon  all  t)ie  roads  leading  to  ti.e  fort ; 
and  in  the  evint  of  his  being  lakrn  in  the  rear  nf  the  for  I  by  the  enemy,  to  blow  ujt 
the/ort,  and  retire  across  the  river.^^ — Report,  pnge  172. 

I  wish  to  have  it  understood  that  I  have  no  personal  know- 
ledge of  genera)  Armstrong,  general  Winder,  or  captain  Dysoa 
— nor  do  I  believe  I  have  ever  seen  any  of  them. 

Departure  of  General  Izard  from  Plaitshurg. 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  measures  of  the  war — a  meas- 
ure utterly  indefensible. — has,  as  far  as  1  know,  almost  wholly 
escaped  censure.  It  affords  one  among  ten  thousand  instances, 
to  prove  how  seldom  approbation  or  censure  is  meted  out  with 
due  regard  to  justice. 

General  Izard  had  an  army  of  about  8000  re2i^jl'^rs  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Plattsburg.  General  Prevost,  at  no  very  great 
distance,  had  the  command  of  about  14.000  troops,  priucipally 
veterans.  While  the  eyes  of  the  nati<»n  were  directed  towards 
that  quarter,  and  every  man  interested  for  the  honor,  the  hap- 
piness, the  independence  ot  his  country,  w«s  trem  dingly  alive 
to  the  future,  and  filled  witli  the  luost  awfid  forebodings  of-a 


«; 


^1 


r 

i 


n 


THE  OLIVlT BRANCH. 


ruinous  result,  from  the  fearful  odds  against  our  little  army, 
amazement  and  terror  filled  every  breast,  to  find  that  5  or  (JOOO 
of  our  troops,  under  the  general,  who  had  directed  his  utmost 
energy  to  train  them  to  service,  and  to  acquire  their  conP.dcnce, 
Avere  ortiered  to  a  remDte  situation,  on  an  unimportant  exjjedi- 
tion,  in  which  no  laurels  were,  or  prol)ab!y  could  be,  acquired. 
Thus  w.isi  most  invaluable  frontier  exposed  to  all  the  honors 
of  desolatioh.  ■        - 

The  annals  of  warfare  present  no  instance  of  greater  fatuity. 
It  is  ditficult  to  conjecture  what  could  have  been  the  object  con- 
templated by  this  wonderful  movement.  But  whatever  it 
niiglit  have  been,  had  the  utmost  success  crowned  the  undertak- 
ing, it  could  not  possibi}',  have  com])ens;ited  for  the  issue  which 
was  to  be  rationally  calculated  on  at  Plattsburg. 

The  result,  however,  was  highly  glorious  to  the  nation. — 
Nothing  could  l)e  more  fortunate.  But  this  does  not  diminish 
an  iota  of  the  censure  due  to  the  measure. — The  character  of  *ia 
action,  good  or  bad,  is  not  affected,  except  with  the  canaille,* 
]»y  its  success,  whether  prosperous  or  the  reverse.  Many  of 
the  Avisest  schemes  ever  devised  have  failed  of  success.  Many 
of  the  most  absurd  and  ridiculous  have  prosplered.  But  every 
man  whose  approbation  is  worthy  of  regard,  commends  or  rep- 
robates a  measure  according  to  the  wisdom  or  folly  displayed  in 
planning  it. 

Had  general  Izard's  army  remained  at  Plattsburg,  and  aided 
in  the  discomfiture  of  governor  Prevost,  the  triumph  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  at  the  Saranac  would  not  have  been  so  transcendant- 
\y  great.  Their  removal,  therefore,  how  absurd  soever  it  was, 
is  subject  of  the  most  serious  rejoicing.  It  has  added  ipimease- 
ly  to  the  laurels  the  nation  acquired  in  the  war.  ^ 

Loans. 

The  last  and  perhaps  the  most  grievous  and  unpardonable  er- 
ror of  the  democratic  party — an  error,  pregnant  with  baleful  con- 
sequences to  thetinHnces  and  credit  of  the  country,  was,  depend- 
ing on  loans  for  the  support  of  the  war,  «ind  df^ferring  the  impo- 
sition of  taxes  adequate  to  erect  the  snoerstnicture  of  public 
credit  upon.  This  arose  from  the  misers !>le  and  pernicious 
dread  of  forfeiting  popularity,  and  losino;  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment— a  dread  often  the  parent  of  the  most  destructive  meas- 
ures. The  consequence  of  this  highly  reprebensible  error  was, 
that  the  Ipans  were  m^^de  to  very  considerable  loss,  and  that 
the  public  credit  of  the  nation  was  most  lamentaldy  impaired. 

*  It  may  he  proper  to  state,  that  the  true  distinction  of  the  Canaille,  is  not 
dress,  or  station.  It  is  luind.  There  are  men  worth  ten  thousand  a-year,  who 
areoCthefanatVfe. 


x^m 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


71 


TiiAVE  now  gone  through  a  review  of  the  principal  errors 
nnd  follies,  the  neglects  and  the  mismanagenientB  of  the  demo- 
cratic party.  I  have  detailed  and  canvassed  them  with  the 
boldness  and  independence  of  a  freeman.  I  have  followed  the 
feound  advice  of  Othello : 

*^  Nought  extenuate — nor  aught  set  down  in  ma1i6e.** 

On  many  of  these  points  I  am  greatly  at  variance  with  men 
of  powerful  talents  belonging  to  that  party.  Some  of  my  facts 
and  opinions  have  been  controverted  by  a  critic  of  considerable 
acumen,  in  one  of  the  daily  papers.  I  have  reexamined  the 
various  subjects  embraced  in  this  volume;  and,  where  I  have 
tound  cause  to  change  my  opinion,  I  have  unhesitatingly  done 
80.  My  object  is  truth.  I  have  pursued  it  steadily — and  as  fat 
us  I  can  .judge  of  myself,  without  undue  bias.  But  I  well  know 
liow  ditlicult  it  is  for  human  weakness  to  divest  itself  of  preju- 
dice and  partiality.  To  the  candid  reader,  I  subOiit  the  de- 
cision. 

This  detail  of  misconduct  has  been  a  painful  task.  Far  more 
agreeable  would  it  have  been  to  have  descanted  on  the  merits 
and  talents  of  the  president  and  other  public  functionaries. — 
To  a  man  of  a  liberal  mind  it  is  infinitely  more  agreeable  to  be- 
stow the  meed  3f  praise,  than  to  deal  out  censure.  But  a  rough 
truth  is  preferable  to  a  smooth  falsehood.  And  whatever  chance 
we  have  of  arriving  at  the  haven  of  peace  and  happiness,  de- 
pends upon  a  fair  and  candid  examination  of  ourselves,  which 
must  infallibly  result  in  a  conviction,  that,  so  great  have  been 
the  errors,  the  follies,  and  the  madness  on  both  sides,  that  mu- 
tual forgiveness  requires  no  effort  of  generosity-7-it  is  merely  an 
act  of  simple  justice.  ^  •?  *     • 


Before  I  quit  this  branch  of  my  subject,  it  is  but  proper  to 
observe,  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  a  more  difficult 
and  arduous  situation  than  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr  Madison  have 
been  placed  in.  They  have  had  to  struggle  with  two  belliger- 
ents, one  supremely  powerful  by  land,  aud  on  that  element  hold- 
ing in  awe  the  chief  part  of  the  civilized  world — the  other 
equally  powerful  by  sea : — and  each  in  his  rage  against  the  oth- 
er, violating  the  clearest  and  most  indi3;>utable  rights  of  neu- 
t/als,  and  inflicting  upon  us,  in  a  time  of  pretended  peace,  nearly 
as  much  injury  as  if  we  were  ranked  among  the  bcHigerents.— 
And  the  divisions  and  distractions  of  the  country^  with  the* 
formidable  opposition  of  a  powerful  party,  embracing  all  the 
governments  of  the  eastern  States  and  a  coasideraHle  portion  of 
the  citizens  of  the  rest  of  the  union,  must  have  caused  tbo  ndr 

H 


4| 
mi 


78 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


minislmtion  infinitely  more  trouble  and  difficulty  than  tlie  two 
bfciligerenU  together.  Tie  federalists,  as  i  shall  show  more 
fully  in  the  sequel,  after  goading  the  government  into  resistance, 
ai^i  vil'ifyinj^il  for  not  procuring  redress,  thwarted,  opposed, 
an.l  rendered  nugatory  every  rational  etfort  made  to  accom- 
plish the  very  object  they  professed  to  seek — a  decree  of  mad- 
ness and  folly  ncver-enongh-to-bc-deplored.  »'- ' 


'  CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Federaliats.  Federal  Co7ivention  and  Constitution.  Complaints 
of  want  of  energy  in  the  ConstittUion.  Disoreanizcrs  and 
jacobins.  Alien  and  Sedition  Larvs.  Loss  of  Power ,  Change 
ofpiews. 

Having  thus  taken  what  I  hope  will  be  allowed  to  be  a  can- 
did view  of  the  errors  and  misconduct  of  the  democratic  partjs 
it  remains  to  perform  the  same  office  for  their  opponents.  And 
I  feel  confident,  it  will  appear  that  the  latter  have  at  least  as 
much  need  to  solicit  forgiveness  of  their  injured  country,  as  the 
former.  In  the  career  of  madness  and  folly  which  the  nation 
lias  run,  they  have  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  may  fairly  dis- 
pute the  palm  with  their  competitors. 

In  the  federal  convention,  this  parly  'made  every  possible  ex- 
ertion to  increase  the  energy  and  add  to  the  authority  of  the 
general  government,  and  to  endow  it  with  powers  at  the  expense 
of  the  state  governments  and  people.  Bearing  strongly  in  mind 
the  disorders  and  convulsions  of  some  of  the  very  ill-balanced 
republics  of  Greece  and  Italy,  their  sole  object  of  dread  appear- 
ed to  be  the  inroads  of  anarchy.  And  as  mankind  too  generally 
find  it  difficult  to  steer  the  middle  course,  their  apprehensions  of 
the  Scylla  of  anarchy  effectually  blinded  them  to  the  dangers  of 
the  Charybdis  of  despotism.  Had  they  possessed  a  complete 
ascendency  ip  the  convention,  it  is  probable  they  would  have 
fallen  into  the  opposiite  extreme  to  that  whichdecided  the  tenoi' 
of  the  constitution. 

This  party  was  divided  among  themselves,  A  small  but  ve- 
ry active  division  were  monarchists,  and  utterly  disbelieved  in 
the  efficacy  or  security  of  the  republican  form  of  government, 
especially  in  a  territory  so  extensive,  as  that  of  the  United 
States,  and  embracing  so  numerous  a  population  as  were  to  be 
taken  into  the  calculation  at  no  distant  period.  The  remainder 
ivere  genuine  republicans;  meji  of  enlightened  views,  and  a 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


79 


p  two 
more 
ance, 

ccom- 
mad- 


tplainis 
rs  and 
Jhani(c 


a  can- 
is  party. 
Ami 
least  ns 
astlie 
natioa 
jrly  dis- 


sible  ex- 
f  of  the 
expense 
in  mind 
balanced 

I  appear- 
renerally 
nsions  of 
angers  of 
complete 
iild  have 
the  tenot 

II  but  ve- 
jlieved  in 
^ernment, 
e  United 
ere  to  be 
remainder 
vs,  and  a 


:f} 


!iifi;h  depree  of  public  spirit  and  patriotism.  They  difTered  as 
widely  from  the  monarchic  part  of  that  body,  us  from  the  tlc- 
mocrats.  It  is  unfortunate  that  their  councils  did  not  prevail. 
For  it  18  true  in  government,  as  in  almost  all  other  human  con- 
cerns— that  safety  lies  in  middle  courses.  Violent  and  impass- 
ioned men  lead  themselves,  and  it  is  not  wonderful  they  lead 
others  astray.  This  portion  of  the  federal  party  advocated  an 
enerpelic,  but  at  the  same  time  a  republican  form  of  govern- 
nienf,  which  on  all  proper  occasions  might  be  able  to  command 
un<l  call  forth  the  force  of  the  nation. 

The  following  letter  sheds  consi<lerable  light  on  the  views  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  who  took  a  distinguished  pad  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  that  respectable  body.-^It  is  obvious  that  a  presi- 
dent during  good  behaviour,  which  was  a  favourite  feature  with 
Mr.  Hamilton,  could  hardly  be  considered  other  than  a  presi- 
dent for  life. 

New  York,  Skpt.  10,  1863. 

"  My  nKA»  SIR — I  will  make  no  apology  for  my  delay  in  anjwering  your  in- 
quiry some  time  since  made,  because  I  could  offer  none  which  would  satisfy  my- 
self, i  pray  you  only  to  believe,  that  it  proceeded  from  any  thing  rather  than 
want  of  reiipect  or  regard,    1  shall  now  comply  with  your  request. 

"  The  highest-toned  propositions  which  I  made  in  the  convention  were  for  a 
ftresiderU,  senate,  and  judges,  during  good  behavior  i  a  house  of  representatives 
for  three  years.  Though  I  would  have  enlarged  the  legislative  power  of  the  gen- 
eral government,  yet  I  never  contemplated  the  abolition  of  the  state  governments* 
But  on  tlte  contrary,  they  were,  in  some  partii-ulars,  constituent  parts  of  my  plan^ 

""This  plan  was,  in  my  conception,  confoniTdble  wHh  the  strict  theory  of  a  gov- 
ernment purely  republican  ;  the  essential  criteria  of  which  are,  that  the  principal 
iirgans  of  the  executive  and  legislative  departments  be  elected  by  the  people,  and 
iiold  their  offices  by  a  responsible  and  temporary  or  defeasible  nature. 

"  A  vote  was  taken  on  the  proposition  respecting  the  executive.  Five  state^r 
were  in  favor  of  it ;  amon|  these  Vi''ginia  ;  and  though,  from  the  manner  of  vq*' 
ting  by  delegations,  individuals  were  not  distinguished  ;  it  was  morally  certain, 
from  the  known  situation  of  the  Virgirua  members  (six  in  number,  two  of  them. 
Mason  and  Randolph,  professing  popular  doctrines)  that  Madison  must  have 
concurred  in  the  vote  of  Virginia.  Thus,  if  1  sinned  against  republicanism,  Mr. 
Madison  is  not  less  guilty. 

"  1  may  truly  then  say  that  I  never  proposed  either  a  president  or  senate  for 
life  and  that  I  neither  recommended  nor  meditated  the  annihilation  of  the  state 
governments. 

*'  And  1  may  add,  that  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  in  the  convention,  nei- 
ther the  propositions  thrown  out  for  debate,  nor  even  those  voted  in  the  earlier 
stages  of  deliberation,  were  considered  as  evidences  of  a  definite  opinion  iu  the 
proposer  or  voter.  It  appeared  to  lie  in  some  sort  understood,  that,  w  ith  a  view 
to  free  investigation,  experimental  propositions  might  be  m-ade,  which  were  to  be 
received  njcrely  as  suggestions  for  consideration.  Accordingly  it  is  a  fact,  that 
my  final  opinion  was  against  an  executive  during  good  behavior,  on  account  of 
the  increased  danger  to  the  public  tranquility  incident  to  the  election  of  a  magis- 
trate of  his  degree  of  permanency.  In  the  plan  of  a  constitution  which  1  drew  up 
while  the  convention  was  sitting,  and  which  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Madison 
about  the  close  of  it,  perhaps  a  day  or  two  after,  the  office  of  president  has  no 
longer  duration  than  for  thre*  years. 

"  This  plan  was  predicated  upou  these  bases  : — 1.  That  the  political  principlec 
of  the  pnople  of  tliis  country  would  endure  nolhing  but  a  republican  govermacnt^ 


80 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


2.  Tliat  In  tlie  trtual  situation  of  the  country,  it  whs  itself  ri^ht  ami  projx-r  Itiai 
the  republicKii  theory  aliu<il(l  have  a  fair  and  full  trial.  3.  That,  to  !>n(li  u  trinl 
it  was  essential  that  the  government  should  be  mo  conotnicted  ni  to  "ive  it  all  tin- 
energy  and  thn  stability  reconcilable  with  ihe  principles  of  that  theory. — These 
IV ere  the  genuine  Rt-iitiinentB  of  my  heart  :  and  upon  them  I  then  acted. 

'*  I  sincerely  hope  that  il  may  not  hereafter  be  discovered,  that  tiirough  wiiit 
ofFufncient  attention  to  the  last  idea,  the  cxpj'rinieiit  of  republican  government, 
fcven  in  tiiis  country,  hab  not  been  as  couiplcle,  uo  balisfaclory,  aud  a^  dt^ci^ivc 
as  could  be  wished. 

Very  tmly,  dear  gjr, 

Your  friend  mid  servant, 

A.  HAMlLTOiN." 

TlMOTHIt  PiCKKHING,  Esq. 


In  the  conflict  of  opinion  that  arose  in  the  cnnventioii,  there 
^Hs  if^  finost  iin{)erious  necessity  for  a  spirit  of  coin]>i'omisc,  in 
onier  to  secure  success  toils  labours. — The  tenacity  of  some 
leading  men,  of  adverse  opinions^  hatl  nearly  rendered  the  ef- 
fort abortive.  According  to  Luther  Martin,  Esu.  one  of  the 
^Maryland  delegates,  the  convention  was  several  times  on  the 
verge  of  adjournment,  without  fulfilling  the  object  of  thuir  ap- 
pointment. But  the  good  forlime of  ihe  nation  prevailed:  and 
after  a  session  of  about  ibur  months,  the  constitution  was  (iiiaily 
agrjeed  upon,  submitted  to  public  discussion,  and  joyfully  ac- 
cepted by  the  American  people. 

The  federal  party  immediately  took  the  reins,  and  adminis- 
tered the  government  of  the  United  States  for  twelve  years. — 
During  this  period^  its  wantof  suflicien:  energy,  audits  danger 
from  the  state  governments,  were  -frequent  subjects  of  imjfnss- 
ioned  complaint.  Every  man  who  opposed  the  measures  of  the 
iMministration,  of  what  kind  soever  they  were,  or  from  whatev- 
er motives,  was  stigmatized  as  a  disorgauizer  and  a  jacobin.— 
The  last  term  involved  tiie  utmost  extent  of  human  atrocity. 
A  jacobin  was,  in  fact,  an  enemy  to  social  order — to  the  rights 
of  property — to  religion — to  morals — and  ripe  for  rapine  and 
spoiJ. 

As  far  as  laws  could  apply  a  remedy  to  the  alledged  feeble* 
nessofthe  general  government,  the  reigning  party  sedulously 
endeavoured  to  remove  the  defect.  They  fenced  round  the 
constituted  authorities,  as  I  have  stated,  with  an  alien  and  sedi- 
tion law.  By  the  former,  they  could  banish  from  our  shores 
obnoxious  foreigners  whose  period  of  probation  had  not  expired. 
By  the  latter,  every  libel  against  the  government,  and  every 
imlawful  atttempt  to  oppose  its  measures,  were  subject  to  pun- 
ishment, more  or  less  severe,  in  proportion  to  its  magnitude. 

The  alien  law  was  not,  1  believe,  ever  carried  into  operation. 
It  was  hung  up  in  terrorem  over  several  foreigners,  who,  in  the 
language  of  ihe  day,  were  rank  jacobins,  andof  conree  enemies 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


n 


oT  Go<t  ami  man.  But  the  case  vras  Tar  diflVrent  with  the  sedi- 
tion law.  Several  indKvidunU  could  bear  testimony  from  ex- 
perience, to  the  severity  with  w hich  its  sanctions  were  enforced. 
Some  cases  occured,  ofa  tragi-comical  kind,  particularly  one  in 
New-Jersey,  in  which  the  culprit  w us  found  guilty  and  punish- 
ed, under  this  law,  (or  the  simple  wish  that  the  wadding  of  a 
gun,  discharged  on  a  festival  day,  had  made  an  inroad  into,  or 
singed  the  posteriors  of  Mr.  Adams,  then  president  of  the  Uni' 
ted  States. 

But  every  thing  in  this  8\il)liinary  -.vorld  is  liable  to  revolu* 
tiun.  This  is  proverbially  the  case  with  power  in  a  republican 
government.  The  people  of  the  United  States  changed  their 
rulers.  By  the  regular  course  of  election,  they  withdrew  the 
reins  from  the  hands  uf  the  federalists,  and  placed  them  in  those 
of  the  doinocrats. 

This  was  a  most  unexpected  revolution  to  the  federalists. — 
It  wholly  changed  their  views  of  the  government.  It  has  beent 
asserted  in  England,  that  a  tory  in  place,  becomes  a  whig 
w  he»i  out  of  place — and  that  a  whig  w  hen  provided  with  a  place, 
becomes  a  tory.  And  it  is  painful  to  state  that  too  many 
amon^  us  act  the  same  far«e.  The  government,  w  hich 
administered  by  themselves,  was  regarded  as  miserably  feeble 
and  inetHcient,  became,  on  its  transition,  arbitrary  and  des[K>tic ; 
notwithstanding  that  among  the  earliest  acts  of  the  new  incum- 
bents, was  the  repeal  not  merely  of  the  alien  and  sedition  laws^ 
but  of  some  of  the  most  obnoxious  and  oppressive  taxes  t 

Under  the  effects  of  these  new  and  improved  political  views, 
n  most  virulent  warfare  was  begun  against  their  successors.— 
The  gazettes  patronized  by,  and  devoted  to  federalismi,  were  un- 
ceasing in  their  efforts  to  degrade,  disgrace,  and  defame  the  ad<> 
ministration.  All  its^  errors  were  imhistriously  magnified,  and 
ascribed  to  the  most  perverse  and  wicked  motives.  Allegations 
wholly  unfounded,  and  utterly  improbable^  were  reiterated  in 
regular  succession.  An  almost  constant  and  unvarying  oppo- 
sition was  maintained  to  all  its  measures,  and  hardly  ever  was 
there  a  substitute  proposed  for  any  of  them.-  There  was  not 
the  slightest  allowance  made  for  the  unprecedenteK  and  con- 
vulsed State  of  the  world.-  And  never  was  there  more  ardor  and 
energy  displayed  in  a  struggle  between  two  hostile  nations,  than 
the  opposition  manifested  in  their  attacks  upon  the  administra- 
tion. The  awful,  and  lamentable,  and  ruinous  consequences 
of  this  warfare,  and  its  destruction  of  the  vital  interests  of  ther 
nation,  will  fully  appear  in  the  sequels 

■-S-  H  Z    '   ■■ 


n 


C2 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CHAPTER  X. 

British  Orders  in  CounciU  November  1793.     enforcement  of  the 
Rule  ofn59y    Oeneral  clamour  throughout  the  United  States, 

Afl  the  difBcultiefl  ami  dangers  of  our  country  have  sprung 
from  the  belligerent  invasions  or  our  rights,  I  snail  commence 
the  consideration  of  them  with  the  Brisish  order  of  1703. 

At  that  peiiod,  during  the  administration  of  general  Wash- 
ington, the  following  order  was  issued  by  the  British  privy 
council  :^ 

*' George  R.  Additional  initruction,  to  all  ihips  of  war,  privateers,  &c. 

^  That  they  shall  stop  and  detain  all  shipsi  laden  with  good^,  the  produce  of 
i)D7  colony  belonging  to  France,  or  carrying  provisiiotia  or  otiier  supplieti  for  the 
use  of  such  colonies  ;  and  shall  bring  the  saiue,  with  their  cargoes,  to  legal  ad- 
judication io  our  courts  of  admiralty. 

"By  liifl  majesty's  command, 

'    '*  Signed, 

Nov.  6,  17«8. 


•'  Hs.NnT  Du.'tDAS." 


This  order  was  a  most  lawless  invasion  of  our  rights,  almost 
unprecedented  in  extent,  and  incapable  of  pleading  in  its  de- 
fence the  right  of  retaliation,  so  hacknied  and  worn  so  thread- 
bare since  that  period.  In  a  few  weeks  it  swept  the  seas  of  our 
commeiee.  Hundreds  of  our  vessels  were  captured :  and  many 
of  our  merchants,  who  had  no  more  anticipation  of  such  a  sys- 
tem, than  of  an  attack  on  their  vessels  by  the  sulyects  of  the 
emperor  of  China,  were  absolutely  reduced  to  bankruptcy.—- 
The  annals  of  Europe  for  the  preceding  century  furnish  no 
measure  more  unjustifiable. 

The  circumstances  attending  it  very  highly  aggravated  the 
outrage.  It  was  issued  so  clandestinely,  and  with  such  an  ex- 
traordinary degree  of  secrecy,  that  the  first  account  of  its  exist- 
ence that  reached  the  London  exchange,  was  couveyed  with 
the  details  of  the  captures  it  authorie^d  and  occasioned.  And 
the  American  minister  at  the  court  of  St.  James',  was  unable 
to  procure  a  cop^y  of  it  till  the  25th  of  December. 

This  lawless  procedure  excited  universal  indignation  in  the 
United  States.  There  was  a  general  clamor  for  war  among  all 
parties.  Several  very  violent  measures  were  moved  and  debar 
ted  in  Congress — among  the  rest  the  sequestration  of  all  British 
property  in  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  indemnifying 
our  merchants.  This,  if  my  memory  do  not  deceive  me,  was 
brought  forward  by  Jonathan  Dfty ton,  of  New  Jersey,  a  leading 
man  among  the  federalists. 


1*H£  OLIVE  BRANCH.  It 

While  Congress  was  engaged  in  debating  m  various  modes  of 
procuring  redress,  the  president  nrrested  it  in  its  career,  by  llie 
nuinination  of  Ju(l);e  Jay  us  minister  extraordinary,  toseeli  re- 
dress from  the  liritish  government. 

This  eventuated  in  llie  celebrated  trrafy  A^hich  bears  that 
minister's  nume,  against  \vhich  volumes  of  denunciations  were 
published  by  the  democrats,  with  numberless  gloomy  and  terri- 
fying predictions,  on  nearly  the  whole  of  which,  as  1  have  alrea- 
dy  stated,  time  has  stamped  the  schI  of  false  prophecy. 

From  this  period  till  the  year  1805,  the  collisions  between 
the  two  nations  were  inconsiderable. 

The  Unitetl  States  were  in  a  most  enviable  state  of  prosper- 
ity in  the  years  1800,  1,  2,  3,  4,  and  5.  No  nation  ever  eryoy- 
ed  greater  happiness.  The  trade  of  the  country,  and  particular- 
ly its  exports  had  most  wonderfully  increased. 

During  the  tirst  four  years  of  general  Washington^»  adminis- 
tration, the  whole  value  ot  the  exports  from  this  country,  foreign 
and  domestic,  was  below  100,000,000  dollars  ;  whereas  during 
the  years  1803,  4,  5,  and  6,  tlicy  were  more  than  treble  that 
amount. 


Exports. 

FoniToiT. 

Domestic. 

Total. 

1803 

1 3,594,000 

42,200,000 

55.800,000 

1804 

36,231,000 

4I,4C8,000 

77,039,000 

1805 

53,179,000 

42,387,000 

95,5RB,00O 

U06 

60.283,000 

41,253,000 

10l,5J6,00a 

163,287,000         ItJ7,31l,000 


r^o,coi,ooo 


The  foreign  articles  were  principally  the  pro<1nc(ions  of  the 
colonies  of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  their  amount  ex- 
cited her  jealousy  in  a  high  degree,  and  led  her  in  the  summer 
of  T805,  to  adopt  the  rule  of  the  war  of  1 736,  which  rendered 
illegal  any  commerce  carried  on  by  a  neutral,  with  the  colonies 
of  a  belligerent,  during  war,  which  had  not  been  permitted 
during  peace.  This  rule  was  carried  into  operation,  without 
any  previous  notice,  whereby  our  vessels  and  property  to  ati 
immense  amount  were  seized — carried  into  British  ports — tried 
and  condemned. 

A  circumstance  attended  this  transaction,  which  greatly  ag- 
gravated its  injustice.  It  was  in  direct  hostility  with  previous 
decisions  of  the  British  courts  of  admiralty,  which  had  legalized 
in  the  clearest  and  most  explicit  manner,  the  trade  now  pro- 
scribed and  subjected  to  condemnation. 

In  order  to  display  the  gross  impropriety  of  this  procedure  of 
th«?  British  government,  and  its  utter  inconsistency  with  their 
preceding  conduct  and  decisions,  I  annex  a  statement  of  thd 


94 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCIf. 


report  of  tfie  king's  advocate,  on  an  application  made  to  him  in 
March,  1801,  at  the  instance  of  Rufus  King,  Esq.  our  minister 
at  the  court  of  St.  Jame,^',  on  certain  cases  wlierein  this  rule 
of  1750  was  attempted  to  be  enforced. 

"  It  is  now  distinctly  undnrslnod,  hthI  has  been  repeatedly  so  decided  hy  1  he 
*'  hi^h  court  of  appoiil.  tli-tt  nys  JHK  HFIODUCE  OF  THR  COLONIES  OF 
"THE  r:.\EMY  MAV  li^,  IMPORTED  RY  A  JNEUTH\L  INTO  HIS 
♦'GUN  COUNTRY,  AND  MAY  BE  RE  EXPORTED  ITIOM  THENCE, 
«'  EVEN  TO  IHE  MOTHER-COl  NTRY  OF  SIXH  pOLONY  ;  \ND  IN 
•'LIKE  MANNER  rrj^THE  PRODUCE  AND  MANUFACTl^RES  OP 
•'THE  MOTHER  U^tnSTRY  MAY.  IN  THIS  CIRCUITOUS  MODE, 
*'  LEG  ALLY  FIND  THEIR  U' AY  TO  THE  COLONIES.  The  direct  trade, 
•'however,  between  the  inolhtr-co'.mtrv  and  it?  colonies,  has  not.  lappreiiend, 
*'  been  recognized  as  legal,  either  by  his  :iu\|esty'5  governmei*t,  or  by  his  tribti- 
*'  nal«. 

.  "  What  is  a  direct  trude,  or  what  araoutits  to  an  iritcrmediate  importation  into 
"  the  ncnitral  country,  may  goinptiraos  be  a  question  of  some  difficiilly.  A  genjB;- 
"  ral  defi;iition  of  either,  applicable  to  all  cases,  cannot  well  be  laid  down.  Tbe 
"  question  must  depend  upon  t!ie  particular  circumstances  of  each  caie.  Perhaps 
"  tliemere  touchinjj  in  the  neutral  country,  to  take  fresh  clearances,  may  prop- 
•'  erly  be  considered  as  a  fra'jdulent  evasion,  and  is  in  effi^ct  the  direct  trade  ;  but 
*'  the  high  court  of  admiralty  has  expressly  decidcfl  (and  1  see  no  reason  to  expect 
•' tlKit  the  court  of  appeals  will  vary  the  ru\i^)  thai  [^^'.anding  the  floods  aitd 
*^  pitying  the  duties  in  tlie  neutrnl  country,  breaks  tke  coiUimtily  u/lfie  voyage  and 
••  IS  such  an  importation  as  legnliips  the  trade,  uWiungh  tlie,  goods  be  re-shipped  in 
*'  the  same  ve!,sd,  and  on  account  nfthe  same  neutral  proprietors,  and  be/orrvarded 
•'  /or  sale  to  the  mother  coiintry  or  the  colony.''^ 

"  An  extract  from  this  report,  containing  the  foregoing  passage,  was  transmit- 
ted by  the- dnke  of  Portland,  in  a  letter  of  the  30th  March,  ISOI,  to  the  lords 
commiai-iuners  of  the  admiralty.  FIIs  grace^s  letter  concludes  thus  :  "  In  order, 
therefore  to  put  a  stop  to  the  inconveniences  arising  from  these  erroneous  seiitea- 
tes  of  the  vice  admiralty  courts,  I  have  the  honor  to  signify  to  your  lordships  the 
king's  pleasure,  that  a  cominuMication  of  the  doctrine  laid  down  in  the  said  report 
should  be  immediately  made  by  your  lordships  to  the  several  judges  presiding  in 
them,  setting  forth  what  is  held  to  be  the  law  upon  the  subject  by  the  superior 
IffibuDiU,  for  their  future  guidance  and  direction."* 

The  depredations  above  stated  excited  universal  indio;na(ion 
throughout  tlie  United  States.  The  mercantile  part  of  the 
community  were  exasperated  to  the  utmost  degree.  The  ad- 
ministration was  stigmatized  as  equally  regardless  of  the  lionor 
and  the  interest  of  the  nation,  for  not  resisting  these  pretension* 
and  not  procuring  redress  for  the  depredations.  A  recurrence 
to  the  gazettes  of  that  period  will  show  that  the  federal  party 
was  then  clamorous  for  war,  if  redress  could  not  be  procured  for 
grievances  incomparably  less  than  those  that  finally  provoked 
the  late  declaration  of  war.  But  it  may  be  said,  and  with  some 
degree  of  truth,  that  news-papers  are  an  equivocal  criterion  of 
the  public  opinion.  This  1  admit.  And  1  shall  lay  before  the 
reader  other  and  most  unerring  proofs  of  the  Liiercantile  temper 
of  this  period. 

♦  letter  from  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinluiej'  to  kJcd  Howick,  dated  Aug'ist  20, 


m 


♦«it 


*   14 

'ff  prop 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


85 


ioD  into 

A  genje^ 
n.    Tbe 
Ferliaps 
ly  prop- 
idc  ;  bat 
.o  expect 
wds  and 
lyagf-  and 
iipped  iM 
urrvardtd 

transmit- 
Llie  lords 
In  order, 
13  senten- 
Iships  the 
lid  report 
esiding  i» 
;  superior 

ornation 
of  the 
Mie  ad- 
e  honor 
ensione 
urrenne 

l1  party 
ured  for 
•ovoked 
th  some 
erion  of 
fore  the 
temper 


Lugvist  20. 


\^ 


IVI'eetingB  of  the  merchants  were  held  in  almost  all  the  com- 
mercial towns  and  cities  in  the  United  States.  The  suhject 
was  eloquently  discussed.  Strong  memorials  were  agreed  upon, 
urscing  the  president  and  congress  to  adopt  such  measures  as 
mis;ht  be  necessary  to  procure  redress.  In  these  memorials, 
which  were  couched  in  the  most  emphatical  language,  the  pre- 
tensions of  England  were  treated  as  not  far  removed  from  actual 
piracy* — as  opening  a  door  to  the  most  flagrant  frauds  and  im- 
positions— as  unworthy  of  a  great  and  magnanimous  people — 
and  as  derogatory  to  the  reputation  and  honor  of  an  independ- 
ent nation  to  submit  ♦o.  The  administration  was,  in  the  most 
impassioned  style  invoked  to  resist  such  pretensions ;  and  the 
memorialists  generally  pledged  ihaojielves  most  solemnly  to  sup- 
port it  in  the  attevipt.  As  I  shall  devote  a  seperste  chapter  [the 
18th]  to  the  consideration  of  the  policy  of  the  mercantile  part 
of  the  nation,  1  shall  not  here  inquire  how  far  these  pledges  were 
redeemed. 

These  memorials  are  inunensely  important  in  the  formation 
of  a  correct  estimate  of  the  policy  of  our  government.  I  shall, 
therefore,  make  very  copious  extracts  from  them.  They  are 
most  precious  documents,  and  present  "a  round  unvarnished 
tale^'  of  the  outrages  experienced  by  American  commerce,  and 
the  extravagant  pretensions,  as  well  as  the  lawless  depredations 
of  Great  Britain, 


CHAPTER  XI.     -^      ^  - 

Extracts  Jrom  tlic  Boston  Memoried,    Strong  Styk.    British  pre 
tensions  tkstructive  of  the  navigation  of  neutral  nations.    Duty 
of  the  United  States  to  oppose  the?n.    Energetic  call  for  adequate 
tncasures  to  protect  commerce. 

The  Boston  merchants,  after  glancing  at  the  vexations,  in- 
sults and  barbarities,  suflfered  from  France  and  Spain,  pass  on 
to  the  consideration  of  the  grievances  inflicted  by  the  British. 
They  state  that, 

"  It  i?  their  object  in  tlip  prcspnt  momorial,  to  confine  their  animadversions  to 
|r?^THE  MORK  \LARMlx\G,  BbXAUSR  MORR  NUMEROUS  AND 
I^XTEN.SJVC  DETEl^TIONS  ANDCO?;DE\1l\AT]ONS  OF  AMERICAN 
VESSELS  BV  GREAT  BRITAIN  j   and  to  advert  to  the  principles  recently 

'^f  "  It  cinnot  hrcome  the  intec;ri(y  of  a  great  nation,  to  prey  upon  the  unjyroted- 
!'fl  propcriy  ff  a  friendly  poivcr.^^ 

(Bo'ton  Memorial.) 


n 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


avowed,  and  adopted  by  hor  courts,  relative  to  neutral  tiade  in  articles  of  colonial 
produce.  Prii)cij)Ic5,  wlticii,  it  adniilted,  or  practised  upon  in  all  the  latitude, 
which  may  fnirly  hi-  ijifcrrrd  to  he  intended,  would  \r:  rTr'  destructive  to  the 
navigatim,  and  rrp  tlM)]C\LL\  IMPAIR  THE  iviu^T  LUCRATIVE 
COMMERCE  Ut  OUR  COUNTRY.  PiincipIcK  that  had  heen  virtually 
abin.loned  subsequently  ti/ tlieir  first  avowal ;  even  during  nn  inlcrmcdiite  and 
inveterate  war,  and  (hiring  the  pro.srctilion  of  a  trade  n'hich  is  n-)n>  interdicted 
find  alledged  to  bt  iUff!;nl,  but  which  trade  w  as  at  tliat  time  sanctione''  by  the 
'promulgated  decisionh  of  iter  courts,  and  by  an  offirinl  communication  from  one 
T)f  the  highest  organs  of  the  very  government,  which  is  now  attempting  to  destroy 
it,  and  with  its  Pupprrssioii  to  n-p  ANNIHILATE  OR  GREATLY  DIMIN- 
ISH THE  COM.MERCE  01   .aEUTRAL  NA TIONS 

"  There  U  great  cause  to  apprehend,  tliat  the  British  government  mean  to  set 
lip  as  a  principi(t,  that  she  has  a  rigl»t  to  interdict  all  commerce  by  neutrals,  to 
the  ports  of  her  enemies,  which  ports  had  not  been  opened  previously  to  the 
fommencemont  of  hostilities  ; — that  if  she  permits  a  trade  with  them  in  any  de- 
gree, sl'.e  has  a  right  to  prescribe  the  limits  of  it  j  to  investigate  the  intention  of 
the  parties  prosecuting  it ;  and  if  nuch  intention  be  not  the  actual  disposition  of 
the  property  in  the  neutral  country,  to  consider  the  merchandize,  even  after  the 
importation  into  snch  country,  after  having  been  landed  therein,  warehoused, 
and  the  duties  paid"  on  it,  a.-  ^j^mlyin  the  stage  of  a  continued  and  dirtci  voynge 
from  the  coUny  to  the  mother  country,  or  vice  versa  ;  and  therefore  illegal,  and 
liable  to  condcmnatioa. 

•*  In  some  instances,  your  meiaorialists  find  j'j^ncrvvesiels,  on  thtirjlrd  pes  sage 
from  the  United  States  to  Europe,  arrested,  carried  out  of  their  course,  and  injuri- 
ously detained  under  ihe  vexatious  pretence  of  a  continuity  qf  voyage  from  the 
country  or  colony  ^  a  beUigertnt.  In  another  instance  they  have  witnessed  a 
vessel  captured  and  condemned  under  the  most  frivolous  pretext^  when  in  the 
prosecution  of  an  acknowledged  and  permitted  trade,  under  circumstancei  which 
Danished  every  shadow  of  doubt,  ag  to  the  real  destination  of  the  vessel,  the  iden- 
tity of  the  ortners,  or  the  actual  intention  qf  the  parties. 

"  'I'hese  few  instances  they  have  thought  it  needful  to  notice,  in  order  to 
demonstrate,  tliat  unless  tiie  present  disposition  of  the  British  admiralty  courts, 
and  navy  officers,  can  be  countcracttd  and  removed,  a  widely  dispersed  and 
unprotected  commerce,  extending  to  every  region  of  the  globe,  will  only  serve 
rrp  TO  INVITE  DEPREDATION,  TO  BANKRUPT  OURSELVES, 
AiND  ENRICH  OTHERS,  UNTIL  SUCH  COMMERCE  BE  SWEPT 
FROM  THE  FACE' OF  THE  OCEAN,  and  leave  nothing  in  its  stead,  but 
sentiments  of  hostility  and  acts  of  contention. 

*'  A  tacit  submission  to  prctenriiina  ilius  lofty  and  compreftenfive,  but  nhich  yovr 
memorialists  tru^t  are  most  if  thtmitntinahle,  nvuld^  they  conceive,  be  [Tjp  AN 
ABANDONMENT  OF  RKiHTS  OPENLY  RECOdNlZED,  AN  Da  DE- 
RELICTION OF  THE  MOST  IMPORTANT  COMMERCIAL  INTER- 
ESTS OF  OUR  COUNTRY. 

"  Reason,  and  tiie  most  powerful  considerations  of  equity,  enjoin  it  as 
Q^  A  DUTY  ON  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  OPPOSE  THESE  PRE- 
'i  ENSIONS  ;  for  clrcumstajiced  as  these  states  arc,  possetijing  an  immensely 
extended  «nd  fertile  territOij',  producini^  mostly  the  necessaries  of  life,  which, 
with  the  merchandize  obtaiticd  from  abroad  by  the  industry  and  enterpri-i- 
o'  her  citizens,  she  is  obliged  to  b-Arter,  or  furnisli  in  payment  for  importalioris 
of  foreign  produce  or  nianufacturts ;  rj;^  it  behovea  her  strenuously  tn  contend 
fi/f  the  right  qfa7i  opincnimnerce  in  iniivcrnt  urlicks  bet/veen  other  nations  that 
are  ivillivg  to  accords  il,  and  herself;  for  if  the  right  be  not  both  claimed  and 
admitted,  scarcely  any  of  the  European  powers  can  in  future  be  engaged  in  war- 
faro  iviihnut  makitig  thn  Unittd  State'!,  in  opposition  both  to  her  efforts  and  n-ii/i' 
Qy=  EITHER  A  yiGTlM  OR  PARTY  IN  THE  CONTEST. 

Your  niemosialists  coiicrlve  these  pretensions  aiFord  constant  sources  o. 
co'litioB,  continually  tending  to  invo' ve  these  states  in  the  !S.suc  of  European  wars 
and  would  oblige  the  government,  on  tl»e  occurrence  of  such  of  such  wars,  spnt'f- 
'i'.y  to  unite  with  one  yr  ^  'aer  of  the  parties,  io  order  Ihut  t!ie  roiti::.(.irp  of  l'  *■ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


87 


'  oiintry  •..i^Ut  lawfully  aval)  it'clf  of  .«ome  df-grec  ofpecuritj",  fro!i»  ti»e  protection 
trhich  its  own  foicp,  and  that  of  its  ailie;',  could  aflbrd.  To  lliis  state  of  lliingH, 
voiir  incuiorialitts  bfUfve  it  can  neither  be  the  interest  nor  wi^li  of  tlie  BriLibti 
j;ov<  rimirrl  to  reduce  otir  coiinliy. 

♦*  'ilic  nio^^t  tcnai'.joiif:  advocates  for  the  rights  of  bplli;;crcnts  admit,  tliat  during 
var,  ncutralH  ii.ive  a  rij^l)t  to  enjoy  in  the  utmost  latitiidf,  the.  trade  to  whicli 
Ihey  had  Von  accustomed  in  times  of  peace.  .\ow  il'the  belligerent  iii.«  the  right 
(o  bloci. ado  an  extended  -ea-coast,  and  to  [^^  exclude  nrutruls  from,  perfiopSy 


tnaiinel  tlnrini; 
n  its  groateit 


fifty  ftilft rent  jiorls,  {as  was  the  cast  n-ith  t/u  p/tnch  pirb  in  the 
' t/ic  int  n\ir,)  how  can  the  neutral  enjoy  'iii=  uwnl  ])euce  trade  i 
latitude,  ur.ltsj  ttils  deprivation  is  hajauo'  d  by  anotiu-r  trade,  n  jiicii  is  opened  to 
him  durin;;  tlie  war!' — As  to  the  inquisitorial  rigl»t  ofsearcli  into  tiie  ownership  of 
neutral  property  setup  by  Great  BriUiin.  and  the  dottiine  flppeKded  to  it,  that 
;«  nrulr-.ii  iniyiortcr  shall  not  ;igain  exjiort  his'  j^oods,  hut  liiat  they  sliall   i)e  first 


alienated  ur.il  p  isscd  into  the  j>os>e«kion  ofotiiers — vour  memoriali'-ts  l>eiie.ve  them 
to  he  liN;  oi  :n'I)  in  point  Ol  PKh\ClFl.E  OFFE.\SiVE  IN  PRAC- 
T!<  K,  ANO  NIGX'JOKV  IN  EIFECT. 

"  Your  nitriiorialists  would  with  reluctance  believe  that  the  sacred  tiibunals  of 
iiiPlicr  have  become  yubsrrvleut  to  motives  ofpol'  c.a!  evptdiency,  more  especially 
ui  a  naiioii  (vliO'^^e judicial  proceedings  have  frequi  ntly  ile^erved  and  commanded 
the  respect  of  all  civilized  countries.  Yet  they  know  not  e  >ily  how  to  reconcile 
on  on  any  otlier  grounds,  the  contradictory  proceedings  of  tlie  British  admiralty 
courts,  during  the  1  t;;t  and  present  war. 

"  At  any  rate,  whether  the  doctrine  were  sound  or  not.  or  whether  it  injured 
4"5reat  Briiain  or  not,  it  cannot  become  the  integrity  and  magnanimity  of  a  great 
and  powerful  nation,  at  once,  and  without  notice,  to  reverse  he'-  rule  of  conduct 
towuds  other  states,  and  [15=  TO  PREY  UPON  THE  IN  PROTECTED 
PR\>PERTY  OV  A  FRILiNDLY  POWER,  the  extension  of  whose  commerce 
had  been  Invitt  d  by  the  formal  avowal  of  h-r  intentions,  and  prosecuted,  under  a 
reliance  onherjiuod  faith,  and  from  the  confidence  reposed,  that  her  courts, 
uniform  to  their  principles,  would  never  be  iufiuenccd  by  the  time-serving  politics 
uf  the  moment. 

"  In  all  events,  fully  relying  that  the  subject  of  our  diff»*ren«es  with  Gveat  Dritaia 
v'ill  rtct-i  re  the  due  cunsidtrutum  of  government ;  and  that  such  measurts  will  in 
conseqiience  be  piotnpilv  (idphd,  as  will  tend  to  D1SR.MB\RR\SS  OUR 
COM  MERCK— A.SSEK.T  OUU  RIGHTS— AND  SUPPORT  THE  DIG- 
NITY  OK  THE  UNITED  ST \TES. 

"  Your  nienioria'i.>;ts  have  the  honor  to  -♦•niun,  in  behalf  of  thei'-  constitueott 
and  Iheinielvts,  u:o^t  respectful  !y, 

Jame<<  L^oyd,  jm*,  John  Coffin  Jones,  . 

David  Gr  ti",  George  (\ibot, 

Arnold  kVeilos,  Ihoma^  il.  Ferkioi. 

David  S?  'xrs, 
Boiton,  Jan.  20,  1808.  '  • 

To  this  memorial  I  reqiieKi  tip  parliculrir  a!tGntion  nf  the 
reader.  It  was  the  act  ol  i\\<e  rneri'iianls  <>r  Bcvuu  in  Si^eneral. 
The  seven  gentlemen  whose  S!p;uat«<r<5  are  sM'iricu;ie<l,  were 
merely  a  committee  to  repre&ei.t  the  niercuntlle  cfKis.  No 
man  can  pretend  to  form  a  correct  0i)iiiinn  onthecoinluct  of  the 
two  parties  that  divide  Ihenitfion,  without  ia-inirf'j.'iy  tjoasfssed 
of  the  tenor  of  this  and  the  other  simila*  >rjmtats.  Besides 
the  contents,  I  wish  iv.o  of  the  signatiircs  to  he  most  partictiliirly 
adverted  to.  They  are  titose  of  George  C  i\\\\  m^K  .Fames  liloyd, 
jun.  who  have  both  acted  conspicuous  parts  in  the  recent  affairs 
of  the  Uttited  States,    The  former  gentleman  was  a  member  of 


,►  "  -if, 

km 


88 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCi:, 


the  convention  at  HaHforcI,  whose  professed  o'yecl  was  lo  form 
some  ussociation  amons;  the  commercial  states  for  the  "•protection 
oj  commerce^'*  against  the  hostility  of  government. 

These  gentlemen  explicitly  state,  Ihat  \m\\gzz  '' the  present 
disposition,''^  that  is,  the  disposition  in  1 805,  (for  as  the  remon- 
strance was  drafted  in  January,  1806,  it  must  refer  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  preceding  year) 

•'  Of  the  Rritish  adinirnlty  courts,  and  navy  ofiicers  ran  be  counternrt- 
*d  and  removed,  a  widely  dispersed  and  xinproUrlcd  commerce,  exlcndin'- 
to  every  region  of  the  globe,  will  only  serve  to  invite  (iepreilHtion,  t3 
BATVfKBrPT  ornsELVEs,  AND  ENRICH  OTHiJKs,  untM  such  commercs  be 
«wept  from  the  face  of  the  ocean." 

They  further  state,  that 

*'  A  tacH  siUtmission  to  pretensions  thus  hfty,  vovid  bf.  an  abandenmtv. ' 
of  rights  openly  recognised,  and  a  dereliction  or  the  most  import- 
ant COMMERCIAL  INTERESTS  OF  OUR  COUNTRY." 

And  they  f  ^1 — 

••  Reason  and  the  most  powerful  consiiderations  of  equity  enjoin  it  a» 
a  duty  on  the  United  Slates  to  oppose  these  pretensions." 

And  that 

These  pretensions  are  "  unsound  in  point  of  principle,  offensive  in  prac'- 
lice  and  nugatory  in  effect. ''^ 

And  to  cap  the  climax,  they  explicitly  charge  Great  Britain, 
with  something  not  far  from  piracy,  or 

"PREYING  UPON  THE  UNPROTECTED  PROPERTY  OF  A 
FRIENDLY  POWER. 


They  and  their  friends  then  call  upon  the  government 

•'  Promptly  to  adopt  such  measures  as  raij5ht  disembarrass  our  commeree 
'■^assert  our  rights — and  support  the  dignity  of  the  United  States.''* 

This  call,  so  strong  and  so  solemn,  implied  with  equal  strength 
and  solemnity  a  pledge  of  support.  It  behoves  these  gentlemen 
and  their  friends,  who  are  now,  for  that  nur;>08e,  called  on  pub- 
licly in  the  face  of  their  country,  to  point  out  any  one  instance 
in  which  they  lent  their  aid  to  the  government  in  the  pursuit  of 
redress,  or  redeemed  the  solema  pledge  they  held  out  to  their 
country  and  to  the  world. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CHAPTER  XIF. 


Extracts  frmn  NenhTork  Memorial.  Equally  explicit  and  pointed 
7mtk  ihM  from  BmMon.  The  prftcnsions  of  Grtat  Britain  a 
violation  of  the  law  of  natimis,  A  Urcn'r  and  peremptory  call 
for  resistance  on  thr  part  (f  the  sovemmrnt.  Solemn  pledge  of 
supfort.     Lons^  and  respectable  Hal  rf  i^t^ners, 

*'  Tlipy  Imvp  bfen  suddenly  confoimtlod  i)y  unexpr'-"  d  inlt'lligeuce  of  ihe  ar- 
restalian,  on  the,  ki'j:h  se/is,  i>fn  lurc;<:  pitrtion  qf  their  r-'i't-i  i.y  which  hud  h  jj  em- 
Larked  mUi  t»f  mtst  iLmniajt^ctiug  tanfidtnce.  Tli  •eeiiugs  .if  yi  ir  m  in  wialifts 
arc  nol  only  »^\dl.rHl  by  tne  losses  wliicii  iliey  hnv*  ..otadlly  5n;st-.ii.  J  .ii  conse- 
tfU'-iMif  of  d  luj-asiire  irisiiscfptioio  oi  l)^^*vion^  calciilannii,  but  «!*©,  from  (lu-  stiitc 
of  uocTtniiiiy  in  wiiicii  tliey  are  i)iaced  with  respect  lo  futuiv  cuioinoiciai  opera- 
tions. 

"' 111  l.iie  recent  deci-»ton,  which  prottiWts  an  importer  of  "olonia]  p»^»duie  from 
«"fyorSiiiz  it  *o  Kurop/',  tiiey  p>-r'\v  w:t\i  coufTi),  titlur  n  nu^.torif  'ind  vcxor 
tioui  regulation  irr  a  mrdltnUd  Uum  ut  wkal  Ikty  dttm  an  incx,nitstibU  a-ud  v.ilua- 
bk  ri^ht. 

'•  If  tlie  arrival  of  a  sliip  in  tlie  coiititry  to  wliicU  it  b^  ongs  ;  the  landin;:;  of  the 
cargo  ;  tlu'  inspection  of  tu«  tustom-l.ou-'e  ;  the  p  tynietit  or  security  of  duties  ,  do 
nol  terminate  a  voy.i)i,e,  then  we  confess  our  ignorance  on  a  point,  which,  never 
l\  wiivr  b.*pn  before  qiie>illoncd,  lias  been  ns>-umed  bv  us  as  an  acknowledi^ed  truth. 
If  the  entry  for  txportatiun  ;  the  embarkatioQ  of  merchandize;  there-inspection 
of  tiie  custom- iiou^e  ;  the  bond  for  securing  i  delivery  in  a  foreign  country  ;  and 
a  public  clenrance  do  not  indicate  the  commeocemeut  of  a  new  voyage — then  we 
are  yet  to  learn  the  meaning  of  the  expression. 

"  But  the  «e  embarrassnienls,  though  perplexing  and  vexatious,  are  not  those 
which  principilly  oc';;asion  our  solicitnd'' ;  we  are  compelled  to  consider  the  late 
decision,  of  the  British  tribunals  a?  preliminary  stej^s  towards  n  $ysltm  »/ conlridling 
the  importations  and  cxportntionn  of  colimial  produdims,  and  thereby  ANNIHI- 
LAThNG  THE  Mt)*^!  LUCRA.'i'IVE  BRANCHES  OF  OIJ  R  COMMERCE. 
If  we  owe  J,  this  rade  solely  to  the  favir  of  Great  Rrilain,  still  we  migtit  ask, 
what  ur2;ent  nlo^iv*•,  what  imperious  necessity,  requirfd  that  the  favor  should  be 
resumed  at  (>  pei'iod  when  'jur  commerce  was  "spread  over  the  ocean,  and  wiien  a 
c!ian;5e  so  eji^ential  mig!i'  dts^iroy  its  security,  and  subject  u*  to  incalculable  losses. 
We  deny,  however,  tiiat  the  ritriits  of  comtnerce,  as  claimed  by  up,  are  to  be 
dt'emed  f.ivors ;  on  the  contrary,  ifi'ie  l;w)  of  nations  is  other  than  n  temporary 
rule,  prescribed  by  an  arbilraru  nilf,  nnd  enforced  by  poner,  then  ne  appeal  lo  its 
mo^t  ^inivcrwl  nnd  invioiihlr  principle  in  our  defence.  This  principle  is,  that  Me 
goodi  of  a  ncxdrci,  consisting  of  articles  not  contraband  of  war,  in  a  neutral  vessel^ 
emplnjied  in  a  direct  trade  between  neutral  covniriex  and  ports  of  a  belligerenl 
country  ntt  invested  or  blockaded,  are  protuted. 

"  Whatever  theoreiical  opinion.*  rn^y  heretofore  have  been  advanced,  there  baa 
existed  no  sucli  practical  ruV,  [as  that  of  17.'i6]  which,  under  the  unparalleled 
circu.nst  uices  of  the  present  war,  MUST  INFALLIBLY  DESTROY  THH 
COMMERCE  OF  THIS  COUNTRY. 

"  Willi  these  preliminary  facts  in  view,  we  request  permission  to  detail  some 
of  the  most  important  consequences  of  tiie  ■issunied  rule,  that  neutrals  may 
be  reslr.iined  in  time  , of  war  to  tluir  accnsiouie  I  trade  in  time  of  p«ace.  The 
inj>istlc3  of  such  a  rule,  in  relation  to  the  Uni'^  \  States,  wiU  be  mo^t  manifest ; 
the  individuals  employed  in  c<>mmerc»  tou''  1  not  alot'-  be  afF?cted  :  aLu 
tlieinternn!  refctHons  of  our  couniri/  uh,  dd  be  disturbed  ;  Ihe  inl-rests  of 
tlwxc  dist rids  ivliicit  KT".  most  remote  from  r.vr  "primipal  ports,  nould,  m 
lirojiorlion  to  tlicir  drjicidence  on  foreign  ivp^lits.  iic  mo»t  &€vtrdii  digressed, 

I 


f  -t-;l 


m 


mm 


.90 


TIU5  OftlVE  BRANCH. 


Ell  '*,«2 


*'  If  Great  Britain  permits  commerce  bettveen  her  subjects  and  the  colonies  qf  her 
enemiea,  may  we  not,  witli  the  consent  of  tliose  colonieb,  parmi^aie  in  the  sam« 
commerce.''  If  our  commerce  witli  tite  rnemics  of  Greut  t^rilam  may  now  bn 
confined  to  the  system  established  in  time  oi*  peace,  may  we  not  appieliend  that 
the  principle  will  be  retalii^ted  in  respect  to  our  conmierce  wiili  tne  colonies  of 
Great  Britain  P  In  that  case,  WHAT  CAN  ENSUE  BUT  WAR,  TILLAGE 
AND  DEyASTATlQNi' 

"  T^cse  are  not  imaginary  suppositions.  They  illustrate  the  most  important 
principles  of  our  commerce.  1  lity  evince  the  necessity  of  a  circuitous  trude,  to 
enable  us  to  realize  the  great  value  of  exports  of  our  own  native  productions,  by 
which,  alone,  we  acquire  the  power  to  liquidate  the  balance  against  us,  in  our 
commerce  witli  (ireat  Britain  :  they  demonstrate,  that  the  position  againsi  nhich 
Tveconlend^  is  net  a  rule  of  the  Urn  of  nations.  THE  LAW  OF  NATIONS 
ORDAINS  NO  RULE,  WHICH  IS  UNEQUAL  AND  UNJUST 

"  It  is,  however,  with  much  surprise,  that  we  have  recently  discovered  that 
the  very  circumstances  upon  whicli  our  hopes  of  fecurity  were  reposed,  have  been 
urged  as  arguments  to  ju-tify  an  invasion  of  our  rights  ;  and  that  HAViixTJ 
TOTALLY  SUPPRESSED  THE  EXTERNAL  COMMERCE  OF  HER 
ENEMIES,  GREAT  BRITAIN  IS  NOW  COUNSELLED  TO  APPPRO- 
PRIATE  TO  HERSELF  THAT  OF  HER  FRIEIVDS. 

"  Surely  the  security  of  neutral  rights  ought  not  to  diminish,  as  their  value  is 
augmented.  Surely  a  maritime  preponderancy  which  enables  its  possessor  to 
block ide  any  of  the  ports  of  i'ls  enemies,  conveys  Jo  just  title  to  a  monopoly  of 
the  comjnerceof  the  world. 

•'  Id  the  list  of  our  complaints  we  cannot  forbear  to  enumerate  the  Iiumiliating 
and  oppressive  conduct  of  ships  of  war  in  the  vicinity  of  our  coasts  and  harbors. 
We  respeci,  the  prhiciple  and  enni'.ate  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  in  regard  to 
her  own  juiiydiction  :  and  nc  ni^k  maelii  to  daimfor  ourselves  the  same  measure 
rf  justice.,  which  she  exacts /ran.  others. 

"This  view  of  the  subject  while  it  excite?  our  anxiety,  furnishes,  also,  a  re- 
fource  for  our  hopes.  We  v.  ish  only  for  justice  :  and  believing  timt  a  commercial 
nation  wbicb  dis^regards  justice,  thereby  undermines  the  citadel  oi'  her  power  j  vje 
rely  on  the  eflect  ofnnitual  interests  and  wiiiios  in  promoting  a  cordial  explanation 
and  fair  adjustment  of  every  cause  of  misunderstanding  J  in  particular  7ve  rely  on 
the  govemmnt  <if  f>ur  country,  THAT  OUR  RIGHTS  WILL  NOT  BE 
ABANDONED,  -M  that  NO  ARGUMENT  IN  FAVOR  OF  AN  USURP- 
ATION WILL  EVER  BE  DERIVED  PROM  OUR  ACQUIESCENCE. 

*' Your  memorialists  conclude  with  remarking,  that  they  deem  the  present 
eituatioD  of  I'ublic  affiiirs  to  be  peculiarly  critical  and  perilous  ;  and  stich  as  requires 
all  the  prv.dtnce^  the  ni^dom,  andthe  evergyqf  the  government,  SUPPORTED 
BV  the  CO-OPEFtATlON  OF  ALL  GOOD  CITIZENS.  By  mutu.il  ex- 
ertio»;',  under  the  beqign  influence  of  Providence  upon  this  hitherto  favored  na- 
tion, we  hope  the  clouds  which  threatrr  to  obs^cure  its  piosperity  may  be  di?ijelled 
AWD  WE  PLEDGE  OUR  UNITED  SUPPORT  IN  FAVOR  OF  ALL    


MEASURES 
KfGHTS  OF 


ADOPTED  TO  VINDICATE  AND  SECURE  THE 
OUR  COUNTRY. 


THE 
JUST 


JVin-Yprk,  D^c.  2P.  1805. 


Signed  on  behalf  of  the  merchants,  by 


^•.  «. 


^^^i^-V- 


JohnBrooi.    ,  ubairmau,, 
Oliver  Wolcott, 
John  Franklin, 
Isaac  Lawrence, 
Thomas  Carpenter, 
John  Taylor, 
Henry  J   Wyckoff,  . 
George  M.  Wooloey, 
David  M.  Clark  son, 
Goelet  Hoyt, 
Daniel  Ludlow, 


Elisha  Coit, 
John  B  Murray, 
licffert  Lefferts, 
Samuel  A  1/aurence;, 
-Robert  Lenox, 
John  Murray, 
George  Griswold, 
Henry  Pos^t, 
Jo'u!  R  Livingston, 
Wiliiam  riendenson, 
Archibald  Gracie, 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


01 


Samnel  Ruek-I, 
James  ^rdt-n, 
Willivini  liovet, 
Kdiiioiid  Seanian, 
Jam*  s  Maxwell, 
Bcnj.  Bailey, 
Tlioiiins  F'ainier, 
\V.  Etlgar, 
Wynant  Van  Zandt, 
Cliarlps  Wright, 
Joliii  De  Peyster, 
.1.  Clason, 
U'ui    Clark KOD, 
John  B.  Coles, 


Benjamin  G.  Mintui-n, 
William  Bayard, 
Gulian  Ludlow, 
Eben.  Stevens, 
Rensselaer  Havens, 
Peter  bliermcrhorn, 
William  W.  Woolscy, 
James  Scott, 
John  I*.  Mumford, 
Cl'arUs  M'Evers,  jun. 
John  Kane, 
John  Clendining, 
Wm.  CodiDiin. 


f,i 


CHAPTER  Xni. 

Extracts  frotn  tJie  Memorial  <fthe  Merchants  of  Philadelphia* 

I  PROCEED  to  state  the  sentiments  of  the  merchants  of  the 
great  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  this  invasion  of  their  rights  and 
those  of  the  nation.  We  shall  see  that  they  felt  the  same  sense 
of  the  irynstice  of  these  measures,  with  their  brethren  of  Boston 
and  New-York — made  the  same  strong  requisition  for  protection 
' — and  gave  an  equal  pledge  of  full  support.  They  state  that  a 
submission  to  these  claims  of  Great  Britain,  "  would  produce 
the  ruin  of  individuals — the  deshmction  oj  their  commerce — and 
the  degradation  of  ihiir  cotmtri/.-'' 

To  prevent  these  mighty  evils,  they  required  the  inteiJIifenCfe 
of  the  government,  which,  at  their  requisition,  did  interfere* 
We  shall  see  the  result. 


T 


•'  J  jmkufy  nf  our  enterprise  and  prospcrtljf  has  excited  a  design  qf  checking 
the  commercUil  gmnih  of  our  cmmtrti,  the  fruit  of  which  has  been  an  attempt  to 
inno^iie  upon  aucient  and  approved  principles,  and  introduce  unheard  of  articfeis 
•and  provisions  into  the  code  of  public  law. 

"  It  becomes  your  mf^morialists  to  ytale,  that  the  pressure  of  these  eviTs  haft 
greatly  incifasrrcl.  and  that  others,  of  even  superior  magnitude,  liavr  arisen,  which 
a^vumfi  a  un'st  aliuniing  ind  distressing  form.  What  were  considered  as  irreguhar- 
itii'"  iIisu':cf.ptibl^:of  prevention,  have,  by  continuance  and  succesii,  strengthened 
intorejiular  and  ry^iomalic  plunf.er  What  were  regarded  as  miscliiefs  incident 
to  a  state  of  war,  temporary  tiiough  not  remediless,  are  vindicated  upon  the 
grcu.id  of  riclit ;  and  their  practice  is  reiterated  under  the  authority  of  govem- 
m<-nt,  and  receives  the  solemn  sanction  of  the  law. 

"  T''ov  moreover  .roresce,  in  the  prevalence  of  the  principles,  and  the  contmn- 
r.n'-e  of  Hie  pnxiicos  alluded  to,  notl.ino:  hut  THE  RUIN  OF  INDIVIDUALS, 
THE  DF.S  (RUCTION  OF  THEIR  COMMERCE,  AND  THE  DEGRX^ 
D  V!  ION  OF  THEIR  COUNTRY. 

''  Ca\ild  the  judenient,  or  even  the  charity  of  your  memorialists  see,  in  the  ncvi^ 
doctrines  of  tiie  British  Court,  nothing  but  the  revival  and  enforcement  of  an 
ancifPt  and  established  principle,  which  friendship  had  relaxed,  or  favor  perrtitled 


't  ■  '  >i 


^ 


|.V^ 


:t 


OjJ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


to  elutnber,  they  might  regret  tlie  departed  good,  biit  could  impute  no  injo^tice  to 
the  hand  tliat  withdrew  it.  They  are  sliui-k,  however,  with  the  novelty  of  thcte 
doctrines;  tiikik  inkquivocal  iioitilitv  to  neutral  intkrists  and  rights; 

THEIR    INCOMSISTKNCY    WITH    FORMER    OKCLARATIONS    OF    THEIR    MINISTRY,      itlld 

decisions  of  their  courts  ;  and  with  the  cxtraordiuary  time  and  manner  of  theiF 
annunciation. 

"  Tliat  policy,  not  justice — that  ifttcrent,  not  fair  and  admitted  precedent,  have 
given  birtli  to  the  principle,  that  neutrals  should  be  restricted  to  the  gamf  com- 
merce with  a  bcHigerent,  which  « us  allowed  to  them  by  that  power  in  time  of 
peace,  is  conceived  by  your  numorialibts  to  he  true.  Incompatible  with  the 
general  frertlcm  of  neutral  commorcc,  this  rule  has  the  sanction  of  no  cumnioii 
observance  by  civiliz»d  nation?,  and  cannot  boar  that  faitliful  test  which  every  fair 
and  righteous  principle  of  the  h:w  of  nations  will  abide. 

"  The  offi-ct  cr"  this  novel  principle  upon  nrutral  interests  is  of  the  most  serioos 
j.ndalArming  character.  IT  GOES  lO  NO'lHiNG  S}f(,>IlT  OP  THE  UE- 
S'J  RUCTION  OF  i\El'TRAL  COMMEllCE  ;  and  liom  the  well  known 
neutral  situation  and  character  of  the  United  iStutes,    to  nothi.no  ishort  op 

INFI.UTING   A  most  DEKP  ANP   PKAPIV  WOl'M)  M'O.N  THEIR  THADE. 

"  But  your  n\emoi  ialifts  cnnnot  but,  coii^iilcr,  Hint  this  principle  has  not  the 
w«  ij^lit  of  a  cocsiistcnt  and  uiuforni  hiipport  by  ttie  govoriimciit  which  professes  to 
iij)lioid  it.  In  1801,  the  declarations  of  its  niini«:try  r.nd  tiie  decisions  of  its  courts, 
v«ie,  niif.'juivocally,  "  that  the  produce  of  the  colonies  of  the  enemy  may  be 
ii5»poitt'd  by  a  neutral  invo  his  ov.iv, country,  and  lie  re-exported  from  tlience, 
♦•ven  to  the  motiier  country  cf  such  colony  ;"  and  alfo,  "  that  landing  the  goods 
and  paying  the  diui.?.-;  in  tlie  ncuLriil  country,  breaks  tliu  continuity  of  the  voyage, 
and  1.S  sncii  an  jiouorlatinn  as  Ipgalisca  t.'ie  tr;'.de,  nlthougli  the  goods  be  re-shipped 
in  the  same  vessels,  and  on  account  of  the  same  m^iitral  proprietors,  and  forwarded 
(t>r  sale  to  the  mother  country."  In  IRO."),  it  U  decided,  that  landing  and  paying 
the  duties  docs  not  break  the  contimiily  of  the  voyage  ;  and  that  the  Course  of 
trade  pointed  out  to  the  neutral,  four  years  before,  as  legal  and  safe,  is  now  unsat- 
isfactory to  the  belligerent,  and  ATTENDED  INFALLIBLY  WITH  CON- 
FISCATION. What  dear  and  immutable  principle  of  the  law  of  nations,  can 
that  be,  your  memorialists  would  a.«k,  which  is  supported  b^  the  high  court  of 
admiralty,  and  avowed  by  the  ministry  in  1801,  and  w^iich  is  prostrated  by  the 
ministry  and  the  high  court  of  appeals  in  liiO^  P    St'CH  a  principle  must  r| 

CONSIDERED  AS  RATHER  PAI^TAKI^O  OV  THE  SHIFTING  CHARACTER  OF  CONVENIENCE, 
THAN  0»  THAT  OF  PERMANENT  RIGHT  AND  ESTABLISHED  LAW. 

•'  The  time  and  manner  of  announcing  it  accord  witli  the  principle  itself.  At 
a  moment  when  mercantile  enterprise,  confiding  in  the  explanations  on  this  point 
given  by  the  British  ministry  to  our  anjf)assador,  was  strained  to  the  iitmot<t,  a 
new  decision  of  the  court  of  appeals  is  announced,  and  EVERY  SAIL  IS 
STRETCHED  TO  COLLECT  THE  UNWARY  AMERICANS,  WHO  ARE 
UNSUSPECTINGLY  CONFIDING  IN  WHAT  WAS  THE  LAW  OF  i\A- 
TIONS 

••  In  the  principles  they  have  here  submitted  to  your  consideration,  they  feel 
all  the  confidence  of  justice,  and  all  the  tenacity  of  truth.  TO  SURRENDEft 
THEiVr,  THEY  CONCEIVE,  WOULD  DEROGATE  FROM  THE  NA- 
TIONAL CHARACTER  AND  INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  FROM  THE  JUSTICE  OF  GOVERNMENT  THEY  HOPE 
FOR  THE'R  WOWAL;  FROM  THE  SPIRIT  OF  GOVERNMENT 
THEY  HOPE  FOR  THEIR  DEFENCE  ;  AND  FROM  THE  BLESSINGS 
OF  HEAVEN  THEY  HOPE  FOR  THEIR  ESTABLISHMENT. 

"  .As  citizens,  they  claim  protection  ;  and  they  conceive  tliat  the  claim  in 
•nforced  by  the  confideration,  that  from  their  industry  and  enterpriae  is  collected 
a  revenue  which  no  nation  has  been  able  to  equal,  witl)Out  a  corre»pondeut  expense 
for  tite  protection  of  tlie  means. 

"  To  prei^erve  peace  with  all  nations,  is  admitted,  without  reserve,  to  be  both 
the  interest  and  the  policy  of  the  United  States.  Tfmv  therefore  presume  to  sug- 
gest, that  every  measure,  not  iNCONSisiF.iNT  with  tui^  honor  of  the  nation, 
%^  wkiclft  tlie  great  objects  •f  rsUress  aud  wv-unty  may  be  attaioed,  aiiould  Cr&t  he 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


90 


niod  IP  SrCH  \fRASlJRES  PROVE  INEFFECTUAL.  WHATEVER 
M\V  BR  THK  SACRIFICE  ON  THEIR  FART,  IT  WILL  BE  MET 
WITH  SUBMISSION.  But  whnteve*  meaitirei  may  be  pursued  by  their 
covcminent,  your  memorial bts  express  the  flrmeiit  faith,  that  every  caution  will 
be  u»od  to  preserve  private  property  and  mercantile  credit  from  violaUon.'» 

Thos.  Fitznimons,  cliairmao, 
-   ,  •:  John  Craig, 


W.  Sims 
Robert  Ralston^ 
James  Yard, 
J  icob  Gerard  Koch, 
Thomas  W.  Francis, 
Tiiomas  English, 
Jostph  S,  Lewis, 
William  Montgomery, . 


Abraham  Kintzing. 
Philip  Nicklin, 
Thomas  Allibone, 
George  Latimer, 
Cliandler  Price, 
L.  Clapier, 
Daniel  W.  Coxe, 
Robert  Wain, 
Manuel  Eyre, 


R.  E.  Hobart,  sec-. 

The  preceding  list  embraces  decideil  men  of  both  the  hostile 
parties,  and  of  various  nations— Americans,  English,  Irish, 
f leuch,  and  Dutch. 


id  Cist  iw 


CHAPTER  XIV» 

■.•-%■ 

Exiracls  frotn  the  Baltimore  Memorial, 

The  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Baltimore  is  more  diffuse 
and  argumentative  than  any  of  the  preceding.  It  is  a  most 
masterly  composition,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  complete  and 
unanswerable  defence  of  neutral  rights  againsi  belligerent  pre- 
tensions and  encroachments.  Its  maxims  ought  to  be  committed 
to  memory  by  every  statesman,  in  all  countries  whose  interest 
It  is  to  preserve  a  neutral  situation. .  ,     • 

"It  rvould  not  be  desired,  that  the  state  of  things  which  Great  Britain  had 
herself  pre.4crihflid,  and  whicii  use  and  habit  had  rendered  iV.iniliar  and  intelligible 
to  all,  should  be  disturbed  by  oppressive  innovations  ;  far  less  that  these  inno- 
vfitioiis  should,  by  ^f^  a  tyrannical  retrospection,  be  made  to  justify  [j^a  the 
scisure  and  conjiscati'm  of  their  proptrty,  committed  to  the  high  seas,  under  the 
protection  of  the  exlr-ting  rule,  and  rj^  nithout  naming  of  the.  intended  change» 
In  this  their  just  hope,  your  memorialists  have  been  fatally  disappointed, 
rrp  THEIR  VESSELS  •  AND  EFFECTS,  TO  A  LARGE  AMOUNT, 
IffXVE  LATELY  BEEN  CAPTURED  BY  THE  COMMISSIONED 
CRUISERS  OP  GREAT  BRITAIN,  upon  the  foundation  of  rrp  NEW 
PRINCIPLES,  SUDDENLY  INVENTED,  and  applied  to  this  habiiilai  traffic; 
and  suegested  and  promulgated,  for  the  first  time,  by  sentences  of  condemnation  ; 
by  which  rrys  unavoidable  if^nrance  has  been  considered  as  criminal,  and  APf 
HONOUR  \1iLE  CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  JUSTICE  OP  A  FRIENDLY 
NATION,  PURSUED  WITH  PENALTY  AND  FORFEITURE. 

*'  Your  memorialists  are  in  no  situation  to  state  the  precise  nature  of  the  rule* 
io  which  thoir  most  important  interests  have  boen  thus  sacrificed  :  and  it  is  not' 
the  least  of  tiieir  complaints  against  them,  tliat  p[J»they  are  undefined  and  un* 
dffinihle ;  eqwwcui  in  their  form,  and  thejilinitrumenls  nf  oippnisiim^  bji  reoion 
ofihw'  amiAguxty. 

12^  . 


.-  -  -  * 


.P'--^ 


?'» 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


*•  Voiir  memorial iiitg  wi)l  not  li^re  slop  locnqui'  '■  i)i)wi  what  ground  of  liiw  ei< 
panun  tlic  rame  art  h  held  to  be  logai,  when  cow. ^'.i-nri'ii  •  itii  orit;  iiil»Miliuii,  iii)<i 
illegal  wlicii  undfrlakio  with  another.  Hut  tjiey  object,  iu  the  utroii^eKt tcrn>'. 
aji;ain>t  tliitt  new  rritcrion  of  Irf^ality,  hcrauff!  of  ila  iiicvitahU'  tendency  to  injiis- 
tice  ;  bccinise  olfjjr**''  pccnlinr  rii purity  to  tmburrass  nith  sfi::urr,  iind  ruin 
fvith  co7\fi%cation,  uit  nhole,  nf  our  trade  mlk  Europe  in  the  surplus  of  our  colu- 
nial  importatinns. 

"  If  the  conseqijencf  8  to  tli;it  trafRc  worn  not  I'nti'ndcd  to  be  serious,  and  exten- 
■ive,  and  permanent,  yotir  nieuiorivilists  scaivli  in  vain  for  a  mo'.ivc,  by  which  a 
■tate,  in  amity  with  our  own,  and  moreover  connocted  with  it  by  the  ties  of  com- 
mon interest,  to  which  imuiy  considerHtions  seem  *->  sjive  pecu'i.ir  8tren;rt{j, 
\*^  haa  hetn  imlnn'A  l<t  indulge,  inn  p'lroxifum  nf  I'tfiri'ioui  ug^resion  uptn 
our  rigfds^  fc.v  ivhicJt.  it  dishonnnrs  ilsr,{f,  tviUtoul  piunvtting  anif  f\f  those  ^^re>i( 
interests/or  which  an  enHshUneA  ntlvni  inij/fiiirlj/  br  silidtauh  and  wliich  only 
asteLidy  regard  to  jiDiiice  can  ultimately  secure.  U'iieti  we  see  a  powerful  state, 
iD  posseijsion  of  a  commerce,  of  which  tlie  wotid  aiCoids  no  examples,  [J^  (nrfe»- 
vouring  to  interpolate  into  Uie  lams  (\f  nations  casuistical  niceties  anu  li'-tyvard 
diitinrtions^  ivhich  forbid  a  citistn  of  another  indeptndtnt  eoinmercinl  country  to 
expoi  t  from  that  count rv  nhat  uwfustionahlrf  hchnptu  him,  onlj*  because  he  im- 
ported it  himself,  and  yet  allow  him  to  sell  a  right  of  exporting  it  to  another, 
which  proliibit  an  end,  liecausc  it  arises  out  of  one  intention,  hut  perntit  it  wlien 
it  ari.ses  out  of  t'^o  ; — nliii-h,  dividing  an  act  into  8ta2;cs,  searcli  into  the  mind  for 
a  correspondent  division  nf  it  in  the  contemplation  of  itt>  author,  and  determine 
its  innocence  or  rrrinin.ility  accordingly  ;  Which,  not  denyin);;  that  the  properly 
acquired  in  an  authui  *.::;d  traflie  by  neutral  nationi)  from  belligerent'^,  may  become 
incorporated  into  tlic  niiilonal  stock,  and,  under  tiie  shelter  of  it»  neutral  cliarat- 
ter,  thus  superinduced,  and  still  preserved,  be  afterwards  transported  to  every 
quarter  of  the  Riobe,  rtject  tlie  only  epoch,  which  can  distinctly  mark  tlie incor- 
poration, and  jKiii/t  c'.il  none  otiier  in  it<' pir.ce  ; — which,  proposing  to  fix  witii 
accuracy  and  precicir.ii,  the  line  of  demarcation,  beyond  which  neutrals  art 
trespassers  upon  the  .vide  dnnriin  of  beliiirerent  rijjhts,  involve  every  thin(;  ni 
darkness  and  confii-ioa ;  fry  there  can  tt  but  one  opinion  as  to  the  purpose  which 
all  this  is  to  accomplish. 

rjys  ** /'(ir  the  l'j<is  a:vl  dmnngc  ivhich  capture  brin;^  alon^  with  it,  Brilii/i 
rourts  of  prise  grant  ,  adequate  in-Jrrnnity.  Redress  to  any  extent  is  ditRcnlt — 
to  a  conipet  'nt  CKtcni  jninossible.  And  even  the  costs  whiclk  an  iniquitous  seiz- 
ure compels  a  neutral  nierch.inllo  incur,  in  tlie  defence  of  his  violated  rights,  be- 
fore their  cvn  tribuiui.s,  are  seldoii;  decreed,  and  never  p  lid. 

"  The  reajions  upon  whicli  Great  Britain  assumes  to  herself  a  ri;rht  to  interdict 
to  the  independent  nations  of  tlie  earth,  a  commercial  i-itercourse  witlj  the  colo- 
nies of  her  energies  (out  of  the  relaxation  of  which  pretrivdod  rii^ht  has  arisen  the 
distinction  in  her  courts,  between  the  A.meric^n  trade  from  the  coioaie*4  to  the 
Ignited  States,  and  from  the  same  colonies  to  Europe,)  will,  we  nre  <  onddentlv 
persuaded,  BE  REPELLED  WITH  FIRMNESS  AND  EFFECT  BY  OUR 
GOVERNMENT. 

"  Sheforbids  us  from  transporting^  in  our  vessels,  (if  in  peace  we  could,  the  pro' 
perty  nf  her  enemies ;  enforces  ui;ninst  us  a  riroro^is  list  if  cuntrabund ;  dims  up 
the  great  channels  qfotar  ordiiiur.y  trade  ;  ahridgea,  trammtb,  urA  obstructs  rvfuii 
she  permits  us  to  prosecute  ;  and  then  refers  us  to  our  accndimnd  troffii:.  in  time  of 
pence,  for  the  criterion  of  oxir  commercial  rii^hU^  IN  (>R.DJjlt  TO  JUSTIFY 
THE  CONSUMMATION  OF  THAT  RUlN,  WITH  WHICH  OUR  LAW- 
FUL COMMERCE  ^S  MENACED  BY  HER  MAXIMS  AND  HER 
CONDUCT. 

*'  Thi«  principle,  therefore,  cannot  hr  a  sound  one.  It  wants  uniformity  and 
consistency  ;  is  partial,  uneqiral,  and  delu.sive.  It  makes  every  thing  bend  to  the 
rights  of  war,  while  it  affects  to  look  back  to,  and  to  recognize,  the  state  of  things 
in  peace,  as  the  foundation  and  the  measure  of  the  right?  of  neutrals.  Profe.ss- 
ing  to  respect  the  established  and  habitual  ti-ade  of  the  na+ions  at  peace,  it  af- 
fords no  shadow  of  security  for  any  paj't  of  it.  Professing  to  be  -an  equitable 
«t9udai'd  for  the  ascertaiameDt  of  ueutral  rights,  it  deprives  them  of  all  body  and 


* 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


9b 


and  ttiecHutures,  of  wliicli  tlie  Diilott  coitijii 
precotjfd  oy   no  wuiriing.     THl'S    IS    1 


jdy  and 


niH!«tan<*e,  and  leaveti  tlicmonly  n  plniiflble  and  unreal  iii)pear,inc*»  of  Bi'\pm)U'lp 
au«J  iuiiioil.ui'.'o.     It  di'livcrs  tiii'in  Dvtr,  mi  ii  uoi<i.  to  tin-  mercy  of  the  stales  a» 
war,  nil  ohject*  of  h-'ii'itim  ile  Uositility  ;  and  wiiiit-  it  aevux*  to  deHnc,   d«H'<»  in  fuel. 
(PKtinKuliiit  tlicni.     i^<u!i  L  tlw  Taitliiui  pkuirc  of  tliu  tiicory  uiid  praclu-Lil  o^iera 
tiong  oftliis  d<K-!j'in«. 

*'  Tli»*  pern'iciiMiM  oualitlps  oi'  this  doolriiio  nro  rnhancfd  ard  agirravat'd,  as 
from  itR  nature  nii^iitW  cxpoott'd,    Uv   tlit-  hrt  tint  rr'r'  Ch'K.I  I'  HHIf\lli\ 

(jiPES  NO  ^()rlCF.  OF  riir:  TiMn:  win...   outhecircuh 

STAM'KSIV  U'J/U'U,  SJfK  MF.iNS  TO  .-il'I'LY,  JM)  EiVFOHCK 
I r  Her  onlers  of  ihc  Ctli  Noveni'M.'r,  r/!t;i,  by  wliici)  tlu'  sciin  wtre  swept  ol' 
our  vdwt'ls  andetPcis,  ivfre./or  Ihfjirst  t!>n'^,  nvn/unrtd  by  Uu  ships  o/mir,  uiui 
frriv:iktrs,  by  iihuh  ihcy  nere,  curriut  inti  ixirnti  >n. 

"  Th*"  lali:  decisions  of  her  courts.  v.lii»'!i  siro  in  (he  Uvv  «piril  of  tlii"  doctrine, 
and  arc  culculatod  to  r»'»torr  it  in  prHttic",  to  th:it  lii^ili  tone  of  severity,  which 
luilder  dpcii«ion»  Irul  -.ilniost  cnucr.iltd  fro.n  tho  world  o:un»'  upon  us  by  mirpriHe  ; 

iliiiu'd,  ill  t lie  ?ev(!ii  year."'   war,   weit 
ins   IMIINCIPLK   iMOST   RAPA 
tlOUS   AND  OrPREShlVE  liV  ALL  ITS  BRARiiNGS.     H^rMii  and  myste- 
rious in  it^elf,   it  has  always  been,  and  ever  niu.t  be,  n-ed  tt)  betray  nnurul 
merciiants  into  a  trade,  supposed  to  be  laul'ul,   and  tiitn  to  sive  them  up  to  pil 
iase,  and  to  luiii. 

"  But  tlicre  can  he  no  seciirity  r»^  tvhilt  a  !ru:li,^n:nt  and  dfcei'ful  prlnciplf 
lik«  this  lutnt^s  over  us.  It  in  ,i  wliat  tin*  beliiierent  cliooseft  to  make  it, 
lurking,  unseen,  and  unftU,  or  t  'tcUne,  and  noxiius.     It  nuiy  come  abroad 

wlien  least  expected  :  and  tlie  ui it  of  conlidence  may  be  ilie  moment  of  de»- 

irtiction. 

It  mny  skep  for  a  time  ;  hut  no  mnn  knn^rs  nhen  it  it  to  awake,  to  shed  i/> 
bolffid  ivjiii'-nce  upon  the  commerce  q/'  (hi  no/Id.  It  clotlies"  iterlf,  from  season 
to  season,  i'l  wliat  nrjy  bt!  cail»'d  relaxations;  but  again,  witlioiit  any  previous* 
intimation  to  the  deluded  cifixens  of  the  neutral  power?,  these  relaxations  arr 
(iiddenly  laid  aside,  eitiier  in  the  wiiole,  or  in  part,  and  lh>'  iv<yrk  of  runjiarntioitr 
cummcncps.  Ne.irly  ten  months  of  tiie  hite  war  iiad  rlapseil  before  it  announced 
itself  at  all  :  and,  when  it  did  so,  it  was  in  its  most  formidable  shape,  and  in  it<5 
fullest  power  nnd  expansion. 

"  V'our  memorialists  feel  themselves  bound  to  sta'e  that,  nrcordinwto  autlien- 
tic  inforniaiion  lately  received,  the  trovernniiiit  of  (ireat  P»ritain  do.v-,  at  this 
jiiomeiit,  };nint  licenses  to  neutral  veiinh  tiiking  in  n  propn'tinn  of  thtir  crirg,)e.i 
there,  to  prorenl  on  frndins;  -voyages  to  the  colonies  ofSpiin,  from  •tuliick  she  nmitit 
nic.lwle  us  ;  upon  Ihe  coiuiilion,  that  the  return  cargoes  shall  bs  carried  to  (heat 
Jirituin,  to  swell  the  giiim  of  her  merchants,  and  to  give  her  a  mowpoli/if  the 
commerce  if  the  in^rld.  This  great  belligerent  right,  then,  upon  whicii  so  much 
has  been  sup|)osed  to  depend,  sinks  into  an  article  of  bitrler.  It  i<)  used,  not  ast 
a  imsiile  inf^truinent  wielded  by  a  wa'-iike  state,  by  wliich  her  enemies  ar^  to  be 
wounded,  or  tlicir  colonies  suh«lued,  but  as  tiie  seUisli  means  of  rouunereial 
atrKramlisenient,  for  the  impoverishment  and  ruin  nf  her  friends ;  a-i  an  engine 
by  which  Great  Britain  id  to  be  lifted  up  to  a  vast  hf.i|^ht  of  pro  perity,  ami 
i]ie  trade  of  neutrals  crippled,  and  crushed,  aiul  destmypd.  Siicii  acts  are  a  most 
intelligible  cominentary  upon  the  prinriple  in  question.  They  ^liew  that  it 
is  nhnllm  and  fallacious  principle^  9U.scejU,ibie  of  the  wor^t  abye,  and  inr  ipable 
ofaju^t  and  honourable  apiplication.  They  shew  that,  in  the  hands  of  a  great 
maritime  state,  it  is  not,  in  its  osten*  ible  cliaracter  of  a  weapon  of  hoistillty,  that 
it  is  prized  ;  but  rather  as  one  of  the  means  qf  estublishing  an  unboumUd  mono- 
poly, by  whicli  cv^ry  enterprize  calculated  to  promote  national  wealth  and 
power,  shall  be  made  to  begm  and  end  in  Great  Britain  alone.  Such  acts  may 
well  be  considered  as  pronouncing  the  condemnation  of  the  prniciple  against 
whicli  wc  contend,  as  withdrawing  froin  it  the  only  pretext,  upon  which  it  is 
possible  to  rest  it — Great  Britain  does  not  pretend  tliat  this  principle  has  anv 
warrent  in  the  opinion  of  writers  on  public  law.  Slie  does  not  prftend,  and 
cinnot  pretend,  that  it  derivf»(?  any  countenance  from  the  conduct  of  otlwi' 
nation^.    Sht  is  coi\fmedly  solitary  in  (6e  t«e  of  this  invmtinn  by  tvhirJi  RAJPA 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14S80 

(716)  872-4503 


oa 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CITY  IS  SYSTEM  \TIZED,  ami  \  STATE  OF  NEUTRALITY  ANI> 
WAR  ARE  MADE  SUH8T\NIIALLY  THE  SAME.  In  tjis  absence  of 
all  oilier  authority,  \ur  courts  have  made  an  appeal  to  litr  own  early  ccample, 
for  tlie  justiilr.Uion  of  lier  own  rect".A  practice.  Your  »innoiialist.s.join  in  that 
appeal  as  afibrdiiip  tlie  moft  conclusive  and  authoritative  reprobation  of  the 
practii  f* ,  which  it  is  iiiK'ndrd  to  sujiport  hy  it. 

''  Q^y^*  I  he  gol'^tnn  reiitnici^tion  of  the  principle  in  nnrstion,  in  tl-e  face  of 
the  \.  .1  lie  world,  hy  her  hi^'je.-t  tribunal  in  matters  of  prizf,  reitiraled  in  a  suc- 
CfssioH  of  drcrcf.'S,  down  to  tl.e  yeir  I7H(»,  and  after'.vards,  is  powerfully  confirnj- 
ed  hy  the  ncquiescencp  of  Gnat  B'ltain,  duiin-;  tne  lirst,  most  important,  and 
active  period  of  the  late  war,  in  the  free  and  unlimited  prosecution,  by  neutraN, 
of  the  wliole  colonv  tradi- of  France  She  did  int'eed,  at  la«;t,  prohibit  that 
trad:%  hvan  instruction,  (Ty  LWHRECEDENTED  IN  THE  AMVALS  OP 
MARITIME  DEI'REDa  l  IONS  ;  hut  the  r.  vival  of  hor  discarded  rule,  wa« 
characterised  with  ?uch  circuni'tances  of  ini»|uily  and  violence,  as  rather  to 
lieighten,  by  the  efiiect  of  contrast,  the  v^nei'ation  of  mankind  for  the  past  justice 
of  her  frihunalg.  The  world  has  not  for^fotten  the  instruction  to  wliich  we 
nllude,  or  the  enormities  by  which  its  true  chaiacler  was  developed.  Produced 
in  niystrry,  at  a  moment  when  universal  confidence  in  tlie  integrity  of  her  gov- 
ernineat  had  brought  upon  t!ie  ocean,  a  prey  of  vast  value  and  importance  ;  sent 
abioad  to  the  dilt'erent  naval  stations  with  such  studied  jecreoy  tliat  if  would 
almost  sfom  to  have  been  intended  to  make  an  experimer.t  rr?^  HOW  FAR 
L\W  AND  HONOL'R  COULD  BE  OUTRAGED  BY  A  T^iTION  PRO- 
VERBIAL FOR  RESPECTING  BOTH— the  heralds  by  whom  it  was  first 
announced  were  the  commanders  of  her  conunissioned  cruisers,  who  at  the  came 
instant  carried  it  into  etiect,  with  every  circumstance  of  aggravation,  if,  of  such 
an  act,  theie  can  be  an  aggravation.  Upon  such  conduct  there  was  but  one 
sentiment.  It  wa.i  coademnod  by  reason  and  justice.  It  was  condemned  by  that 
law  which  flows  from,  and  is  founded  upon  i hem.  IT  WAS  CONDEMNED 
AND  WILL.  FOREVER  CONTINUE  TO  BE  CONDEMNED  BY  THE 
UNIVERSAL  VOICE  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  WORLD." 

Henry  Payson,  Benj, 

William  Wilson,  Wm, 

T.  Swan,  Wm 

Josepli  Steret, 
Steuart  Brown, 
John  Collins, 
David  Stewart, 
Mark  Pringle, 
John  Strieker. 


Thomas  Tenant, 
John  Donnel, 
Luke  Tiernan, 
Tlios.  Hollingswortb^ 
George  Stiles, 
J.  k.  Bucliannn, 
Alexr.  M'Kim. 
"Wm  Patterson, 
John  Sherlock, 


Williams, 
Lormau, 
Taylor, 
Robert  Gilmor, 
James  Calhoun, 
Samuel  Steret, 
Hugh  Thompson, 
Samuel  Taylor, 


Baltimore,  Jan.  21,  \iO^.  V    .^        ^ 

This  list,  like  that  signed  to  tbe  Philadelphia  memorial, 
embraces  federalists  and  democrats  indiscriminately — ae  well 
as  citiziens  of  various  nations.  v         ■     t      v  ^ 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Newhaven.  Decisive  call  for  resistance.  Unlimited  pledffe  of  sup' 
port. — Extracts  from  Memorial  of  Mcrcliatits  of  Ncnhuryport, 
Reliance  on  wisdom^  firmness  atid  justice  of  the  government. 

Extracln/rom  the  Memorial  oftJie  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Newhaven, 

"  Your  memoriHliKts  cannot  behold,  without  surprise  and  regret,  ly^ft 
powerful  and  ves]^wt<f.bhnoAiQn^  bending  the  principle$  of  the  common  lav 


Nci 


^<  -A 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


07 


of  nations,  to  answer  political  purposes,  and  introducing  a  rersalih  policy 
into  Ifie  solemn  adjudications  of  her  courts.  [U'W?:^  HOLD  IT  TO  BK 
EXTREMELY  IMPORTANT  THAT  ALL  NATIONS  SHOl'LD 
COMBINE  AGAINST  SUCH  INNOVATIONS  UPON  THEIR 
RIGHTS  ;  and  [Ijr'm  particular  ihmt  the  United  Stales,  whose  geograph- 
ical position  ghes  them  the  best  chance  of  maintaining  neutrality,  during 
wars  in  Europe,  SHOULD  FIRMLY  RESIJ^^T  EVERY  EN- 
CROACHMENT UPON  THE  RIGHTS  OF  NEUTRAL  COM- 
MERGE. 

•'With  the?e  impressions  of  tlte  necessity  of  [ijr'mpasures  for  defending 
our  commercial  rights,  wliicii  siiall  be  firm,  but  teraperute — and  bold,  yet 
marked  with  a  spirit  of  concilintion,  your  memorialists  cordially  unite 
with  tlieir  fellow-citizens  of  other  commercial  towns,  in  expressing  their 
gentimcnts  freely  to  the  legislative  and  executive  authorities  rf  their 
country;  with  assuiancrs  of  their  disposition  TO  GIVE  AID  AND 
SUPPORT  TO  EVERY  MEASUREJOF  GOVERNMENT  CAL 
CULATED  TO  ACCOMPLISH  THIS  IMPORTANT  OBJECT.*'" 


Ifewhaven,  Feb.  T,  1806. 


Signed  by  order, 

HENRY  DAGGET, 

President  of  the  Chamber  of  Commefcc. 


Extracts  from  the  Memorial  of  the  Merchants  of  Newburyport,         , 

"  In  ronny  cases  our  vessels  and  cargoes  have  been  captured,  tried  and 
condemned  in  courts  of  law,  under  unusual  and  alarming  pretences,  which, 
if  permuted  to  continue,  THREATEN  THE  RUIN  OF  OUR  COM- 
MERCIAL INTERESTS. 

*'  So  far  from  obtaining  redress  of  our  grievances  by  the  ordinary  modes 
and  processes  of  law,  we  have  in  most  cases  bein  subject  to  heavy  costs,  and 
suJJ-'ered  anbarrassing  and  distressing  detention  of  property,  even  where  no 
pretence  could  be  found  to  authorize  the  seizure  of  it. 

"  Having  sustained  these  los8«8  and  injuries  in  the  prosecution  of  our 
lawful  commerce,  and  in  the  exercise  of  our  just  rights,  we  rely  with  confi- 
dence on  the  wisdom,  firmness,  and  justice  of  our  government,  to.  obtain 
for  us  that  compensation,  and  to  grant  to  us  that  protection,  which  A  RE- 
GARDTOTHE  HONOR  OF  OUR  COUNTRY,  no  less  than  tike 
rights  of  our  citizens  must  dictate  and  require.  , 


■-■        Ebenezer  Ftocker, 
Stephen  Howard, 
Edward  Tappan, 
John  Pearson, 
Newburyport,  Dec.  1805. 


William  Bartlett, 
Moses  Howard, 
William  Faris, 


•U-. 


The  same  outrages  having  been  exixerienced  by  the  citizens 
of  Nev^haven  and  New  bury  port  as  elsewhere,  we  of  course  find 
the  same  style  of  complaint — tlie  same  call  for  redress — the  sanie 
pledge  of  support — in  one  case  explicitly  expressed,  intheotliei: 
imcquiyooally  implied. 


'-t«* 


68 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Salem  msmoruU.  Sound  reasoning.  Britain  carries  on  a  com- 
mcrce  mitli  her  emmy  which  she  declares  illegal  in  a  neutral. 
Most  solemn  pledge  oj' support. 

J'jXlracls  from  the  Memorial  of  the  Inhabitants  of  tht  town  of  Salem,  Mass. 

"On  ordinary  occasions  they  have  deemed  it  unnecessary  to  apply 
for  redress  of  grievances  to  the  government  of  their  country,  coniuling 
in  the  rectitude  and  wisdom  of  its  councils  ;  and  though  their  confidence 
in  this  respect  is  undiminished,  yet  as  questions  of  national  moment  are 
now  agitated,  and  aggressions  committed  on  our  commerce  in  a  manner 
unprecedented,  they  deem  it  their  duty  to  approach  the  constituted  au- 
thorities, and  express  their  sentiments  with  fidelity  and  deliberation. 

"  05^  They  have  witnessed  with  unhesitating  approbation  the  disposition 
to  neutrality^  pat'foniaed  by  th-  general  government,  at  times  when  national 
wrongs  have  been  pressed  ictth  peculiar  aggravations,  and  seemed  to  point 
to  summary  redress.  Firmness  and  moderation  have  happily  secured 
all  the  advantages  of  successful  war,  and  the  sober  appeal  of  reason  car- 
ried conviction  to  foreign  nations. 

"  Your  memorialists,  however,  have  witnessed,  with  deep  regret,  and 
deep  anxiety,  that  to  some  of  their  tribunals  they  can  no  longer  appeal 
for  safety.  (15='  New  interpretations  of  old  rules,  and  new  glosses  oh 
«Mioient  doctrine,  have  been  arrayed  to  controul  the  circuit  of  neutral  cowi- 
meree,  and  restrain,  if  not  annihilate,  its  most  beneficial  operations.  Their 
«urpriae  has  been  the  ^eater,  because  the  nation  who  has  adopted  them^ 
is  one  from  whom  we  had  a  right  to  expect  the  most  conciliatory  conduct ; 
fince  with  her  ultimately  centre  the  proceeds  of  our  commerce,  and frtftn 
hir  we  purchase  the  greatest  portion  of  her  sia^ole  manufactures. 

*'  The  intercste  of  Great  Brituin  and  the  United  States,  seem  in  this 
re8[^ct  mutual.  We  consume  the  products  of  her  industry  ;  and  give 
lier,  in  return,  besides  large  sums  of  money,  raw  maltr^ials  by  which 
alie  may  levy  neio  contributions.  Similarity  of  manners  and  habits,  of 
language  and  education,  have  added  artificial  inducements  for  inter- 
course, and  gained  for  her  among  us  a  respect  not  slightly  to  be 
viewed,  or  inconsiderately  forfeited  On  all  occasions  the  United  States 
hare  exhibited  towards  her  an  amicable  interest,  and  a  just,  it  may  be  added 
a  generous  policy.  If,  therefore,  we  had  favors  to  ask  or  receive,  our 
claims  havebeeii  peculiarly  strong  upon  her;  because  we  have  been  em- 
phatically the  sinewH  of  her  opulence.  But  it  is  believed  that  the  Uni- 
ted States  never  asked  of  any  nation  more  thstn  justice^  and  are  willing 
to  be  boun:i  by  the  estaliiished  rules  of  commerce.  Your  memorialists 
therefore  express  deep  regret,  becau«e  a  confidence  has  been  shaken 
which  may  not  easily  be  restored  ;  and  deep  •anxiety,  because  the  princi- 
ples alluded  to,  if  conceded,  MUST  EVENTUALLY  PROSTRATE 
OUR  TRADE,  OK  LEAVE  IT  AT  THE  ARBITRARY  DIS- 
CRETION OP  BELLIGERENTS.  Whether  peace  or  war  prevail, 
the  baneful  influence  will  every  where  be  felt ;  and  in  the  latter  predica«« 
ment,  we  shall,  as  oeutralp,  share  the  mischiefs  of  ii  without  the  (ihauces 
of  benefit.  ,  *  .  »     .       . 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


§fl 


•'  The  principle,  recently  established  by  Great  Britain,  i»,  as  your 
memorialists  understand  it,  that  it  is  not  competent  for  a  neutral  to  car- 
ry on  in  war,  any  trade,  which  he  is  not  aucnstomrd  to  do  in  peace  ; 
and  that  he  shall  not  he  permitted  to  effect  that  in  a  circuitous,  which  is 
inhihiied  in  a  direct  trade:  as  corollaries  from  this  prinri{)lc,  site  insists 
that  the  colonial  trade  exercised  by  neutrals,  shall  not  r\tend  beyond 
the  accuytotued  peace  eKiabiithraetit ;  and  that  whenever  the  nentral  im- 
ports into  lAt  u>vn  country  colonial  produce  with  the  intention  to  tran- 
sjiip  it  to  the  mother  country,  if  a  direct  intercourse  be  interdicted  iu 
peace  the  circuity  of  the  route  shall  not  protect  the  property  from  con- 
fttcntion.  It  seems  admitted  that  such  circuitotis  route,  with  such  inten- 
tpution,  is  n<;t  considered  as  evidence  of  enemy's  property,  ci  nfiscable 
within  ordinary  rules  ;  hut  as  a  distinct,  subsJantial,  and  «;nndemnatory 
principle,  independent  both  in  efficacy  and  application.  For  it  yields 
jiot  to  the  most  clear  proof  of  neutral  property,  or  innocent  though  mis- 
dirocti'd  conduct.  The  unaccustomed  trade,  or  the  importation  with 
specific  intentions,  are  the  tests  by  which  every  voyage  is  to  be  tried. 

**  In  another  view   the  rule  appears  to  your  memorialists  not  less  un- 
tenable and  unjust.    It  is  stated,  as  a  part  of  it,  that  if  colonial  producB 
be  imported  by  any  person  with  an  intention  to  tranship  it  on  his  own 
account  to  the  mother  country,  it  is  subject  to  confiscation.     But  if  im- 
ported for  the  purpose  of  general  commerce,  and  tlirown  into  the  market 
for  general  transhipment,  it  is  within  the  exception.    To  distinguish  be- 
tween gineral  and  particular  irUentions,   and  to  seperate  things  so  subtle 
in  their  own  natures,  and  almost  incapable  of  proof,  for  the  purposes  of 
national  decisions,  seems  a  refinement  reserved  for  the  present  age.    The 
foundation  of  this  modern  doctrine  is  laid  in  this  principle,  that  the  neu- 
tral has  no  right,  by  an  extension  of  his  trade,  to  afford  supplies  to  tbei 
belligerent  to  ward  off  the  blows  of  his  enemy,  and  to  oppose  for  a  lon- 
ger period  the  dominion  of  his  force.      Bat  to  this  your  memorialists^ 
deem  it  a  conclusive  answer,  that  the  proposition  proves  too  much  ;  that, 
if  true,  it  is  a  foundation  for   a  far  more  broad  and  sweeping. principle-; 
that  every  commerce  with  the  belligerent  is  inhibited  to  neotrab;  for 
every  commeroe  assists  him  in  resistance,  and  diminishes  his  necessities. 
A  doctrine  thus  comprehensive,  has  never  yet  been  avowed,  and  it  is 
presumed  never  will  be.    Y«t  such  must  be  the  logical  conclusion  ;  and 
it  shews  irresistibly  the  absiwdity  of  the  assumetl  premises. 

"  The  accustomed,  as  well  as  the  unaccustomed  trade  is  within  the 
terms,  and  must  stand  or  fall  together.  Either  the  doctrine  is  unsound, 
AND  ASSUMED  AS  A  MERE  PRETEXT  FOR  PREDATOR Y^ 
SEIZURES;  or  neutrals  have iio  rig}]ts as  sueh ;  and  must  endure  the 
calamities  inflicted  by  belligerents  in  a  contest  in  which  they  have  no 
voice,  and  in  which  they  can  reap  only  injury. 

"  Other  considerations  add  force  to  the  preceding  remarks.  It  is  well 
knMvn  that  in  time,  of  war  neutrals  cannot  carry  on  even  their  accustom- 
ed trade  in  its  full  extent.  They  are  prohibited  from  trading  in  contra- 
band goods,  and  to  blockaded  ports.  Variations  necessarily  arise  in  the 
relations  of  the  hostile  powers,  which  the  neutral  ought  to  possess  a 
right  to  turato  hifi  profit,  as  an  indemnity  for  the  obstructions  of  his  old 
trade.  These  obstructions  a:e  of  a  very  serious  nature.  Wl^en  exercis- 
ed in  the  mildest  form,  they  produce  OPPRESSIVE  SEARCHES 
AND  DELAYS,  EXPENSIVE  LITIGATION,  AXD  OFTEN  A 
TOTAL  FAILURE  OF  AN  OTHERWISE  LUCRATIVE  VOY- 
AQ^.    R«Mo«i  would.tlu^efore  6fii^4o .  (l«clft»e,  thai  for.  hazards  of 


v-4', 


>i5'. 


100 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


this  nature,  the  benefits  arising  to  neutrals  from  war,  are  not  more  thati 
a  jiist  equivalent. 

"  It  is  somewhat  <iingu)ar,  that  a  belligerent  should  invite  a  trade  with 
itself,  which  it  declai*es  fraudulent  with  its  enemy  ;  and  sliuuld  lift  the 
arm  of  power  to  crush  the  neutral,  whose  conduct  is  criminal  only  when 
k  censes  to  be  partial ! 

"  Sucli  are  the  remarks  your  memorialists  respeci  fully  submit  upon  the 
rule  cori>iflered  in  itself.  On  this  examination  they  confess  it  appears  to 
them,  fundamentally  incf)rrect.  It  subjects  commerce  to  fluctuating  de- 
cisions ;  overthrows  the  ordinary  rules  of  evidence  ;  and  places  an  im- 
mense power  tn  be  wielded  at  the  uncontrolable  discretion  of  mugistrutes 
appointed  by  a  single  party. 

"  It  therefore  wants  all  the  discriminative  features  of  a  fundamental 
proposition  of  the  law  of  nations — uniformity,  precision,  and  general  ap- 
plicability. It  would,  in  their  opinion,  if  established,  create  greater 
evils  than  it  professes  to  redress,  by  perpetuating  strife,  dtstroyin^  (he 
ttnoluments  of  trade,  embarrasnrifr  commercial  mlercourse,  and  LETT1>»G 
LOOSE  THE  PASSIONS  JO  PHK\  ON  THE  MISERIES,  AND 
PLUNDER  THE  PROPF^RTY  OF  THE  INNOCENT.  It  would 
subject  neutrals  to  hazards  nearly  as  perilous  as  those  of  actual  hostilities  ; 
and  independent  of  its  influence  in  stimulating  to  revenge  and  retaliation, 
IT  WOULD  TRANSFER  THE  BENEFITS  OF  PEACE  TO  ANY 
VtCTORIOU'^  USURPER  OF  THE  OCEAN. 

*'  But  your  memorialists  are  unwilling  to  rest  the  question  on  the  pre- 
ceding grounds,  however  supported  by  reason.  They  appeal  to  higher 
considerations  ;  and  (J^denythat  the  rule  is,  or  ever  has  made,  a  part 
of  public  law,  or  acquired  by  usage  or  prescription,  any  authority  a- 
mong  nations. 

"  Every  pege  appears  to  give  a  direct  contradiction.  They  adhere  to 
the  ancient  interpretation  of  the  law  of  nations,  which  pn  nounces  that 
the  goods  of  an  enemy  are  lawful  prize,  and  those  of  a  friend  free  ;  that 
the  neutral,  except  in  case  of  blockade  and  contraband,  has  a  right  to  the 
uninterrupted  pursuit  of  his  commerce,  when  carried  on  with  his  own 
property,  at  all  events  in  a  direct  trade  from  his  own  country. 

"  They  conceive  [Hr'that  it  is  not  within  the  authorittf  of  any  nation  to 
legislate  fitr  the  rest ;  and  that  the  law  of  nations  being  founded  on  the 
tacit<;r>ov«ation  of  the  nations  that  observe  it,  can  be  binding  only  on 
tbojie  nations  who  have  adopted  it. 

^  It  is  conceded  by  the  British   Civilians  that  during  the  American 
revolution  the  doctrine  was  entirely  intermitted,  and  the  commerce  of 
neutrals  was  pursued  according  to  the  ancient  code.    Many  cases  of  this 
period  might  be  cited  from  the  admiralty  records,  which  overthrow  the 
rule,  and  expressly  vindicate  the  opposite.    If  precedents  are  to  decide, 
the  judgments  of  a  tribunal  established  in  Great   Britain  under  her  sole 
appointment,  and  acting  with  open  powers,  must  dnrely,  when  acquies- 
cence creates  the  law,  complete  the  renunciation  of  the  contested  rule. 
"  It  is  not  the  least  singularity  attending  the  conduct  of  the  present 
war,  that  Great  Britain  has  licensed  her  svhjrrts  iv  n  trade  which  she  rfe- 
clares fraudulent  in  others ;  that  she,  admits  fliutn  unmolested  t»  supply  her 
enemy  with  means  of  resistance,  when  shr  declares  confiscation  is  thr  prnalfy 
of  neutral  succour.    Were  the  rule  ever  so  just  in  itself,  itcrtninlv  de- 
mands relaxation,  when  the  belligerent  pnriakefi  tlie  profit,  and  connives  at 
the  breach.     If  its  foundation  be  the  unlawfulness  of  affording  assistance 
to  a  distressed  enemy,  surely  {t  onght  not  to  be  enforced  whn  that  assitt" 
anci  is  etn  authorised  object  of  specukUion  with  the  ditlrwin^  belligerent' 


into 


\ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


■.'j 


idi 


**  It  is  our  pride  to  believe  that  the  American  mercbantfl,  with  very 
few  exceptionH,  are  as  distinguished  for  good  faith  as  any  on  earth.  The 
imputation  thrown  on  them  is  a  masked preltnee  to  repel  the  odium  of  vexo- 
Hous  injuries^  and  to  excuse  violations  of  law^  which  cannot  be  justified. 

**  Your  memorialists  wish  to  tai(e  no  part  in  the  contests  which  now 
convulse  the  world  ;  but  acting  with  imfjartiality  towards  all  nations,  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  a  just  neutrality.  If  however,  conciliation  cannot  ef- 
fect the  purpose  of  justice,  and  AN  APPEAL  TJ  AR;VIS  be  the  last 
and  necessary  protection  of  honor,  they  feel  no  disposition  to  decline  the 
common  danger,  or  shrink  from  the  common  contribution. 

'*  Relying  on  the  wisdom  and  iirmncss  of  the  general  government  in 
this  behalf,  they  feel  no  hesitation  to  PLEOrrE  THEIH  lilVES  and 
PROPERTIE'^  in  support  of  the  measures  which  may  be  adopted  to  vindi- 
cate the  public  riglits,  and  redress  the  public  itTongs." 

John  Hathorne,         Renj.  Growninshietd,  jin.^ 

Joseph  Sprague,       Joseph  White,  jQiu  \  Committee. 

Jonathan  Ma«on,     Joseph  Story.  j  ^ 

Salem,  Jan.  2.0,  noij.  / '■ 


,K, 


aef 


alion  to 
on  the 
nly  on 

merican 
TiiPrce  of 
8  of  this 
irow  the 
decide, 
her  sole 
acquies- 
inlc. 
present 
k  she  de- 
pply  her 
r  prnalty 
inlv  de- 
mi  re.'  at 
«si  stance 

atasii*^' 
crcn(' 


A 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Re/lections  en  the  Memorials,      Uniform  call  for  redress*      Vnir 

form  pledge  of  support, 

-■■''  '  •> 

I BBG  the  reader  will  devote  a  few  minutes  to  a  re-perusal  of 
these  important,  these  invaluable  documents.  Without  bearing 
in  mind  their  contents,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a  correct  estimate 
of  the  policy  of  this  country,  or  of  the  merits  and  demerits  of  the 
two  parties,  whose  senseless,  and  envenomed,  and  infuriated 
hostility,  was  of  late  rapidly  sending  to  perdition  the  noblest 
country,  the  happiest  people,  and  the  best  form  of  government 
in  the  world. 

We  must  not  forget  for  an  instant,  the  cause  of  all  these  im- 
passioned comjdaints,  these  invocations  of  redress,  these  pledg- 
es of  suppor^.  This  is  the  most  important  item  in  the  affair.  It 
was  simply  the  right  tore-export  the  productions  of  the  colonies 
of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain — a  right,  however  clear  and  in- 
defeasible, which  was  wholly  unessential  to  the  prosperity  of 
our  country.  We  might  have  abandoned  it  without  the  sacrifice 
of  an  iota  of  the  happitiess  of  our  citizens,  or  the  real  honor  of 
the  nation. 

No  man  of  decency  can  deny,  after  the  perusal  of  these  docu- 
ments, that  the  mercantile  citizens  of  the  United  States  urged 
— it  would  not  be  extravagant  to  say,  goaded — ^the  government 
into  a  resistance  of  the  high-handed  and  oppreissive  pretensioiis 


i! 


'Si 


L02 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


and  outrages  of  Great  B-iitain.  Every  paragraph  establishes 
this  important  fact.  The  expression  of  ihe  [.iibiic  sentiment 
on  this  subject,  was  nearly  simultaneous  from  Newburyport  to 
Baltimore. 

That  they  calculated  upon  war,  as  Ihe  dernier  resort,  is  ob- 
vious from  the  [ihraseoio^y.  It  cannot  be  misunderstood. — 
When  the  Boston  merchants  express  their  reliance  that 

'  "  3uch  meadur-s  will  he  prompt  y  adopted,  as  will  tend  to  (lisembnrrasif)  cnm- 
aierce,  ASSERl'  OUR  RIGHTS,  and  sujiport  the  dignity  of  the  United  btates," 

it  would  be  absurd  and  ridiculous  to  suppose  these  measures 
were  to  be  limited  to  mere  negociation,  the  utter  inefficacy  of 
which  had  been  so  often  experienced.  A  ciiild  would  spurn  at 
the  idea  oi '^  supportins;  the  dignity  of  the  United  States'''  by  ne- 
gociation alone.  This  had  already  been  found  to  be  a  very 
^eble  resource,  and  might  have  been  protracted  for  an  age, 
without  *^  asserting  any  of  our  rightsJ*^  Their  views  were  not 
60  limited.  No.  War,  war,  war,  must  indubitably  have  been 
in  their  contemplation,  should  negociation  have  an  unfavorable 
issue. 

Can  any  man  of  common  sense  doubt,  can  any  man  of  char- 
acter, deny,  that  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  calculated  on 
WAR,  when,  after  having  suggested, 

••"That  every  measnre  not  inconsistent  with  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  na- 
tion, by  which  the  great  objects  of  redress  and  security  might  be  attained, 
eiiould  be  first  tried,** 

they  add, 

"  If  such  measures  should  prove  ineffectual,  whatever  may  be  the  sacrifice  od 
their  part,  it  will  be  met  wiih  submission.'* 

When  the  merchants  of  Newburyport 

"  Rely  with  confidence  on  the  FIRMNESS  and  JUSTICE  of  the  govemmeut, 
to  obtain  for  'them  compensation  and  protection,'* 

they  must  have  been  insane,  if  they  did  not  calculate  upon 
WAR  as  the  uttinm  ratio.  These  are  the  worthy  citizens  who 
stand  recorded  in  the  annals  of  their  country,  as  having  since 
pnirioticaUy  pledged  themselves  to  resist  their  own  govern- 
ment, «  EVEN  UNTO  BLOOD." 

And  who  can  pretend,  that  the  merchants  of  Newhaven, 
Tvhen  they  called  upon  the  government 

"  Firmly  to  resist  every  encroachment  upon  the  rights  of  neutral  nations,"  ■ 
did  not  calculate  upon  war  ?    And  did  they  not  most  solemnly 
pledge  themselves,  when  they  tendered  the 

"  Assurances  of  their  disposition  ta  give  aid  and  support  to  EVERY  MEAS- 
URE  calculated  to  accomplish  this  important  object." 

Jind  when  the  Ne?r-York  mc rcbants  declared  their 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


103 


"  Reliance  upon  the  governincDt  of  their  country  that  their  rights  would  not 
be  abandom-d," 

and  that  (he  crisis  required 

♦•  All  tub  knekoy,  as  well  as  the  prudence  and  wisdom  of  the  government," 
can  there  be  found  a  man  who  will  pretend  that  war   was  not 
calculated  on,  unless  other  means  might  be  found  to  accomplish 
the  end  in  view  ?     It  cannot  be. 

And  can  there  be  a  more  ex|)licit  pledge  given,  than  is  to  be 
found  at  the  close  of  their  memorial — 

•«  Wn  pledge  our  united  support  in  favor  of  ail  the  measures  adopted  to  viadi-» 
rate  and  secure  the  juit  rights  of  our  country." 

I  am  credibly  informed  that  there  are  subscribed  to  this  me- 
morial, names  of  persons  who  lately  prayed  fervently  and  open- 
ly, for  the  destruction  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  inva- 
ding Canada !  This  is  most  wonderfully  consistent  and  patri- 
otic. 

But  the  merchants  of  Salem  are  more  explicit  on  the  subject 
of  war  than  any  of  their  mercantile  brethren  elsewhere.  They 
leave  no  room  for  inference  or  supposition.  They  most  unam- 
biguously declare  their  views. 

"  If,  however,  conciliation  cannot  effect  the  purpose,  and  AN  APPEAL  TO 
ARMS  be  the  last  and  necessary  protection  of  honor,  they  feel  no  dieposiiioD 
tbdseliae  tlifi  ^oiomoo  danger,  or  shrink  from  tite  conamon  cootributioo." 

And  was  there  ever,  «ince  UiQ  world  was  formed,  a  more 

solemn  pledge  given,  than  the  one  with  whicb  tbey  close  theis 

memorial,  and  which  I  here  repeat — 

"  Relying  on  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  general  government,  in  this  behalf 
they  feel  no  hesitation,  to  pledge  their  lives  and  propertiev  in  support  ofth« 
measures  which  may  be  adopted  to  VINDICATE  THE  PUBLIC  RIGHTS. 
AND  REDRESS  THE  PUBLIC  WRONGS." 

In  the  next  chapter,  I  shall  investigate  the  question,  Ivjw  fas., 
these  pledges  were  redeemed. 


i'% 


v4 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Character  of  merchants  hy  Edmund  Burke,  Illiheral  andurtfound' 
ed.  Merchants  as  various  in  character  as  other  classes  of  men, 
American  merchants  shrewd  and  intelligent.  Most  lamentably 
blinded  hy  faction  to  their  dearest  interests.  lEixample  of  Eng* 
land  worthy  of  imitation.  Struggles  between  ins  and  outs.  All 
unite  against  the  common  enemy.  American  faMions  mere  del' 
eterims  than  those  in  England. 

Edmund  Burke  has  left  on  record  a  most  unfavorable  char* 
acter  of  merchants^  which  has  been  a  thousand  times  ^oted 


i 


i.04 


THE  Olive  branch. 


to  their  disparagement.  He  hag,  if  my  memory  do  not  deceive 
me,  asserted,  that  they  have  no  national  attachments  or  f)at- 
riotism— that  their  ledger  is  their  Bible — and  gold  their  God. 

This  character  is  unfounded  and  illiberal.  All  sweeping  de- 
nunciations of  entire  classes  are  unjust.  The  merchants  are 
as  various  in  their  characters  as  any  other  description  of  men. 
There  are  among  them  numbers  of  persons  of  the  highest  re- 
sjtectability— great  patriotism— a  high  sense  of  honor— great 
liberality— and  possessing  all  the  other  virtues  that  can  adorn 
the  human  character.  There  are  likewise  some  as  base  and 
vile  as  the  others  are  excellent. 

There  is  nothing  in  mercantile  affairs  or  commerce,  that  has 
a  tendency  to  deteriorate  those  who  follow  the  profession.  It 
is  iAtohceivabl^  how  it  should  be  otherwise.  The  large  scale 
on  which  comiherce  is  conducted,  is  rather  calculated  to  expand 
than  iliiberalize  the  mind. 

Moreover,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  merchants  having 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  the  best  education,  must,  from  tha^ 
circumstance  alone,  have  a  fair  chance  of  not  meriting  the  de- 
nuuciution  of  Edmund  Burke. 

That  the  American  merchants  are,  in  general,  shrewd,  intel- 
ligent, and  pfen6trating,  cannot  be  denied.     They  are  in  these 
t^spects,  at  Ifeast  on  a  level  with  the  merchants  of  a»^"  -" 
country.  "^ ; ';  — ^  ^^^^^^ 

It  must,  however  ^'^   -v^'        «  ■•     i  1.   *  .     a*. 
have  *<♦'''  .    ,  w«  ateKlttO'Wicagcd,  that  m  the  course  they 

^.wci'ed  from  the  commencement  of  the  year  1806,  when 
ftie  preceding  memorials  were  presented  to  Congress,  till  the 
declaration  of  war,  and  during  its  continuance,  they  have  been 
as  lamentably  blind  to  their  own  vital  interests,  and  to  the 
highest  interests  of  their  country*  as  if  they  were  almost  alto- 
gether deficient  of  the  reasoning  faculty.  They  have  inflictecjl 
incalculable  injury  on  both.  Indeed,  so  intimately  in  this  case 
iwere  these  interests  connected,  that  both  were,  and  must  ne- 
cessarily be,  equally  affected  by  the  same  wound.  I  hope  to 
mnke  this  appear  to  their  conviction,  and  that  of  the  public. 

The  reader  has  seen  that  the  mercantile  part  of  the  commu- 
nity felt  the  highest  indignation  in  1 803,  at  the  pretensions  of 
Enslnnd  to  limit  the  American  trade  in  the  colonial  produc- 
tions of  her  enemies ;  that  they  very  strongly  remonstrated  witli 
the  government  to  resist  those  pretensions ;  and  that  they  pledg- 
ed themselves  to  their  country  and  to  the  worlds  to  support  tlie  gov- 
emmejit  in  whatever  measures  might  be  necessary  to  obtain  re- 
diress — obviously^  evidently^  and  undeniably  contemplating  even 
war  nrith  all  its  horrors.  I  propose  to  examine  how  far  their 
(V^eti<$e  corresponded  with  their  professions  and  pledges. 

jPMe  RI|C>fic  measure)!  adppted  to  effect  the  object  of  their  dfh 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


105 


sires  were — a  prohibition  c^tlie  importation  ofsome  of  tlie  mmt 
important  of  the  manufactures  of  Cireat  Britain — an  cmbnri!;o, 
when  the  injuries  we  experienced  from  that  nation  had  vuatly 
increased — and  non-intercourse. 

Did  the  American  merciiants  redeem  their  pledge  ?  Did  tliey 
pre&erve  their  faith  ?  Did  they  support  the  government  in  all 
or  any  of  these  measures? 

No.  They  indul>itably  did  not.  There  is  not  a  candid  fed- 
eralist from  New-Hampshire  to  Georgia,  that  will  assert,  that 
the  merchants,  as  a  corps,  supported  the  government  in  any 
one  of  these  measures.  1  say  distinctly,  as  a  corps.  There 
were  illustrious  exceptions.  But  the  tidclity  of  these  except- 
ions in  redeeming  their  pledge  was  imavailing. 

[ET*  The  pledge  was  forfeited  hy  the  corps — completely  forfeited. 

The  clear,  indisputable,  and  melancholy  fact  is,  that  nften 
having  impelled  and  goaded  the  government  into  measures  to 
procure  redress,  they  not  merely  withheld  their  support  from 
those  measures,  but  actually  as  far  as  depended  on  Uiera,  pre- 
vented their  success.  They  hung  hostilely  on  the  skirts  of  th^ 
government,  and  defeated  the  embargo,  non-intercoune,  and  all 
the  other  restrictive  measures. 

I  have  thus  far  considered  the  point  as  it  respected  their 
plighted  faith,  and  the  obligation  they  thereby  incurred  to  sup- 
port the  government  in  measures  which  had  arisen  out  of  their 
memorials,  remonstrances  and  solemn  pledges. 

I  now  enter  on  the  consideration  of  their  conduct,  as  it  de- 
monstrates an  unparalleled  blindness  towards  their  own  intexeats, 
and  those  of  their  country. 

Whatever  misjudging  prejudice,  or  faction,  devotion  to  Eng- 
land, or  hostility  to  France  may  pretend,  the  solemn  fact  m. 
that  the  United  States  were  most  grievously  outraged  and  injur- 
ed by  Great  Britain.  The  violence  or  excesses  of  France, 
enormous,  and  iniquitous,  and  indefensible  as  they  were,  afiTordecl 
no  justification  to  those  of  her  enemy.  "  Retaliation,'^  in  the 
words  of  Mr.  Bayard  and  Mr.  Ltoyd*  "  was  A  MERE  PRE- 
TENCE." If  A  rob  tne  of  my  hat,  it  does  notfoUm  that  B  has 
a  right  to  retaliate  on  HIM,  by  robbing  ME^rfmycoator  waist- 
coat. And  still  less,  if  A  threaten  to  rob  me,  but  has  not  the 
power  to  do  it,  has  B  the  right  to  retaliate  on  him  by  robbing 
rm.  France  pretended  to  blockade  England,  and  seize  neutral 
vessels  bound  there — but  was  unable  to  effect  her  purpose 
through  her  destitution  of  naval  power.  England  retaliated i^(m 
France  by  seizing  our  vessels  bound  to  that  country ;  and 

*  In  a  subsequent  cbaptcr,  I  shall  quote  the  sentifflents  of  these  geotlemen  at 
All!  length. 

-v.     K   2      .       .      . 


\m 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


persevered  in  that  lawless  course  for  entire  years,  havii)^ 
depredated  on  the  United  States  to  the  amount  of  many  millions, 
and  with  every  ttpecies  of  agi^ravalion,  of  which  such  an  out- 
rage is  susceptible — and  forsooth  all  was  perjfctratcd  to  punish 
France,  whom  she  was  at  the  satne  time  su/jjjtt/inir  with  our  pro- 
ductions herself: .'  /  There  is  not  in  the  history  of  the  world  any 
conduct  more  gross  or  less  defensible. 

When  we  are  laid  in  our  graves,  and  our  factions  and  con< 
vulsions  are  buried  in  oblivion,  posterity  will  pass  a  heavy 
sentence  of  condemnation  upon  these  odious,  tliese  oppressive, 
these  scandalous  transactions.  I  am  sure  such  i»  tlie  deciitioH 
of  all  impartial  and  unprejudiced  men  in  Europe.  I  would  fur< 
felt  a  world,  were  I  possessed  of  one,  if  this  be  not  **  Alexander 
the  deliverer's"  sentiment. 

That  America  has  been  the  aggrieved  nation,  ami  England 
Tvholly  the  aggressor,  is  palpable  from  one  circumstance.  In 
all  the  diplomatic  intercourse  that  has  taken  place  between  the 
cabinet  of  St.  James'  ami  that  at  Washington,  the  former  ha^ 
hardly  ever  made  the  slightest  complaint  of  injustice  against  the 
latter,  except  occasionally  otparlialil\f  towards  France.  This, 
''i'it  mean  any  thing,  must  certainly  mean  tiiat  we  bore  French 
tii'pnd'Uiofiy  insidt,  and  outrage^  more  patientbf  than  English  out- 
raje,  insuUy  and depredation.  If  it  have  any  other  meaning,  I 
»hail  be  gratified  to  have  it  dcGioastrated. 

W«  inflicted  on  France  one  solid,  oubstaniial,  important,  and 
most  destructive  iiyury,  from  which  England  was  wholly  fi^ee. 
We  uniformly  submitted  from  1792  to  1812,  to  the  violation  of 
our  neutndity,  to  the  material  beuetit  of  one  belligerent  and 
extreme  disadvantage  of  the  other.  Our  commercial  marine  was 
a  constant  nurscri/for  Great  Britain^  to  ^ipplij  her  namf  with  sea- 
men to  artnoy  and  distress  Iter  enemj/- 

This  was  a  r.on&tant  eause  of  war  against  us  by  France.  It 
was  indirect  hostility  with  fundamental  principles  of  the  lawi)f 
nations.  It  was  affording  a  most  decisive  and  all-important  aid 
to  one  belligerent  for  the  destruction  of  the  other,  to  an  enor- 
mous extent,  I  believe  unpannlleled  in  the  history  of  Europe. 

It  will  riot,  from  the  premises,  be  denied,  that  from  the  decla- 
ration of  war  between  France  and  Enj;!and,  the  latter  power 
condtantly  made  inroads  upon  us-— and  we  as  cwistantly  sought 
redress — ^and  that  our  principal  grievances  were  the  outi'ages 
practiseti  on  our  seamen,  and  the  reiterated  and  intolerable 
infringement  of  our  commercial  rights  and  privileges. 

Under  this  view  of  the  case,  the  correctness  of  which  will 
not,  I  trust,  be  disputed,  what  ^qv^hq  ought  a.u  enlightened  body 
of  njierchsiats  to  atj^ei  I 


her 

cha 
Th 
mei 
ed 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH, 


107 


»s> 


It 
aw  of 
nt  aitl 
enor- 


8lu|>i»o«e  tliem  pntriotir,  anil  public  spiritcfl,  and  magnani- 
mous ;  a  i'«'j;ar(l  to  Ihe-natiunul  honur  und  interest  would  impel 
them  to  uphold  the  fi;overumcnt  of  their  own  country  in  a  strug- 
gle against  the  lawless  ontra^^tB  of  a  fore)(;n  nation.  But  even 
suppose  them  base,  sordid,  Keifish,  avaricious,  and  without  a  sin- 
gle spark  of  patriotism,  public  spirit,  or  liiieraliiy,  ought  not  their 
very  selfishness  dictate  the  same  course  ?  How  could  they  fail 
to  see  that  every  step  Ihey  took  to  harii-ss,  to  cripple,  to  embar- 
rHss  their  own  goveruoient,  was  a  step  towards  enabling  the 
foreign  and  u«:gref:»ing  nation,  to  triumph  over  Ihelr  country, 
Hud  to  enforce  its  claims,  to  the  manifest  and  immense  injury  oi' 
their  own  most  vit;d  intercbls  ?  I  should  pity  the  fatuity  of  a 
lad  who  had  been  but  six  weeks,  in  a  counting-house,  and  did 
not  at  once  percf'ive  the  cogency  of  these  arguments.  This 
point  is  clear,  and  plain,  an<l  convincing  in  theory.  But  it  does 
not  rest  on  theory.  We  have  a  strong  ttnd  practical  illustration 
of  it  by  our  own  melancholy  experience,  an  illustration  which 
the  raerchants  of  this  country  will  long  have  cause  to  deplore. 
By  the  Jacobinical,  and  seditious,  atul  disorganizing  combina- 
tions to  oppose  the  measurescalculated  to  procure  redress,  Ens;* 
land  was  enabled  to  enforce  the  orders  in  council  for  four  yeara 
and  an  half;  whereby,  during  sixteen  months,  she  iBterdicted 
our  trade  with  all  Europe,  except  Sweden  and  her  own  depend- 
encies :  that  is  to  say,  slie  forhatk  us  id  trade  rvUh  ahovt  one 
hutuired  and  thirty  millions  of  the  people  oj  Europe, — For  the  i"e- 
mainder  of  the  time,  when  she  somewhat  relaxed  her  orders,  she 
proscribed  our  trade  with  at  least  ffty  millions^ 

Never  has  the  sun  in  his  course  behehl  such  transcendent, 
such  lamentable,  such  irreparabie  folly  as  the  merchants  of  the 
United  States  have  been  guilty  of  in  this  instance*  Through- 
out ihe  whole  of  the  arduous  conflict  between  the  United  States 
and  Great- Britain,  they  have  comlaitly^  and  invariably^  and  most 
€ners;€ticaUy  ihvartcdj  and  harrassed,  and  embarrassed  their  own 
government.  They  have  defendeil  the  conduct  of  Britain 
througho4it — and  as  constantly  labored,  in  the  face  of  reason, 
Justice,  and  common  sense,  to  put  their  own  nrition  in  the  wrong. 
And  for  what  end  ?  to  serve  the  purposes  of  party ;  to  enable  a 
few  ambitious  vicn,  who  tvtre  out  of  office y  and  panted  to  get  in^  to 
aecomplish  this  object  t ! ! 

I  once  more  wish  to  qualify  these  observations.  There  were 
here,  as  in  a  former  case,  splendid  excef)tion3  among  the  mer- 
chants, citizens  who  displayed  the  most  exalted  patriotism. — 
These  exceptions  do  not  invalidate  the  rule.  I  apeak  of  the 
merchants  as  a  corps ; — for  it  is  thus  only  they  can  be  consider- 
ed ia  this  discussion  i — a3  their  operations  on  the  govemoieat 


m; 


103 


THE  OLfVE  BRANCH. 


and  nation  were  felt — and  more  particularly,  as  they  acted  in 
the  eastern  states. 

Any  one  of  the  three  pacific  measures  adopted  by  this  gov- 
ernment, had  it  been  duly  cupported  by  the  mercantile  interest, 
would  have  obliged  Great  Britain  to  redress  our  wrongs,  and 
very  speedily.  We  should  then  have  enjoyed  an  unshackled 
commerce.  And  had  our  merchants,  either  from  patriotism  or 
selfishness,  submitted  to  a  short  temporary  privation  of  business, 
they  would  have  been  repaid  hij  a  tenfold  harvest  of  most  lucrative 
commerce.  But  faction  led  them  astray.  They  rendered  whol- 
ly nugatory  all  itie  measures  adopted  to  guard  their  interests, 
and  to  extort  justice  for  their  wrongs,  (xieat  Britain  was  thus 
encouraged  to  proceed  in  her  aggressions.  This  led  to  a  wast* 
ing  war.  To  the  hostile  opposition  of  the  mercantile  class> 
therefore,  we  may  fairly  ascribe  its  ravages. 

In  ail  the  wild,  frantic,  and  fatuitous  career  of  faction — from 
the  earliest  records  of  time  to  the  present  day,  I  believe  thereis 
no  parallel  case.  Never  did  an  intelligent,  enlightened  aniT  re- 
spectable body  of  men,  make  so  immense,  so  wanton,  so  irrecov- 
erable a  sacrifice  of  their  dearest  interests,  and  so  completely 
contrary  to  the  dictates  of  reason  and  common  sense. 

UJ^IfBelsehub  or  Lucifer  held  the  reins  ofgovemmentypolicy  and 
self-interest  would  dictate  that  in  ail  contests  ivith  foreign  nations^ 
he  &ught  to  be  supported  unless  most  maan^est^f  and  egregioushf 
unjust.  Puldic  spirit  and  selfishness  equmly  combine  to  enforce 
Oiis  precept,  „ 

How  transcendantly  superior  Great  Britain  towers  over  us,  in 
this  respect !  What  a  suhlune  lesson  she  holds  out— what  a  nobk 
example  she  offers  us  to  follow  !  "^ 

She  Is  torn  by  faction  like  America.  There  is  a  constant 
struggle  between  the  incumbents  in  office  and  those  who  pant 
after  the  seats  they  fill.  But  whenever  the  honor  or  vital  inter- 
est of  the  nation  is  at  stake,  party  in  a  great  measure  dies  away, 
or,  at  least,  becomes  incapable  of  injuring  the  common  cause — 
all  unite  under  the  national  standard — and,  till  the  end  in  view  is 
.accomplished,  distinctions  arc  almost  wholly  lost  in  one  com* 
mon  designation,  supporters  of  their  country's  interest  and  honor. 

Not  so  in  America.  It  is  a  fatal  truth,  that  at  the  moment, 
when  this  page  was  written,  [Sept.  1814]  when  not  merely  our 
interest,  and  our  honor,  but  even  our  very  salvation  was  jeopard- 
ized, faction  raged  in  many  places  with  unabated  violence  ;  and 
wicked  men  were  incessantly  employed  in  exciting  our  citizens 
to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  c(Aintrymen,^  instead 

*  Tliis  was  the  inevitable  tendency,  although  not  the  declared  purpose,  Of  a 
'ViiTy  coDgiderable-DUffiber  of  the  pubiications  ia  certaia  oewspapors. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


loe 


HI 


of  preparing  to  oppose  a  vindictive  enemy.  May  the  God  of 
peace  and  love,  dispel  the  clouds  that  impend  over  us — banish 
our  discords — and,  once  more  unite  us  in  tlie  bonds  oi  harmonf 
aiid  charity  towards  each  other.    Ao^en.    „,^,,  ,.;„,.    r.,,,., 


'^'•'3 


S*K 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


British  Depredations  hrottght  on  ilu  tapis  in  the  Senate  of  the  V- 
nited  States.  CondemncUory  Resolutions  passed.  Messrs.  Pick- 
ering^ UUlhofuse^  Bayard,  and  Tract/,  in  the  ajfirtnative. — 
A  mbassador  txtraormruay  to  England.  British  goods  prohib- 
ited. 

In  consequence  of  the  presentation  of  the  mercantile  memo- 
rials, the  Sej^ate  of.tlie  United  States  took  the  subject  into  their 
most  serious  consideration;  and  passed  the  following  Resolution, 
on  the  10th  Feb.  1806. 

"  Resolygdj  \j^  lis  cajture  ai^d  condemnation,  under  order^  of  the  BritUh 
•orernment,  and  adjudications  of  ilieir  courts  of  admiraltf,  of  American  veaaejs 
and  tlieir  cargoes,  on  the  pretext  of  their  being  employed  in  a  trade  with  the  en- 
mies  of  Great  Britain  prohibited  in  time  of  peace,  is  AN  UNPROVOKED  AG- 
GRESSION UPON  THE  PROPERTY  OF  THECITIZENSOF  THE  UNI- 
TED STATES-.A  ,VIOIiATlON  OF  THEIR  NEUTRAL  RIGHTS— AND 
AN  ENCROACHMENT  UPON  THtJlR  NATIONAL  INDEPEND- 
ENCE."* 

I  hope  the  reader  will  attentively  peruse  this  resolution.    It 

is  clear  and  explicit.    It  solemly  protests  against  the  revival  of 

the  exploded  rule  of  the  ifrar  of  1 756,  as 

*'■  An  encroachment  upon  tiie  national  independence,  and  a  violation  of  our 
Beutral  rights." 

Stronger  Icrnguage  could  not  well  be  used.  What  renders  it 
peculiarly  remarkable,  is,  that  it  was  carried  by  an  unanimous 
vote  of  the  Senate,  28  membjers  present.  But  secondly  and 
chiefly,  I  beg  it  may  be  borne  in  eternal  remembrance,  that  a- 
mong  the  names  of  tl»e  senators  who  thus  voted,  are  to  be  found 
those  of  Messrs.  PICKERING,  Hillhouae,  Bayard, and  Tracy. 

Another  resolution^  passed    February   14,  stands  in  thes^e 

words^: — 

*•  Resolved,  that  the  preisident  of  the  United  States  be  requested  [i;^^  to 
DEMAND  the  restoration  of  the  property  of  their  citizens  captured  and  con- 
demned (J^  oil  (he  pretext  of  itt  being  employed  in  a  irade  rvith  the  enemies  of 
Creat  Brit.iin,  prohibited  in  Uint  qfpzace  ;  aad  rj^  the  indemnijicatiori  of  suck 
American  (f/tizeni /(tr  t^«ir  ime»  arid  dcimages  sa^iained  by  these  captures  and 
PondeKaaUoos  ;  and  to  enter  into  such  arrangements  with  the  British  government, 


"4  1*-' 


*  Journals  of  the  Senate  for  1808— page  126. 


•ytt 


lid 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


on  thMe  and  all  other  differences  between  the'  two  nationp,  (and  particularly 
respecting  rj^T' the  IMPRKSSVIEIVT  OF  AMERICAN  SEAMEN)  as  may 
he  consistfiiL  wuU  the  liouoi  and  interest  of  the  United  States,  and  manifest  their 
earnest  desire,  for  themselves  and  their  citizens,  of  that  justice  to  which  they 
ai'e  entitled."* 

There  was  a  division  upon  this  resolution.  It  was  carried 
by  twenty  affirmative,  against  six  negative  votes.  Messrs. 
PICKERING,  Hillhouse,  Bayard,  and  Tracy  were  in  tlie  af- 
firmative, as  on  the  former  resolution. 

To  obtain  rediess  from  Great  Britain,  four  modes  present- 
ed themselves — negotiation — non-intercourse — embargo,  and 
war. 

The  first  in  order  required  to  be  first  essayed.  Accordingly 
the  administration  entered  upon  negotiation,  and,  to  attach  more 
solemnity  to  it,  Mr.  Wm.  Pinkney  was  appointed  mii^ster  ex- 
traordinary, and  united  with  Mr.  Monroe,  then  resident  at  the 
tsourt  of  St.  James\ 

To  give  the  negotiation  a  greatsr  likelihood  of  success,  an 
act  was  passed,!  making  a  strong  appeal  to  the  interest  of  Great 
Britain.  By  this  act,  the  importation  into  the  United  States 
ViM  prohibited,  of  a  variety  of  hermoBtimpurtaut  uiatiufaetures, 
viz. 

'  All  articles  of  which  leather  is  the  material  of  chief  value. 

"  All  articles  of  which  silk  is  the  material  of  chief  value. 

*'  All  articles  of  which  h«mp  or  flax  ie  the  material  of  chief  value. 

"  All  articles  of  which  tin  or  brass  is  the  material  of  chief  value,  tin  in  sheets 
excepted. 

**  >Voollen  cloths,  whose  invoice  prices  shall  exceed  five  shillings  sterling  per 
square  yard. 

•'  Woollen  hosiery  of  all  kinds. 

'^  Window  glass  and  all  the  manufactures  of  glass. 

••  Silver  and  plated  wares. 

"  Paper  of  every  description. 

•'  Nails  and  spikes. 

•*  Mats  and  clotijing  ready  made« 

•'  Millinery  of  all  kinds. 

"  Playing  cards. 

"  Beer,  ale,,  and  porter  j  and  pictures  and  prints." 

This  act  was  passed  on  the  18th  day  of  April,  1806,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  remonstrances  nf  the  merchants,  as  a  means  of 
inducing  England  to  abandon  her  uiyust  pretensions,  and  to 
cease  her  depredations.  And  with  a  laudable  wish  to  afford  her 
time  to  weigh  its  consequences,  and  to  prevent  a  rupture,  its 
operation  was  not  to  commence  till  the  15th  of  the  Ibllowing 
November,  a  period  of  seven  months.  Thus  reluctant  was  our 
government  to  have  recourse  to  extremities,  notwithstanding 
the  grievous  provocations  that  had  been  Offered^     It  is  impossi- 

«  Journals  of  the  Senate  for  1806— page  131. 
f  Laws  of  the  United  Stat^  vol.  vi.'  page  80; 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. , 


111 


blc  to  conceive  a  more  lenient  mode  of  proceedinpf,  or  one  re- 
flecting more  credit  on  tlie  forbearance  of  an  injured  and  insult- 
ed nation. 

Still  further  to  evince  the  wish  of  our  rulers  to  preserve  peace, 
the  operation  of  this  act  was  suspended  in  December  180ti,  till 
tJie  Istof  July  1807* — uid  moreo/er,  the  president  was  author- 
ised, "  if  in  his  judgment  the  public  good  should  require  it,  to 
suspend  it  still  farther  till  the  second  Monday  of  December  in 
the  same  year." 

Here  let  us  pause  a  moment.  The  United  States  had  suffer- 
ed depredations  on  their  commerce  to  an  enormous  amount,  by 
the  revival  of  a  pretended  rule  of  the  law  of  nations,  which  had 
been  formally  abandoned,  and  of  which  revival  no  previous  no- 
tice had  t)een  given.  And  instead  of  having  recourse  to  repri- 
sals, or  to  a  declaration  of  war,  either  of  which  would  have  been 
perfectly  just,  they  adopted  the  mild  measure  of  restraining  the 
commerce  of  the  aggressor,  in  order  to  make  it  his  interest  to  do 
them  justice.  Never  was  greater  forbearance  shewn — never 
was  forbearance  worse  requited* 


.(..  •> ; 


CHAPTER    XX. 


Attack  on  the  Chesapeake.  Proclamation  interdicting  our  harbors 

to  the  British, 

While  the  depredations  sustained  by  our  merchants  were 
yet  under  discuiision,  a  tragical  affair  occurred,  which  still  fur- 
ther unfortunately  embroiled  the  two  nations. 

The  Chesapeake,  capt.  Gordon,  sailed  from  Norfolk  on  the 
22d  of  June,  1807.  The  Leopard,  of  50  guns,  which  was  moor- 
ed near  her,  weighed  anchor  shortly  afterwards.  She  soon  o- 
vertook  the  Chesapeake,  and  demanded  four  sailors,  three  of 
whom  had  deserted  from  the  British  frigate  Melampus.  The 
fourth  was  said  to  have  deserted  from  a  British  merchant  ves- 
sel. Commodore  Barron,  who  was  on  board,  refused  to  deliver 
them :  and  in  consequence  the  Leopard  commenced  an  attack 
upon  the  American  frigate,  which  wag  wholly  unprepared  for 
resistance.  Three  men  were  killed,  and  sixteen  wounded ;  a- 
mong  the  latter  was  the  commodore,  who  struck  his  flag,  and 
surrendered  the  vessel  Capt.  Humphreys  of  the  Leopard  sent 
an  officer  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  who  seized  four  of  her  crew^^ 


f  Laws  of  the  United  States,  page  220.' 


112 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


William  Ware,  Daniel  Martin,  John  Strachan,  and  John  Wil- 
son. 

Of  the  four  persons,  thus  seized,  one  was  brought  to  trial  at 
Halifax,  and,  being  found  guilty  of  desertion,  was  hanged. — 
One  died  in  confinement.  The  other  tvro  were  retained  in 
bondage  till  June  13th,  1812,  when  they  were  restored  to  free- 
dom on  board  the  Chesapeake,  at  Boston. 

This  outrage  excited  the  utmost  indignation  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  for  a  time  united  all  parties  in  the  common 
clamor  for  reparation  of  the  insult  and  injury,  or  war.  The 
federalists  were  as  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  the  lawless 
violence  as  the  democrats. 

I  have  already  stated  the  prudence  of  the  then  president,  Mr. 
Jefferson.  The  attack  took  place  on  the  22d  of  June — und  he 
delayed  the  extra  meeting  of  congress  till  the  26th  of  October, 
to  afford  time  for  the  effervescence  of  the  public  to  subside. 
This  wise  measure  saved  the  country  from  war  at  that  period. 

But  to  guard  against  similar  outrages,  and  against  others 
which  we  had  suffered  within  our  own  jurisdiction  from  British 
vessels  of  war,  the  president  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding 
them  the  entrance  into  our  ports  and  harbors,  of  which  I  subjoin 
a  copy. 


PROCLAMATION. 

During  the  wars  which,  for  some  time,  have  unhappily  preTailed  among  the 

Eowers  of  Europe,  the  United  States  of  \nierica,  firm  la  their  principles  of  peace, 
ave  endeavoured  by  justice,  by  a  regular  discharge  of  all  their  national  and 
social  duties,  and  by  every  friendly  office  their  situation  has'admiltod,  to  maintain 
with  all  the  bellijerents  their  accustomed  relations  of  friendship,  hospitality  and 
commercial  intercourse.    Taking  no  part  in  the  questions  whicii  animate  the 
powers  against  each  other,  nor  permitting  themselves  to  entertain  a  wisli  but  for 
tlie  restoration  of  general  peace,  they  have  observed  with  good  faith  the  neutral- 
ity they  as<iumed  :  and  they  believe  that  no  iniitance  of  a  departure  from  its 
duties  can  be  justly  imputed  to  them  by  any  nation.     A  free  use  of  their  harbours 
and  waters,'  the  means  of  refitting  and  of  refreshment,  of  succor  to  their  tick  and 
GufTefing,  have,  at  all  times,  and  on  equal  principles,  been  extended  to  all,  and 
this  too  amidst  a  constant  recurrence  of  acts  of  insubordination  to  the  laws:  of 
violence  to  the  persons,  and  of  trespasses,  on  the  property  of  our  citizens,  com- 
mitted by  officers  of  one  of  the  belligerent  parties  received  among  as.     In  trntli, 
these  abuses  of  the  laws  of  hospitality  have,  with  few  exceptions,  become  habit- 
ual to  the  commanders  of  the  Britisih  armed  vessels  hovcnng  on  our  coait;<,  and 
freque«ting  our  harbours.     They  have  bee?)  tlie  .subject  of  repeated  representa- 
tions to  their  government.     Assurances  have  been  given  tliat  proper  ordcri 
should  restrain  them  within  the  limits  of  the  rights  and  of  the  respect  due  to  a 
friendly  nation  :  but  thoie  orders  and  asi^urances  have  been  without  effect  :  do 
instance  of  punishment  for  past  wrongs  has  taken  place      At  length,  a  deed, 
transcending  all  we  have  hitherto  seen  or  suSered,  brings  the  public  sensibility  td 
a  serious  crisis,  and  our  forbearance  to  a  necessary  p.»iise.     A  frioate  of  «hc 
tJnited  Spates,  trusting  to  a  state  of  peace,  and  leaving  her  harbour  on  ^  distant 
flervice,  has  been  surprised  and  attacked  by  a  Biitish  vf;•^!-.p'  of  superior  force— one 
of  a  squadron  then  lyio^  in  oar  waters,  and  coTering-the  traasaction ;  and  has 


Pr 

or  wf 
pursi 
from 
dfsp 
co!Ifi< 
or  wj 
the  a 
ing  r< 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


IIS 


bei'n  disab1e(i  frooi  service,  witti  the  losfl  of  a  number  of  men  killed  and  wounded. 
— Tliii  enornuiy  was  not  only  without  provocation  or  ju.'^tifiable  cause,  but  was 
committed  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  taking  by  force,  from  a  ship  of  war  of  the 
United  States,  «  purt  oflier  crew  :  and  that  no  circumstances  might  be  wanting 
to  mnric  it^  character,  it  had  been  previouKly  ascertained,  that  the  seamen  de- 
manded were  native  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Having  effected  his  purpoKi 
he  returned  to  anchor  with  hi^  sniiadron  within  our  jurisdiction.  Hospittlity  ua 
dcr  fcuch  circumstance!)  ceases  to  be  a  duty  :  and  a  continuance  of  it,  with  such  od 
controled  abuHe!",  would  tend  only  by  multiplying  injuries  and  irritations,  to  brinr 
on  a  rupture  between  the  two  nations.  This  extreme  resort  is  equally  opposed 
to  the  interest  of  both,  as  it  is  to  assurances  of  the  most  friendly  dispositions  on 
the  part  of  the  British  government,  iu  the  midst  of  which  this  outrage  has  been 
committed.  In  this  light,  the  subject  cannot  bat  present  itself  to  that  govern- 
raf-nt,  and  strengthen  the  motives  to  an  honorable  reparation  of  the  wrong  which 
has  been  done,  and  to  that  tfTectual  control  of  its  naval  commanders,  which  alone 
can  justify  the  government  of  the  United  States  iu  the  exercises  of  those  hospital- 
ities it  is  now  constrained  to  discontinue. 

In  consideration  of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the  right  of  every  nation  t* 
re;rulate  its  own  police,  to  provide  for  its  peace  and  for  the  safety  of  its  citizens* 
and  consequently  to  refuse  the  admission  of  armed  vessels  into  its  harbors  or 
waters,  either  in  such  numbers  or  of  such  descriptions,  as  are  inconsistent  with 
thci^e,  or  with  the  maintenance  of  the  authority  of  the  laws,  I  liave  thought 
proper,  in  pur«iiance  of  the  authorities  specially  given  by  law,  to  issue  this  my 
proclamation,  hereby  requiring  all  armed  vessels  bearing  commission  under  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  now  within  the  harbors  or  waters  of  the 
United  States,  immediately  and  without  any  delay,  to  depart  from  the  same; 
and  interdicting  the  entrance  of  all  the  said  harbors  and  waters  to  the  6»d  armed 
vessels,  and  to  all  others  bearing  commissions  ander  Uie  authority  of  the  British 
government. 

And  if  the  said  vessels,  or  any  of  them,  sltall  fail  to  depart  as  aforesaid,  or  if 
they  or  any  others,  so  interdicted,  ."hall  hereafter  enter  the  harbors  or  waters 
aforesaid,  I  do  in  that  case  forbid  all  intercourse  withtheni  or  an^  of  them,  their 
olflcers  and  crews ;  and  do  prohibit  all  supplies  and  aid  from  being  furnished  to 
them  or  any  of  them. 

And  I  do  declare  and  make  known,  that  if  any  person  from,  or  within  the 
jurisdiction  and  limits  of  the  United  State;:,  shall  afford  any  aid  to  any  such  vessel, 
contrary  to  the  prohibition  contained  in  this  proclamation,  either  in  refitting  any 
such  vessel,  or  in  furnishing  her,  her  officers,  or  crew,  with  suppliesof  any  kind, 
or  any  mnnner  whatsoevei- ;  or  if  any  pilots  sliall  assist  in  navigating  any  of 
the  said  armed  vessels,  unless  it  be  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  them,  in  the  first 
instance,  beyond  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  or  unless  it  be 
in  the  case  of  a  vessel  forced  by  distress,  or  charged  with  public  despatches  tm 
hereinafter  provided  for,  such  person  or  persons  shall,  on  couvicti^o,  suffer  all 
the  pains  and  penalties  by  the  laws  provided  for  such  off  nces. 

And  1  do  hereby  enjoin  and  require  all  pei-son>  bearing  oflSce,  civil  or  military, 
within  or  under  the  authority  of  the  United  St'\^es,  and  all  others,  citizens  or 
inhabitants  thereof,  or  being  within  the  same,  with  vigihnce  and  promptitude  to 
exert  their  respective  authoritie!>,  and  to  be  aiding  and  assisting  to  the  carrying 
this  proclamation,  and  every  part  thereof,  into  full  effect 

Provitled  nevertlielcss,  tliat  if  any  such  vessel  shall  be  forced  into  tiie  harborf 
or  waters  of  the  United  States  by  digress,  by  the  dangers  of  the«ea,  or  by  th^ 
pursui*:  of  an  enemy,  or  shall  enter  them  charged  with  despatches  or  buiinesf 
from  tlieir  government,  or  shall  be  a  packtt  for  the  conveyance  of  letters  or 
des[:atches.  the  commnnding  o6ficcr  »mmodiit"iy  reporting  his  vessel  to  the 
collector  of  the  district,  stating  the  object  or  causes  of  entering  the  said  harbors 
or  waters,  and  conlbrming  himself  to  the  regulations  in  that  Case  prescribed  under 
the  authority  of  the  laws,  shall  be  allo^red  the  benefit  of  such  reRii'atioos  respect- 
ing repairs,  supplies,  stay,  intercourse  and  departure,  aa  ibali  be peimitted  under 
the  same  authority.  . 


m 

4',.  At 


114 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


In  teitimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal,  Ac. 

,  Given  at  Washington,  the  second  day  of  July,  one  thousand  eight 
'      -    ,       hundred  and  seven,  and  of  the  iodepeodence  of  the  United  Stntes 
the  thirty-first. 

Th  .  JEFFERSON. 
By  the  President, 

James  Madison,  Secretary  ^5ta<e. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  realize  the 
indignation,  the  abhorrence,  the  resentment,  universally  exci- 
ted by  the  outrageous  conduct  of  Captain  Humphreys.  It  per- 
vaded every  quarter  of  the  union,  without  exception.  All  par- 
ty distinctions  were  lost  for  the  moment.  Pederalists  and  de- 
mocrats, foreigners  and  natives,  all  united  in  the  strongest  call 
upon  the  government  to  procure  redress  for  the  outrage.  War 
was  contemplated  throughout  the  union,  and  there  was  hardly  a 
meeting  held,  of  which  the  members  did  not  most  solemnly  . 
pledge  themselves  to  support  the  constituted  authorities  in 
whatever  measures  might  he  requisite  for  the  defence  of  the  na- 
tional rights  and  national  honor. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  some  idea  of  the  fervid  state  of 
the  public  mind,  I  submit  the  following  extracts  1o  his  perusal. 
They  are  fair  specimens  of  the  universal  sentiment  on  this  in- 
teresting topic. 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Ridimondj  held 

July  1,  1807. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  deprecate  the  horrors  of  war,  and  approve  all  honor- 
able meant  of  averting  them,  we  possess  the  firm  hope  that  the  government  of 
the  United  States  nUl  avenge  this  unparalleled  oxUrage  with  the  spirit  which 
becomes  the  nation,  and  which  the  nation  feels ;  believing  as  we  do,  that 
however  unequal  may  be  our  naval  strength,  our  enemies  have  nevertheless 
vulnerable  points  witliin  our  reach,  throvgh  which  we  may  be  able  to  strike 
them  vitally. 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  West  Chester,  July  4,  1807. 

"  Resolved  unaninumsly.  That  we  shall  consider  the  government  of  Great 
Britain  as  having  forfeited  all  claim  to  the  friendship  and  hospitality  of  the 
government  and  people  of  the  United  States,  until  ample  and  proper  satisfaction 
ve  made ;  and  in  conformity  therewith,  we  do  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to 
maintain  the  strict  observance  of  the  proclamation  of  the  president  of  the  IJuited 
ptates,  -by  eveiy  meant  in  our  power. 

**  Resolved,  That  ne  shall,  at  all  times,  be  prepared  to  encounter  all  kasards,  to 
vmntttin  the  rights  and  independence  qf  our  country  with  our  lives  and  our/ortunes; 
amd  that  we  will  rupport  the  administration  of  the  general  government  in  e^feTy 
proper  meaiure  which  it  may  adopt,  in  the  alternative  of  a  coerced  retribution  of 
«ur .wrongs,  or  in  calling  forth  the  «nergy  and  resources  of  the  people  at  tlu9 
important  cris^,»» 

Extract  from  the  ptoegf dings  of  the  citizens  of  Lewistoun  and  its  vicinity^ 

July  10,  1807. 

**  Resolvrd  unanimously,  Tha^  the  reptrJed  aggressions  ami  violations  committed 
>  by  Great  Mrilain  against  all  neiitrmln9tv,n!i  in  ^enertnlj  and  particularly  againsti 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


na 


htld 


1807. 

Great 

of  the 

sfaction 

ves   to 

United 


vieiniiyi 


ihcpersam  and  privileges  of  our  citizeni,  as  a  free  and  independcDt  people,  have 
cxcitfd  in  us  just  abhorrence  and  indignation  ;  titat  the  late  outrage  by  tlie 
Leopard  ship  ol'  war  af^niast  the  Chesapeake,  we  consider  as  a  premeditated  insult 
tt  our  government  and  national  character,  and  wearing  so  barbarous  an  aspectf 
that  longer  patience  nould  degrade  the  name  of  Americans. 

"  Resolved  uaaniinously,  Tiiat  if  upon  tlie  rateeting  of  Congress,  it  shall  be 
found  n^ce^sary  to  resort  to  hostile  measures  against  Great  Britain  for  the  attain- 
uient  of  justice,  n<e  will  cheerfully  submit  to  any  deprivations,  or  hardships  attendar}l 
on  a  stale  qf  war  ;  and  we  will  make  every  exertion  to  perfect  ourgielves  in  tlie 
Toilitary  art,  and  equip  ourselves  to  oppose  the  base  and  cowardly  enemy  of  our 
country." 

Ji^xlract  from  the  proceedings  of  thi  eitiaens  of  Alexandria^  June  27, 180T. 

'*  Resolved,  That  the  tyrannic  conduct  .of  the  British  aation  on  the  ocean  has 
justly  rendered  her  odious  among  all  civilized  powers. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  vieiv  the  late  savage  and  dastardly  outrage  eommittul  b}/ 
the  Leopard  British  ship  qf  n^r  on  t/kc  United  Statu  frigat*  Chesapeake,  wUk 
due  indignation.''*  ^,  j 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  eitieens  of  Wilmington,  Delaware,  July 
4,  1807,  the  venerable  John  Dickinson  in  the  chair, 

"  Resolved,  That  we  view  with  the  strongest  sentiments  of  indignation  and  ab' 
horrence  the  late  unprovoked,  lawless,  andfcrocious  attack  made  by  the  British  ship 
of  war  Leopard  upon  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  and  ther  daring  insult  offeredlhereby 
to  the  flag,  the  government,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States/' 

Extraclfrtm  the  'proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore f  June  SO,  1807. 

"  Resolved  unanimously.  That  we  view  with  indignation  and  horror  the  wantoa 
attack  lately  made  upon  the  Chesapeake  frigate  by  the  British  ship  of  war* 
Leopard,  by  which  many  of  our  fellow-citizens  have  been  killed  and  wounded, 
and  the  government  and  flag  of  our  country  most  grossly  insulted. 

*'  Resolved  unanimously^,  That  we  have  perfect  confidence  in  the  wisdom  {md 
ArmnesB  of  the  administration  to  enforce  satisfaction  for  an  outrage  so  glaring  and 
injurious  to  the  honor  and.  dignity  of  our  country. 

'*  Resolved  unanimously.  That  r»e  will  with  our  lives  and  fortunes  suppoi't  th^ 
government  in  all  such  measures  as  they  may  adop^on  this  nwmentous  occasion,  to 
obtain  redress  and  satisfaction  for- the  outrage  aforesaid." 

Extract  from  the  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  July  i,  1807^ 
Joseph  Hopkinson,  esq.  secretary.* 

"  Resolved,  That  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  United  States,  ha4 
been  too  often  marked  by  hostility,  injustice,  and  oppression ;  and  that  the  out- 
rage coininitted  by  the  Leopard,  one  of  her  ships  of  war  under  the  express  ordeni. 
of  one  of  her  admirals,  upon  the  Chesapeake,  a  frigate  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  is  an  att  of  such  consummate  violence  and  rvrimg,  and  of  so  barbarow  an4 
and  murderous  a  character,  that  it  nould  debase  and  degrade  any  nation  and  muelii 
more  so,  a  nation  of  freemen,  to  submit  to  it. 

*'  Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  administr^^tion  of  the  general  govern* 
ment  in  all  and  every  measure  which  may  be  adopted  by  them,  to  avenge  the 
wrongs  onr  country  has  suffered  from  Great  Britain,  and  to  compel^  the  most  rigid 
retribution ;  and  that  to  attain  a  full  measure  of  justice  from  her,  we  p)«dge  ouiy 
selves  to  make  any  sacrifices,  and  to  encounter  any  hazards. 

"  Resolved,  That  by  the  laws  and  usages  of  nations,  a  national  ship  is  alwayx 
uempt  and  free  from  examination  or  search,  by  any  foreign  vessel  or  power. 

*  To  ttaders  at  a  distance  from  Philadelphia,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state  that 
!V9r.  Hopkinson  is  and  has  always  been  as  decided  a  (ederalist  ai  Harrisoa  Qra^ 
Otis,  Timothy  Pickering,  ot  Jqsiah  Qgiocj. 


m 


ft 

f16 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


**  Rtsohed,  That  this  premeditated  outrage  it  considered  as  lahtuirwunl  to  a  dt- 
daration  of  mar  on  the  part  '/Great  Britain,  and  an  evincive  (if  an  trreamC^table 
kosHlUy  to  this  nation. 

*'  Hewlved,  1  hat  we  entertain  a  confidence,  that  (he  government  of  the  United 
States  will  adopt  the  most  decisive  and  vigorous  measures  to  obtain  reparation  for 
the  injuries  and  wrongs  eustained  from  the  governuieut  of  Great  Bfitaiu.*' 

Extraetfrom  the  proceedings  o/a'theeting  of  citizens  of  Vitlsbnrghy  held  July 

10, 1807- 

*•  Resolved,  That  the  late  outrageous  and  hostile  conduct  of  the  officers  of  the 
British  navy,  to  tlie  flag  of  the  Unite/!  States  on  the  coast  of  Virginia,  Jias  excited 
eur  highest  indignation. 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  ev»ry  true  American  to  aid  the  government 
ofour  country  in  all  measures  having  a  tendency  to  protect  lU  best  interests,  its 
honor  and  iudcpeudeuce." 

Extraetfrom  the  proceedings  of  the  Citizens.of  Norfolk,  June  24. 

"Resolved  unanimously,  That  we  view  this  unprovoked,  piratical,  savage 
&n<l  absassin-like  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake  wLtli  th;it  horror  aud  detestutmu 
vrhich  should  always  attend  a  violation  ot  the  faith  of  nations  and  the  laws  of  war; 
and  we  plpdjte  our  lives  and  our  property  to  co  operate  with  the  government  in 
any  measures  which  they  may  adopt,  whether  of  vengeance  or  retaliation." 

Extraetfrom  an  address  of  a  commHtee  appointed  in  Norfolk^  to  their  fellow 

Citizena,  dated  July  H,  1^7 , 

*'  The  last  de«d  of  savage  ferocity,  unparalleled  even  in  the  naval  annuls  of 
Britain,  awakened  the  sentiment  of  ahhorrence  in  every  breast.  Etfpry  voice 
liras  loud  in  its  call  for  reparation,  commensurate  to  the  insult ;  British  in!>olence 
and  barbarity  had  reached  tiie  neplus  uUta.  They  bad  the  unblushing  eflrontery 
to  claim  the  rights  of  liospitality,  while  their  hands  were  crimsoned  and  smoking 
trith  the  blood  of  your  countrymen ;  even  at  the  instaat  they  bad  declared  war, 
in  sight  of  those  shores  from  which,  BOt  many  years  past,  their  discomfited  and 
recreant  myrmidonti  were  driven  with  disgrace ;  in  sight  of  those  monuments,  whicli 
fill  your  breasts  with  a  holy  and  inspiring  admiration  for  the  valor  and  triumphs 
of  your  forefathers.  The  nation  was  unexpectedly  plunged  into  war,  and  your- 
selves the  first  exposed  to  its  luthless  blast.  The  choice  of  tame  submissiou  or 
resistance  was  forced  on  your  consideration  ;  with  one  voice  you  declared  that 
your  ancestors  had  wrested  their  rights,  their  liberties,  and  independence,  from 
the  suffocating  grasp  of  British  tyranny,  by  the  sword  ;  and  tliat  you,  thcii 
posterity,  had  resolved  with  it  tp  defend  and  to  perpetuate  the  hallowed  patt  i- 
fftony." 

"  Extraetfrom  the  proceedings  of  the  CitisemofNew  York,  July  2, 1807. 

"  Having  received,  with  the  mos,t  lively  indignation,  authentic  information, 
that  on  th(i  22A  ult.  an  attack,  unwarranted  by  the  known  usages  of  nations,  and 
in  violation  of  ournational  rights,  was  made  off  the  capes  of  Virginia,  on  tlie 
tJnited  States*  frigate  Chesapeake,  commodore  Barron,  by  his  Britannic  majesty's 
armed  ship  the  Leopard,  captain  Humphreys:  the  citizens  of  New-Vork, 
assembled  m  general  meeting,  deem  it  to  oe  their  duty  to  express  their  opinionij 
<Dn  this  fresh  outrage  offered  to  their  national  sovereignty  by  the  navy  of  Great 
Britain. 

*'  Resolved,  that  we  consider  the  dastardly  and  unprovoked  attack  made  op 
4he  United  States*  armed  ship  Chesapeake,    by  his  Britannic  majesty's  ship, 
the  Leopard,  to  )ie  a  violation  of  our  national  rIghtSi  as  atrocious  as  it  i$  vti\ 
preeedented."  ..   —'     v^  i  ^       *•         -> 


■?=^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


llf^ 


E(l  patii 


1807. 

)rinntion, 
ons,  and 
on  tite 
majesty's 
w-York, 
opinions 
of  Great 

made  op 

ty's  ship, 
isiti§«»- 

;» 


Last  in  the  long  Tist,  let  me  take  the  liberty  orofTering  to  the 
%voi'!ii  t'  :  sentiments  of  the  citizens  of 'Boston,  io  town  meetingr 
held  in  the  court-house. 

Boslon,  July  iOy  1807. 

"  Wliereas  it  appears  by  a  proclamation  issued  by  the  President  of  tiie  United 
filiates,  that  a  most  wanton  and  cruel  outrage  has  been  committed  upon  the  United 
{jtatep'  frigate  Cliesape»i»e,  by  th"  British  ship  of  war  licopard,  in  which  our 
ri(i/:piis  have  been  wounded  nnd  murdered,  and  the  flag  of  our  nation  insulted  and 
violated.  And  wlierira«  it  is  the  duty,  as  well  as  rigfit,  of  the  citizens  of  a  free 
country  to  express  their  readiness  to  Pupr>ort  the  constituted  authorities  in  the 
measures  thoy  may  adont  for  national  redress  of  an  injury  so  barbarous  in  its 
nature,  and  fo  unprecedented  in  its  execution  :    therefoie, 

''  Resolved  unanimously.  That  the  late  aggression,  committed  by  a  British  ship 
of  \VA,-  on  a  frigate  of  the  United  States,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  taking  from 
Jier  hy  iorce  a  part  of  her  crew,  was  a  wanton  outrage  upon  the  persons  and  lives 
of  oji'  clti;;en<',  and  a  direct  attack  on  our  national  sovei  eignty  and  independence ; 
that  the  spirited  conduct  of  our  fellow  citizens  at  Norfolk  on  this  occasion,  hf'fore 
tlie  orders  of  government  could  be  obtained,  was  highly  honorable  to  themselves 
auil  to  the  nation. 

•' Rpsolved  unanimously,  That  rrja  the  Jirm,  dignyied,  and  temperate  policy 
nd'iptcd  hy  our  executire  at  this  muniHiiious  crisis  is  entitled  to  our  most  cordial 
gpprobatlim  and  support. 

"  Ros  Ived  unanimously,  Tliat  XTitli  all  our  personal  influence  and  exertions 
we  will  viid  and  assist  t!ie  constituted  authorities  ui  carrying  the  proclamation  of 
t  lie  president  of  the  United  States,  in  every  particular,,  into  full  and  effectual 
oxfcutias, 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  though  we  unite  with  our  government  in  wishing 
most  ardently  for  peace  on  juBt  and  honorable  terms,  yet  rj^  vfc  are  rea^" 
cin?erfully  to  co-operate  in  any  measures,  however  serious,  wiiicti  they  may  judge 
neccssaty  for  the  safety  and  honor  of  our  country,  and  will  suppqrt  them  with 
our  lives  ami  fortunes." 

Besides  tlie  above  meeting,  there  was  another  held  in  Boston^ 
at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  16th  July,  1807,  at  which  John  Coffin 
Jones,  esq.  acted  as  moderator*  John  Quiney  Adams,  Ham^ofi 
Grai/  Otisy  Wm.  EuatU,  Christopher  QorCy  Charles  Jones,  John 
C.  Joncsy  Thomas  H.  Perkins^  Jonaihaa.  Masoriy  and  John  War- 
ren, esqrs.  were  appointed  a  committe  to  prepare  a  report,  whicbr 
contained  the  following  resolutions 

Resolved,  that  we  consider  the  unprovoked  att&ck  made  on  the  United  States* 
armed  ship  Chesapeake,  by  the  Bnstish  ship  of  war  Leopard,  a  wanton  outrage 
upon  the  lives  of  our  fellow-ciiizens,  a  direct  violation  of  our  national  honor,  and 
an  infringement  of  our  national  right?  and  sovereigntj'. 

Resolved,  that  we  most  sincerely  approve  the  proclamation,  and  the  firm  and 
di.-ipassionate  course  of  policy  pursued  oy  the  president  of  the  United  States,  and 
ih>  will  cordially  unite  with  our  fellow-citizens  in  afTording  effectual  support  to 
Euci.  measures  as  our  government  may  further  adopt,  in  the  present  crisis  of  our 
affairs. 

To  those  unacquainted  with  the  solemnity-  and  regularity  of 
the  proceedings  in  Boston  town  meetings,  it  may  not  be  improp^ 
er  to  state,  that  there  is  probably  no  town  in  the  world  whose 
public  meetings  are  conducted  with  more  propriety  and  deco- 
rum-^aud  that  these  resolutions  may  be  regarded  ae  full  and  as 


W- 


)I8 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


fair  an  expression  of  the  sentiments  of  the  citizens  of  (he  toT\u 
as  ever  \\m  given. 

I  have  already  ofTered  a  few  reflections  on  the  cliarge  of 
French  influence,  so  universally  alledged  against  Mr.  Jeflerson, 
and  80  generally  believed  by  the  federalists  throughout  the  un> 
ion.  At  the  period  of  passing  these  resolves,  hf  had  l)een  in 
oflice  six  yeni's  and  four  mouths,  out  of  eight  yeftrs  of  his  presi- 
dency. And,  6ehold,  the  town  of  Boston,  after  so  long  an  ex- 
perience of  his  conduct  in  this  dignifled  and  arduous  oflic4'» 
passes  on  him  the  highest  encomiums  for  his  ^•firm^  and  dispas- 
sionate course  of  policy  y''  at  a  crisis  of  the  utmost  delicacy.  What 
a  contrast — what  a  contradiction  between  this  panegyric  and 
the  never-ending  abuse,  the  remorseless  virulence,  with  whicfr 
he  has  been  assailed  from  that  period  to  the  present,  in  tiiai 
town,  by  men,  the  ms^jor  part  of  whom  were  probably  at  the 
meeting,  and  concurred  in  this  vote  of  approbation !  Alas !  alas  f 
what  a  poor,  miserable,  contemptible,  senseless  animal  is  man ! 
To  how  little  purpose  is  he  endowed  with  that  proud,  distinct- 
ive faculty,  called  reason,  of  which  he  makes  so  little  use  ! 

It  is  due  to  Justice,  and  to  the  spirit  of  impartiality  which  I 
have  studiously  labored  to  preserve  throughout  this  work,  to 
state,  that  previous  to  the  sailing  of  the  Chesapeake,  Mr.  Ham- 
ilton, the  British  consul  at  Norfolk,  hiKl  made  repeated  oflicial- 
demands  of  these  four  seamen,  which  demands  were  repelled  by 
the  oflicers  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  with  the  concurrence  and 
approblsition  of  the  cabinet  at  Washington.  This  refusal  led  to 
the  orders  issued  by  admiral  Berkley,  then  at  Halifax,  to  Cap- 
tain Humphreys,  to  take  the  men  by  force. 

It  is  also  due  to  justice,  to  state,  that  as  these  men  had  enter- 
ed voluntarily  on  board  the  Chesapeake — and  as  Great  BrilaJn 
steadily  refuses  to  surrender  foreigners  who  enter  her  vessels 
voluntarily — the  claim  made  for  these  four  sailors  was  not  justi- 
fied or  warranted  by  her  own  practice. 

The  following  account  of  three  of  the  four  men  thus  seijed,  is 
extracted  from  a  letter  written  by  commodore  Baroa,  to  the  sec- 
retary of  the  navy,  and  dated  April  7lh,  1812.  It  arose  from 
the  requisition  of  the  British  Consul  at  Norfolk  for  the  delivery 
of  these  persons* 

"  William  Ware,  pressed  from  on  board  the  brig  Neptune,  captain  Ci  afts,  by 
the  British  frigate  Melampu^,  iu  t'.ie  bay  of  Biscay,  and  has  served  on  board  the 
•aid  frigate  fifteen  months.  "• 

•*  William  Ware  is  a  native  American,  born  on  Pipe  creek,  Frederick  county, 
state  of  Maryland,  at  Bruce's  mil  I?,  and  served  his  time  at  said  niiUs.  He  also 
lived  at  EUicott's  mills,  near  Baltimore,  and  drove  a  waggon  several  years  be- 
tween Hagerstwvn  ard  Baltimore.  He  also  served  eigliteen  months  on  board  the 
United  States*  frigate  Chesapeake,,  under  the  command  of  commodore  Morris  su)d 
<aptaia  Jajnes  ^arrua.    He  u  ao  Indlaa-lookiiig  maa* 


of( 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


lift* 


;e  of 

son, 

:  uiv 

D  in 

iresi- 

1  ex- 

fficf* 

Fpas- 

kVhat 

;  and 

vhicfr 

thai 
it  the 

alasV 
man! 
ilinct- 

liich  I 
)rk,  to 
Ham- 
official- 
led  by 
ce  and 
led  to 
Cap- 
enter- 
iritaia 
vessels 
[)tjttBli- 

jed,  is 
he  sec- 
se  from 
elivery 

afts,  by 
)oard  the 

k  county, 
He  also 
years  be- 
board  the 
lorris  and 


'•  Danii'l  Martin  was  i>iP'«ird  nf  llif  snmp  time  and  idaro.  Hois  a  nntivr  of 
WfsliJort,  in  MiisBiw-liiisrHs,  ubout  tliirty  miles  to  tlie  rnstward  of  IN<'Wj)Oit, 
Rhode- Island  ;  jf-rvt'd  liisi  liini'  oi  (  of  Nivv-York,  with  captain  Marrowby,  in  Ihf 
Cah'donia  ;  refertitoMr.  nt'iM.imin  l)ilvi^,  niercliant,  and  Mr.  Uciij  unin  Corce, 
of  VVcstport.     He  is  acoli^ii  d  mm 

"John  Straclian,  bom  on  ilw  r  astern  vhim-  of  M.irybtml,  Uiirrn  Ann'i  connty, 

between  Ccnterville  and  Qiin'n-i-toAn  :  ref-rs  to  Mr  .loiui  rrioc,  and IV'ilt, 

Efiq.  on  Kent  Ifiland  wlto  know  lij^  rclrttions.  :?triu'lian  ^iiili  d  in  t!ie  hrig  Martha 
DInnd,  cantuin  VVivill.  from  New  York  to  I)ii''!iii,  mid  froii.  {Ii^-iire  to  Liverpool. 
He  tliere  left  the  biig  and  shipped  on  btvrd -i,  K:i -i.di  (iaii'.'iimaii.  Me  wm 
pressed  on  l)oard  tUe  Melampns  off  cape  Mui^U'ri-' ,  to  bctlrr  ids  situation,  he 
consented  to  enter,  bcin;j  dcternjini-d  to  in  i  ••  his  i-cnp*-  n  lii>«  opportunity  ofTered. 
He  served  on  board  the  frit;ate  two  years.  Hl*  i^j  a  wlute  man,  about  live  f^et 
seven  inches  high. 

*'  U'illiam  Ware  and  John  Strachnn  have  prolcctiotis,  D^oiel  Martin  sayi  ha 
lost  his  after  after  leaving  the  frigate."  ,         , 

.«» 

While  the  American  mind  was  festering  untler  the  atrocioui 
outrage  perpetrated  by  Capt.Hum[ihreys,  the  Brilisli  government 
isBued  a  proclamation,  directing  the  search  for,  and  seizure  of 
British  subjects  on  boanl  neutral  merchant  vessels,  of  which  I 
subjoin  the  two  principal  paragraphs. 

•'For  the  better  execution  of  the  purposes  of  this  our  royal  proflamation,  we 
do  aiithoris^e  and  command  all  captains,  masters,  and  others  commanding  our  ships 
and  vessels  of  war,  to  stop  and  make  stay  of  all  and  every  such  person  or  persons 
(beio^  our  natural  bom  subjects)  as  shall  endeavor  to  transport  or  enter  themselves 
Into  the  service  of  any  foreiiin  state,  contrary  to  the  uitcnt  and  command  of  this 
our  royal  proclamation,  and  to  seize  upon,  take,  and  bring  away  all  such  persons 
as  aforesaid,  who  shall  be  found  to  be  employed  or  servinj;  in  any  foreign  merchant 
ship  or  vessel  as  aforesaid  ;  but  we  do  strictly  enjoin  all  sui'li  of  our  captains, 
masters,  and  others,  that  they  do  permit  no  man  to  go  on  bo:ird  .^uch  ships  and 
ve.<;sels  belonging  to  states  at  amity  with  us,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  upon,  taking 
and  bringing  away,  such  persons  as  aforesaid,  for  whose  discreet  and  orderly 
demeanor,  the  said  captains  cannot  answer  ;  and  that  they  do  take  especial  c^re 
that  no  unnecesxay  violence  be  done  or  offered  to  the  vessel,  op  to  the  remainder 
of  tlie  crew,  from  out  of  which  sjich  persons  shall  be  taken. 

*'  And  in  case  of  their  receiving  information  of  any  such  person  or  persons  being 
employed,  or  serving  on  board  any  ship  of  war  belonging  to  such  foreign  state, 
being  a  state  at  amity  with  us,  we  do  authorise  and  command  our  captains, 
masters,  and  others  commanding  our  ships  of  war,  to  require  of  the  captain  or 
conwuander  of  f^uch  foreign  ship  of  war,  that  he  do  forthwith  release  and  discliargc 
such  person  or  persons,  being  our  natural  born  subject  or  subjects  ;  and  if  such 
release  and  disciiarge  sball  be  refused,  then  totran.smit  infonn  ition  of  such  refusal 
to  tlie  commander  in  chief  of  the  squadron  under  whose  orders  su'.*h  captain  or 
commanders  ,=!hall  be  then  serving;  which  information  the  said  commpnder  in  chief 
is  hereby. strictly  directed  and  enjoined  to  transmit,  with  the  least  possible  delay, 
to  our  minister  « esiding  at  the  seat  of  government  of  that  stnte  to  which  the  ^aid 
foreign  ship  of  war  shall  belong,  to  demand  reparation  for  tiie  injury  done  to  u« 
by  the  unwarrautabie  detention  of  our  natural  born  subjects  iii  the  service  of  a 
foreign  state." 


-V 


) 


u«. 


THE  OLIVE  branch: 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


Blockade  of  the  Coast  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest.    Berlin  Decree. 

[NRri^:AD  of  ie»Ire»9liig  th«  grievances  of  which  our  merrhantfl 
ro  loiully,  nnd  so  floqucnUy,  nnil  sojuatly  complained,  the  Ilrit- 
isri  governnu-nf,  on  the  lOih  of  iM»y,  1808,  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  cele')rf\le<!  (>h  tries  .Inmes  Fox.  Issued  a  proclama- 
tion, t)lui*k;idini?  the  constof  Germany,  Holland,  and  France, 
fr  JOT  tlu'  KP'O  to  Brest,  exlendinc  to  about  800  miles.  Ther« 
never  was  .m  ailfipiate  force  alationed  to  effect  a  legal  hlockado 
of  ft  third  part  of  tlie  coast  incUnled  witlrin  tile  prochimation. 

The  Fn  nch  govei  nun  n<,  exasperated  at  thin  otfensive  and 
unjjstitiaMe  meaisure,  retaliated  on  (jlreat  nritain.  by  the  noto- 
rious Berlin  decree,  whereby  the  whole  of  the  British  domiur 
ions  were  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  hlocka«le,  although  a  sin- 
gle French  vessel  of  war  hardly  dared  to  shew  itself  on  the 
seas ! ! ! 

Imperial  decree  declaring  the  British  Isles  in  a  state  of  Blockade. 

Imperial  Camp,  Berlin,  IVov.  21,  1806. 

N^pDlcnn,  Rinjirror  of  tlie  Frpncli,  mid  Kina;  of  Haly,  considering: 
1 .    I'lal  MfigLiiid  does  not  admit  ttie  right  of  liatiouii,  as  universally  aclnowledg- 
ed  by  all  civilized  people  ; 

'{.  Tliiit  filie  declares  as  an  enpmy  every  individual  helontting  to  an  enemy 
state,  and  in  consequence  makcR  prisoners  of  war,  not  only  of  the  crews  of  armed 
vessels,  but  those  also  ottntrchaiit  vessel?,  and  even  the  siipercargoes  of  the  same  ; 

3.  Tiint  she  extends  or  a]>plies  to  merchant  vessels,   to  articTes  of  conimeicc, 
and  to  the  property  of  individuals,  the  right  of  conqueut,  which  can  only  be  applied" 
or  extended  to  w!«at  belongi  to  an  enemy  state  ; 

4.  That  she  extt'nds  to  ports  not  fortified,  to  harbors  and  mouths  of  river?,  the 
Tight  of  hliickade,  which,  according  to  reason  and  the  usage  of  civilised  nations,  is 
applicable  only  to  ptroug  or  fortified  ports  ; 

:».  That  she  declares  places  blockaded  before  which  she  has  not  a  single  vessel 
of  war ;  although  a  place  ought  not  to  be  considered  blockaded  but  vrlun  it  is  so 
inve^'ted  as  that  no  approacii  to  it  can  be  made  without  iamiineTit  i'.azard  :  that 
she  declares  even  places  blockaded  which  her  united  forces  would  be  incapabic  oi* 
doing,  such  as  entire  coasts,  and  a  whole  empire  ; 

6  That  this  unequalled  abuse  of  the  right  of  blockade  has  no  olher  object  than 
to  interrupt  the  communication  of  diftcrent  nations,  and  to  extend  the  commerce 
and  industry  of  England  upon  the  ruiu  of  those  of  the  continent ; 

7.  That  tins  being  the  evident  design  of  England,  whoever  deals  on  the  continent 
in  English  merchandize  favors  that  design,  and  becomes  an  accomplice  ; 

8.  That  thih  conduct  in  England  (worthy  only  of  the  first  ages  of  barbarism) 
has  ber.eflted  her  to  the  detriment  of  other  nations  ; 

9.  That  it  being  right  to  oppoge>to  an  enemy  the  same  arms  she  mnkes  use  of; 
to  combat  as  she  does ;  when  all  ideas  of  justice,  and  every  liber.il  sentiment 
(thi?  result  of  civilization  among  men)  are  disregarded  ; 

We  have  resolved  to  enforce  against  England  the  usagec  which  she  has  consC* 
crated  in  her  maritime  code. 

The  present  decree  shall  be  considered  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  empirel, 
UBtii  England  has  acknowledged  that  the  rights  o/nar  are  the  eame  oa  land  as  at 


rp 


rHE  OUVK  BRANCH. 


121 


vessel 
it  i«  $0 

:  tliat 
lable  oi 


rbarlsm) 

uspof ; 
iDtiinent 

LS  conge^ 

enipir^, 
and  as  at 


tfa  i  that  it  cannot  be  rxtrnde  I  to  any  private  proprrty  whntcver,  nor  to  pirsoni 
ivlio  art- not  iiiilitanf  and  until  tlir  U'^Ul  of  hluckadin)(  be  reatraiind  to  loititied 
places  Bctu.il I V  invp'-l«d  by  coinpi-tint  fori'»'^. 

Article  I.  'i'lie  nrlli-li  islands  are  in  ■<  •■t.ile  of  blm-kade.  "' 

2.  All  commerce  and  coiie-pondeno  «it'i  lli'iii  is  j  rolilbited,  Consefjuently, 
all  l''tter«  or  packets,  wrillni  I'/t  Fit);;tand,  oi  to  ho  EiiKlisIiman,  «Ti</(.n  in  (hi 
Ennlii/i  Unguufrty  Hliall  iiul  be  il«Mp:ucliecl  froLit  tlic  posl-oHIccs  ;  aud  iliull  be 
si'in'^d. 

:{.  Kvery  individii  il,  a  «iil',;?ct  of  fir»«at  Britnln  of  whatever  rank  or  con'lition 
who  i*t  found  ill  countries  ocvupied  by  «/ 1 >'  troop's  or  tlio>e  of  our  alliei,  Bliall  be 
nr.iilc  prisoner  of  war. 

I.  flvcry  «are-lioii«ie,  all  mcrclirindfzc  or  properly  wlialcvcr,  bcl()t>fi{ig  to  an 
r.ti;;ll'diiniu>,  are  dcrliirrd  Rood  pil/.e. 

.'».  Oiio  half  of  the  proceeds  of  inerciiandizr  drclar^d  to  b«  j[ood  prize,  and  for- 
f.  ill  (I  as  in  the  pretcdin:;  artirlet,  whali  go  to  iiidciniiify  tuiTcliints  who  have  8uf- 
KTt  d  lo-ses  by  the  KnKli^b  cuiisrr.-'. 

<}.  No  vesHfl  cominsj  directly  from  FnKland  or  hrr  colonies,  or  having  been 
liiore  since  the  puhlicallfm  ofthi.s  decree,  shall  be  admittt'd  into  any  port. 

7.  Every  vessji;!  th;it  by  a  false  declaration,  contriiV(  nis  the  foregoing  diipbft- 
tio!i,  shall  be  seized,  and  the  sliip  and  carfjoconfi  rated  iis  KngliHli  property. 

8.  [TlU!)  article  stitex,  that  the  councils  of  prizes  at  Paris  and  at  Milan  siiall 
have  recognisance  of  what  may  arise  in  the  empire  and  in  Italy  under  the  present 
article.] 

9.  Comnninications  of  this  decree  shall  be  made  to  the  kings  of  Spain,  Naples, 
Holland,  Rtrinia,  and  to  our  other  alliei,  whose  subjects,  as  well  a<  ours,  are 
victims  of  the  ii»jnries  and  barbarity  of  the  English  maritime  code. 

10.  Our  minister*  of  foreign  relattoni,  j|rc>  are  charged  with  the  execution  of 
the  present  decree.  I^TAPOLEON. 

EiLtravagant  as  this  decree  appears,  it  is  capable  of  some  de- 
fence; a  defence  not  void  of  plausibility.  It  was  promulgated 
to  retaliate  the  blockade  of  a  great  extent  of  coast,  of  which,  as  I 
have  stated,  two-thirds  were  not  invested  by  any  force  whatev- 
er. And  it  cannot  be  denied  that  if  the  blockade  of  a  single 
port  three  miles  in  extent,  much  more  a  long  line  of  coast,  with- 
out a  force  to  support  it,  be  legal,  the  blockade  of  the  British  do> 
ininions,  or  even  of  a  whole  continent,  without  a  force,  is  like- 
wise legal.  And  I  am  [)ersuaded  that  Capt.  Boyle's  celebrated 
blockade  of  the  British  dominions,  was  quite  as  legal  and  defea- 
sible, as  the  late  blockade  of  such  ports  of  the  United  States  as 
had  no  naval  force  stationed  before  them. 

So  far  as  respected  American  vessels,  the  Berlin  decree  was 
not  enforced  for  twelve  months.  This  is  a  most  important  fact, 
and  is  not  asserted  lightly.  It  stands  on  resi)ectable  authority, 
lo  which  no  objection  will  lie.  This  authority  is  Alexander 
B:trin^^,  Esq.  member  of  the  British  bouse  of  commons. 

'•  N't!  condemnation  qf  an  American  vessel  had  ever  taken  place  under  il  ;  and  <# 
little  did  the  French  privateers  interfere  with  the  trade  of  America  with  this  coun- 
try, that  the  inmrance  on  it  has  been  very  little  higher  than  in  time  qf  prqfound 
ptice ;  while  that  on  tho  American  trad?  with  the  continent  of  Europe  ha.s  at  thp 
hiiine  tjiue'been  doubled  and  even  trebled  by  the  conduct  of  our  cruisers."* 

*  "  Enquiry  into  the  causes  and  consec^uences  of  the  orders  in  council ;  and  aft 
esiiniuatioii  qI  the  coiidiicj  of  Great  Britaia  towards  the  neutral  commerce  of  Al- 


122 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Besides  the  above  authoritj-,  I  annex  an  official  proof  of  my 
position: —  , 

Paris,  Nov.  12,  1807. 

Sir — It  was  not  till  yesterday  that  I  received  from  Mr.  Skipwith  a  copy  of  the 
decree  of  the  council  of  prizes,  in  the  case  of  the  Horizon.  This  is  thejirsl  un- 
friendly  decision  of  that  body  under  the  decret  of  the  21  st  of  Nov.  180li<  la  this 
case,  and  on  the  petition  of  the  defendant,  the  court  has  recommended  the  restor- 
ation of  the  whole  cargo.  I  did  not  however  think  proper  to  join  in  asking  as  h 
favor,  what  1  believed  mjself  entitled  to  as  a  right.  I  subjoin  a  copy  of  my  note 
to  the  minister  of  foreign  afTairs.  And  am,  sir,  Jrc.  . 

JOHN  ARMSTRONG. 

Mr.  Madison^  See.  ^  •     ■  '  ' 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Orders  in  Council  ofNovemhcr  11 /fc,  1807.     Milan  Decree. 

As  a  retaliation  for  the  preceding  Berlin  decree,  were  issued 
the  orders  of  Nov.  11,  1807,  whereby  all  neutral  vessels,  bound 
to  France,  or  her  dependencies,  or  to  any  port  fronr  which 
British  vessels  were  excluded — and  further  all  vessels  furnished 
with  French  consular  certificates  of  the  origin  of  the  cargoes, 
were  declared  liable  to  seizure  and  condemnation.  This  meas- 
ure, so  destructive  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United 
States,  was  predicated  upon  our  acquiescence  in  the  Berlin  de- 
cree  of  November,  1806,  twelve  months  anterior,  although  that 
decree,  as  I  have  stated,  had  not  been  enforced  against  our 
commerce,  and  of  course  we  had  no  right  to  remonstrate  against 
it.  There  did  not,  therefore  exist  that  acquiescence  which 
could  have  warranted  this  high-handed  outrage. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  judge  correctly  on  the  subject  of 
these  celebrated  orders,  I  annex  a  copy  of  them  at  full  length. 

Jt  the  Court  of  the  Queen's  Paltuje,  thelUh  o/Novetnber,  1807, 
present^  the  King^s  most  excellent  Majesty  in  council. 

Whereas  certain  orders,  establishing  an  unprecedented  system  of  warfare  against 
this  kingdom,  and  aimed  especially  at  the  destruction  of  its  commerce  and  re- 
sources,^  were  some  time  since  is«ied  by  the  government  of  France,  by  which  "the 
British  islands  were  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade  ;♦*  thereby  subjecting  to 
capture  and  condemui>tion  all  vessels  with  their  cargoes,  which  should  continue  to 
trade  with  his  majesty's  dominions  : 

And  whereas  by  tlie  Fame  orders,  "  all  trading  in  English  merchandize  is  prohib- 
ited :^  and  every  article  of  merchandize  belonging  to  England,  or  coming  from  her 
colonics,  or  of  her  m-iuufacture,  is  declared  lawful  prize." 

And  whereas  the  nations  in  alliance  with  France,  and  under  her  control,  were 
required  to  give,  and  hare  given,  and  do  give,  effect  to  sucL  orders : 

inerica.    By  Alexander  Baring,  esq  M.  P."  London,  published  February,  ISOB* 
Republiihed  in  ThiladelpUia,  by  Bradford  and  Inskeep. 


I'HE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


VMi 


my 


07. 
)ftht 
if  un- 
a  this 
estor- 
;  as  a 
/  note 


ree. 

issued 
bound 
which 
nished 
irgoes, 
,  meas- 
Jnited 
in  de- 
h  that 
our 
tgainst 
which 


jt 


ect  of 
ength. 

1807, 

■ 

e  against 
and  re- 
ach "the 
iecting  to 
Intinue  to 

ks  prohib- 
[from  her 

[ol,  were 

-4. -if-     • 


And  whereas  his  majesty's  order  of  the  7th  of  January  last,  has  not  answered  the 
deifired  purpose,  either  (^compelling  the  enemy  to  recal  those  orders,  or  of  in- 
ducing  neutral  nat:ons  to  inteq>08P,  with  effect  to  obtain  their  revocation  ;  but, 
en  the  contraiy,  the  same  have  been  recently  enforced  with  increased  rigor : 

And  whereas  hia  m^esty,  under  these  circumstances,  finds  himself  compelled  to 
talce  further  measures  for  asserting  and  vindicating  his  jui>t  rights,  mid  for  sup- 
porting that  maritime  power  which  the  exertions  and  valor  of  hin  people  liave, 
under  the  blessing  of  providence,  enabled  him  toostabiish  and  maintain  ;  and  tiie 
maintenance  of  which  is  not  more  essential  to  the  safety  and  prof^perity  of  iiis 
majesty's  dominions,  than  it  is  to  the  protection  of  such  states  as  still  retain 
their  independence,  and  to  the  general  intercourse  and  happiness  of  mankind. 

His  majesty  is  therefore  pleased,  by  and  with  the  *idvice  of  his  privy  council, 
'to  order,  and  it  is  liereby  ordered,  that  all  the  pMs  and  places  qf  France  and  her 
nlHes,  or  of  any  other  country  at  mar  rvith  his  majesty,  and  all  other  ports  or  places 
in  Europe,  from  nihich,  although  not  at  tvar  mith  his  majesty,  the  British  flag  is 
excluded^  and  all  ports  or  places  in  the  colonies  belonging  to  his  majesty'*s  enemies^ 
shall  from  henceforth,  be  subject  to  the  same  restriclums  in  point  qf  trade  and 
navigation,  with  the  exceptions  hneinafler  mentioned,  as\fthe  sami  wrre  actually 
blockaded  by  his  majesty'^ s  navalforces,  in  the  most  strict  and  rigorous  ma7iner. 
And  it  is  hereby  further  ordered  and  declared,  that  all  trade  in  articles  which 
are  of  the  produce  dr  manufacture  of  the  said  countries  or  colonies,  shall  be 
deemed  and  considered  to  be  unlawful ;  and  that  every  vessel  trading  from^  or  to 
the  said  countries  or  colonies,  together  with  goods  and  merchandise  on  board,  and 
all  artiiles  of  the  produce  or  manvfacturt  of  the  said  countries  or  colonies,  shall  be 
captured  and  condemned  as  prise  to  the  captors. 

But  although  his  majesty  would  be  fully  justified,  by  the  circumstances  and  con* 
siderations  aboved  recited,  in  establishing  such  a  system  of  restrictions  with  res- 
pect to  all  the  countries  and  colonies  of  his  enemies,  without  exception  or  quali- 
fication ;  yet  his  majesty,  being  nevertheless  desirous  not  to  subject  neutrals  to 
any  greater  inconvenience  than  is  absolutely  inseparable  from  the  carrying  into 
«ffect  his  majesty's  just  determination  to  counteract  tlie  designs  of  his  enemies, 
and  to  retort  upon  themselves,  the  consequences  of  their  own  violence  and  in- 
justice ;  and  being  yet  willing  to  hope  that  it  may  be  possible  (consistently  witii 
that  object)  still  to  allow  to  neutrals  the  opportunity  of  furnisiiing  themselves 
with  colonial  produce  for  their  own  consumption  and  supply ;  and  even  to  leave 
open,  for  the  present  SUCH  TRADE  WITH  HIS  MAJESTY'S  ENEMIES 
AS  SHALL  BE  CARRIED  ON  DIRECTLY  WITH  THE  PORTS  OP  HIS 
MAJESTY'S  DOMINIONS,  OR  OP  HIS  ALLIES,  in  the  manner  hereinafter 
mentioned. 

His  majesty  is  therefore  pleased  farther  to  order,  and  it  is  hereby  ordered, 
that  nothing  herein  contained  shall  extend  to  subject  to  capture  or  condemnation 
any  vessel,  or  the  cargo  of  any  vessel,  belonging  t«  any  country  not  declared  by 
this  order  to  be  subjected  to  tlie  restrictions  incident  to  a  state  of  blockade, 
which  shall  have  cleared  out  with  such  cargo  from  t>ome  port  or  place  of  the  coun- 
try to  wliich  she  belongs,  either  in  Europe  or  America,  or  from  some  free  port  io 
liis  majesty's  colonies,  under  circumstances  in  which  such  trade  from  such  free  port 
is' permitted,  direct  to  some  port  or  place  in  the  colonies  (f  his  mnjesty^s  enemies,  or 
from  those  colonies  direct  to  the  country  to  which  such  vessel  belongs,  or  to  some 
free  port  in  his  mEgesty'i  colonies,  in  such  cases,  and  with  such  articles,  as  it  may 
be  lawful  to  import  into  such  free  port ;  nor  to  any  vessel,  or  cargo  nf  any  vessel, 
belonging  to  any  country  not  at  war  wilh  his  majesty  which  shall  have  cleared  (mt 
from  some  port  or  place  in  this  kingdom,  or  from  Gibraltar  or  Malta,  under  such 
regulations  as  his  majesty  may  think  Jit  to  prescribe,  or  from  any  port  belonging  to 
his  majesty's  allies,  and  shall  be  proceeding  direct  to  the  port  specified  in  her 
clearance  ;  nor  to  any  vessel,  or  the  cargo  of  any  vessel,  boionging  to  any  coun- 
try not  at  war  with  his  majesty,  which  shadl  be  coming  from  any  port  ot-  place  in 
Europe,  which  is  declared  by  tliis  order  to  be  subject  to  the  restrictions  incident 
to  a  state  of  blockade,  DESTINED  TO  SOME  PORT  OR  PLACE  IN  EU- 
ROPE BELONGING  TO  HIS  MAJESTY,  and  which  shall  be  on  her  voyage 
direct  thereto^  but  these  exceptions  are  qo^  to  be  understood  as  excepting  ffom 


124 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


capture  or  confiscation  any  vessel  or  goods  which  shall  be  liiblfi  tiirreto  iii  rcspPd 
of  naving  cntpred  or  departed  from  any  port  or  place  actually  blockaded  by  \m 
majesty*8  squidrons  or  ships  of  war,  or  for  being  enemies'  property,  or  for  any 
other  cause  than  the  contravention  of  this  present  or4er. 

And  the  coinmandprs  of  his  uiajesty^s  ships  of  war  and  privateers,  and  other 
vessels  acting  under  hi?  majesty's  commission,  shall  be,  and  are  hereby  instructed, 
to  warn  every  vessel  which  shall  have  commenced  her  voyage  prior  to  any  notice 
of  this  order,  and  shall  be  destined  to  any  port  of  France,  or  of  her  allies,  or  of 
any  other  country  at  war  with  liis  majesty,  or  to  any  port  or  plRce  from  which 
the  British  (lag,  as  aforesaid,  U  cxocluded,  or  to  any  colony  belonging  to  his  mr.- 
.>esty's  enemies,  and  which  shail  not  have  cleared  out  as  \%  herein  before  allowed, 
to  discontinue  her  voyage,  and  to  proceed  to  some  port  or  place  in  this  kii'gdofri, 
or  to  Gibraltar  or  Mftlta.  And  any  vessel  which,  after  having  been  so  warned, 
or  after  a  reasonable  time  shall  have  been  afforded  for  the  arrival  of  information 
of  this  his  majesty's  order  to  any  port  or  place  from  which  sh*  sailed,  or  wliicli, 
after  having  notice  of  this  order,  shall  be  found  in  the  prosecution  of  any  voyajie 
contrary  to  the  restrictions  contained  in  this  order,  shall  be  captured,  and,  to- 
gether with  her  cargo,  condemned  as  lawful  prize  to  the  captors. 

And  whereas  countries  not  engaged  in  the  war  have  acquie«!cpd  in  the  orders  of 
France,  prolibiting  all  trade  in  any  articles  the  produce  or  manufacture  of  his 
majestys  dominions  ;  and  the  merchants  of  those  countries  have  given  counte- 
nance and  effect  to  those  prohibitions,  by  accepting  from  nersons  styling  then> 
selves  commercial  agents  of  the  enemy,  resident  at  neutral  ports,  certain  docu- 
ments termed  *•  certificates  qf  origin,''''  being  certificates  obtained  at  the  ports  of 
shipment,  declaring  that  the  articles  rfihe  cargo  are  not  qf  the  produce  or  manu- 
facture of  his  tnaje^ty^s  dominions^  or  to  that  effect. 

And  whereas  this  expedient  has  been  directed  by  France,  and  submitted  toby 
such  merchants,  as  part  of  the  new  system  of  warfare  directed  against  the  trade  of 
this  kingdom,  and  as  the  roost  effectual  instrument  of  accomplishing  the  same  j 
and  it  is  therefore  essentially  secessary  to  resist  it. 

His  majesty  is  therefore  pleased,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  privy  council,  to 
order,  and  it  is  hereby  ordered,  that  if  any  vessel,  after  reasonable  time  shall 
have  been  afforded  for  receiving  notice  of  this  his  majesty's  order,  at  the  port  or 
place  from  which  such  vessel  shall  have  cleared  out.  shall  befound  carrying  any 
such  certificate  or  document  as  qfnresaid^or  any  document  rrf erring  tn^  or  auihenti^ 
eating  the  same,  such  vessel  shall  he  ad,iudged  lawful  prize  to  the  captors,  to- 
gether with  the  goods  laden  therein,  belonging  to  the  person  or  persons  by  whom, 
or  on  whose  behalf,  any  such  document  was  put  on  board. 

And  the  right  honorable  the  lords  commissioners  of  his  majesty's  treasury,  his 
majesty's  principal  secretaries  of  state,  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty, 
and  the  judges  of  the  high  court  of  admiralty,  and  courts  of  vice  admiralty,  are 
to  take  the  necessarv  measures  heroin,  as  to  them  shall  respectivelv  appertain. 

W.  FAWKENER. 

The  precpdinaj  orders  were  asslsrned  by  Napoleon  aa  a  rea- 
son for,  and  Justification  of,  the  Milan  decree,  of  which  I  sub- 
mit a  copy ;  althoiic^h  it  somewhat  deranges  the  pVan  of  this  part 
of  my  work.  But  I  prefer  grouping:  these  three  documents  to- 
gether, for  the  ease  and  convenience  of  the  reader. 

IMPERIAL  DECREE. 

BfjOinder  to  his  Britannic  majesfyU  Order  in  Council  oftheWlh  Sevemher,  1  Wf . 
At  our  Royal  Palace  at  Milan,  Tiertmher  17,  1807. 

Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  Freuch,  king  of  Italy,  and  protector  of  tite  Rhenish 
confederation 

Observing  the  HUeasures  adopted  by  the  British  government,  on  the  llth  PTe- 
vember  lasl^  bp  wbidi  Testels  bebog^  to  ««itr»I,  fricttdty,  or  even  powers  ^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Ui 


hllies  of  Eogland,  are  made  liable,  not  only  to  be  searolicfl  I)y  Firtj;!!.^])  cruiser?, 
but  to  be  coiopulsorily  detained  in  England,  aud  to  Imve  a  tax  Ir.id  on  them  of  s6 
much  per  cent,  on  the  cargo,  to  be  regulated  hy  tiie  British  legislature. 

Observing  that  by  these  acts,  the  Britisli  government  dtnntionalisfs  ships  of 
every  nation  in  Europe ;  that  it  is  not  coinprti^nt  for  any  goverinnont  to  detract 
from  its  own  iadr-pendcnce  and  riglits  ;  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  having  in 
trust  the  sovereignties  and  independence  of  the  fli": ;  that  if  by  an  unpardoiihble 
weakness,  and  which  in  the  eyes  of  poatprity  would  be  an  indelible  ytain,  if  such 
■  ft  lyranny  was  allowed  to  be  established  into  principles,  and  consecrated  by  usage, 
-  the  English  would  avail  thciiuelves  of  it  to  assert  it  as  a  right,  as  they  have 
availed  th'^mselves  of  the  tolerance  of  governments  to  establish  the  infamous 
principle,  that  the  flag  of  a  nation  does  not  cover  goods,  and  to  give  to  their  right 
ofblockade  an  arbitrary  extension,  which  infringes  on  the  sovereignty  of  every 
f  tate  ;  we  have  decreed  and  do  decree  as  follows : 

I.  Every  ship,  to  wiiatever  nation  it  may  belong,  that  shall  have  submitted  to 
he  searclied  by  an  English  sliip,  or  to  a  voj'age  to  England  or  shall  have  paid  any 
tax  whatsoever  to  the  English  government,  is  thereby,  and  for  that  alone,  declare<l 
io  he  denationalistd  ;  to  have  forfeited  the  protection  of  itskin^,  and  to  have 
become  Ensrlish  property. 

II. 'Whether  the  ships  tlius  dcnatiimalized  by  the  arbitrary  measures  of  thn 
English  government,  enter  into  our  ports,  or  those  of  our  allies,  or  whether  they 
^11  into  tlie  hands  of  our  ships  of  war,  or  of  our  privateers,  they  are  declared  to 
be  goo<l  and  lawful  prize. 

III.  The  British  islands  are  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  both  by  land 
and  sea.     Every  ship  of  whatever  nation,  or  whatsoever  the  nature  of  its  cargo 

,  may  be,  that  sails  from  the  ports  of  England,  or  those  of  the  English  c6lonies, 

'  aud  of  the  countries  occupied  by  English  troops,  and  proceeding  to  England,  or 

to  the  English  colonies,  or  to  countries  occupied  by  English  troops,  is  good  and 

lawful  prize,  as  contrary  to  tlie  present  decree ;  and  may  be  captured  by  our  ships 

of  war,  or  our  privateers,  and  adjudged  to  the  captor. 

IV.  These  measures,  which  are  resorted  to  only  in  just  retaliatien  of  the  bar- 
barous system  adopted  by  England,  which  assimilates  its  legislation  to  that  of 
Algiers,  shall  cease  to  have  any  effect  with  respect  to  all  nations  who  sliall  have 
the'firmness  to  compel  the  English  government  to  respect  their  flag.  They  shall 
continue  to  be  rigorously  in  force  as  long  as  that  government  does  not  return  to 
the  principle  of  the  law  of  nations  which  regulates  the  relations  of  civilized  states 
in  a  state  of  war.  The  provisions  of  the  present  decree  shall  be  abrogated  and 
null  in  fact,  as  goon  as  the  EnsJish  abide  again  by  the  principles  of  the  law  of 
nations,  whish  are  also  the  principles  of  justice  and  honor. 

All  our  ministers  are  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  present  decree,  which 
ekall  be  inserted  in  tlie  bulletin  of  the  laws. 

NAPOLEON. 

On  the  261h  of  November,  1807,  an  additional  order  in  couU' 
cil  was  issued,  and  on  the  25  th  of  March,  1808,  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment passed,  the  object  of  both  of  which  was  to  (lermit  a  trade 
between  neutral  nations  (the  only  neutral  nations  then  were  the 
United  States  and  Sweden)  and  France  and  her  dependencies^ 
on  the  condition  that  tJie  vcsseh  en^a^ed  in  it  should  enter  some 
British  port,  PAY  A  TRANSIT  DUTY,  and  take  out  a  It- 
ccnce !  And  the  British  ^otwrnment  affected  to  re^^rdthis  arrange- 
ment as  a  favour  conferred  on  neutrals !  /!  /  This  was  fairly  cap- 
ping the  climax. 

It  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  the  reader,  to  state  the  duties 
thus  laid  on  the  exports  of  the  United  States  by  a  foreign  ua- 
tipa*    TYell  might  Mr.  Baring  declare — 


M 


W^\ 


126 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"  It  is  immaterial,  tfhether  it  be  a  tax  on  stamps,  or  ou  cotton.    This  questioa 
has  been  the  subject  of  a  long  and  bloody  war." 

Goods  allowed  to  be  bonded, 

IQs  per  cwt.  or  -  - 

Us  — 
7«  — 


Barilla 

Bark  (Peruvian) 
Cochineal 
Cocoa  nuts 
Coffee 
Ginger 

Gum  Arab,  and  Senegal 
Hemp 
Hides  (raw) 
Jalap 
Indigo 

.Iron  (in  ban) 
JPimento 
Pitch 

Quickfilvcr 
Rhubarb 
Jlice 

Rum  and  Spirits  single 
Do.  over  proof 
Sugar  (brown  or  Muscovado) 
J)o.  (white  or  clayed) 
Tallow 
Tar 

Tobacco 

Turpentine  (common) 
Wine 

Wood  (mahogany) 
Cotton 
Timber 

Masts,  &c.  6  inches  under  8 
8 12 


n 

1 


85  — 

7s  — 

105  — 

15j  — 
3s  per  hide 

Cd  per  lb. 
2a  — 
13        —  per  cwt. 

2d  per  lb. 
4*  4dperi;l  12  gal. 
1 5  per  lb. 
2s  — 
2s  per  cwt. 

M  per  gal. 

4d  — 

per  cwt. 


$2 

1 

4 
6 
1 
2 
3 


13 


12  and  upwards 


Is 
10s 
14s 

75 

4s 

3s 
16 
II 

a  7« 

bs 

lOs 

11  75 


4d  per  31  1-2  gal. 
Id  1-2  per  lb. 
tid  per  cwt. 

per  262  gals. 

per  ton 
9d  per  lb. 

per^O  c.  feet 

per  piece 


22 
3.'> 
£7 
44 
1:0 
57 
22 
33 
67 
11 
45 
32 
4 
66 


45 
46 

15 

se 

22 
11 
57 

96 

3 

78 

26  64 

4  44 
17 

5  93 

1  II 

2  22 
5  98 


2 
3 
1 


.Goods  not  allowed  lo  be  bonded,  and  vpon  tchich  the  homeoccnsumption  duties 

must  be  paid  on  importation  : 
Anchors  40  per  cent,  on  the  value. 


Anliatto 

Argol 

Ashes 

Oak  bark     •  17  1^ 

Bread       '^^>- 

Butter  ;.- 

Cuble  and  Cordage 

Wheat 

Wheat  meal  and  Flour 

Stock-fish 


12  85  4d  per  cwt. 
5s        — 

lOs        --. 
28  6d 
4s        — ' 


n 


18f 

105 

5s 


perqr. 
per  cwt. 
25  6d  per  120 

-  4*        per  cwt. 

-  ilO  105        per  252  gals. 
»-  17$  6d, per  cwt. 

Is  6d  per  56  lb. 


$10 
1 


4 
4 
2 
I 


46 
3 


65 

11 

22 

55 

flO 

44 

00 

22 

II 

56 

90 

62 

93 

33 


Other  fish 
Seed  Oil 
Pork 
Flax-Eced 

Prize  goods  prohibited.  Goods  not  enumerated,  but  which  may  be  used  in  this 
country — on  the  present  dtiftes  40  per  cent.  , 

A  letter  from  Rathbone,  Hughes  and  Duncan^  of  Liverpool,  dated  in  the  be- 
ginning of  April,  1808,  has  tiiis  paragraph  : 

"  These  duties  to  attach  to  the  cargoes  oi  all  vessels  bound  from  the  United 
States  to  those  ports  on  the  continent,  which  are  under  the  influence  of  France, 
and  arrive  in  thi)>  cou&tryi  in  ctuupUaocc  wilh  tLc  orders  iu  council  of  the  Hth 
^ovc-tahrr,"  -,,.-- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


127 


67 
11 

43 

i  32 

4 

08 

4J 
1.5 

:iQ 

»  11 

1  37 

96 

.,...,-.  3 
"18 ' 

26  64 

4  44 
17 

5  93 

1  II 

2  1^2 
5  'J8 


A9ynopsi$  of  part  of  the  Effects  of  these  Duties. 

A  cargo  of  cotton,  of  1090  bales,  of  300  lbs.  each,  which  is  about  the  common 
weight,  paying  Od  sterling  per  »b.  in  England,  would  amount  to  the  precise  sura 
of  50,000  dollars.  The  same  cargo  of  cotton  at  14  1-2  cents,  ttie  average  price  for 
fine  Louisiana  cotton,  would  not  cost  at  New-Orleans  more  than  13,500  dollars. 
Thus  the  exporter  would  have  to  pay  6,500  dollars  in  London,  as  a  duty  for 
liberty  to  proceed  to  the  continent,  more  than  the  original  cost— to  this  might  be 
added  the  rarious  other  charges  of  tonnage,  ^c.  amounting  to  about  1^000  dollars 
more. 

A  cargo  of  tobacco'  may  be  said  to  consist  of  400  hogsheads — for  the  sake  of 
round  numbers,  we  will  suppose  each  hogshead  only  to  weigh  1000  lbs.  and  the 
account  stands  thus— 400,000  lbs.  Tobacco,  at  Id  1-2  sterling  per 
pound,  is  £2,50a  sterling,  or  $11,100  00 

Tonnage,  at  125  per  ton  on  400  tons,  is  2210  sterling,  or  1,065  00 

Li^ht  money  and  various  other  charges  and  attendant  expenses, 
would  aiBount  t(v  '  800  00 


Amount  of  tribute  on  a  cargo'  12,965  00 

Of  the  80,000  hogsheads  we  generally  exported,  about  12,000  were  consumed 
in  the  British  islands.    The  rest  went  to  the  continent.    Put  them,  as  before,  at 
1000  lbs.  each,  and  what  is  the  amount  of  tribute  on  this  m\g\e  article  P 
68,000  hogsheads  tobacco,  weighing  each  1000  lbs.  is  68,000,000  lbs.  at  Id  1-2 
sterling  per  pound,  is  2425,000,  or  $  1,998,000  00 

170  ships'  tonnage,  &c.  at  3000  dollarseach  340,000  00 

Amount  of  annual  tribute  on  tobacco  2,338,000  00 

A  ship  would  carry  about  from  3000  to  3500  barrels  of  flknir ;  say  for  the  sake 

of  calculation,  6000  cwt. 

6,000  cwt.  at  55  sterling  per  cwt.  amounts  to  M500,  or  $  6,660  oO 

Tonnage  and  charges,  as  above  1,865  60 

.1                         .  I 

Amount  of  tribute  on  one  cargo  of  flour  8,525  60 
A  ship  load  of  fish  would  cost  about  3500  or  4000  dollars,  inclu^fing  the  dutii^a 

aod  cluu'ges.* 


m 


I  u 

2  22 

55 

SO 

4  44 

4  00 

2  22 

1  11 

,..  56 

90 

46  62 

3  92 

n- 

33 
In  this 

thebe- 

United 
iFrance, 
lie  litU 


CHAPTER  XXIir. 

The  orders  in  council  of  November  11,  1807,  defended  hy  Ameri- 
cans, Founded  on  the  untenable  plea  of  American  acquiescence 
in  the  Berlin  Decree,  Enquiry  into  their  causes  end  consc' 
quences  hy  A,.  Baring,  Esq.  M,  P. 

Pernicious  as  were  the  orders  in  council  to  the  most  vital 
interests  of  the  United  States— degrading  as  was  the  condition 
of  paying  a  transit  duty  in  English  ports — ^and  unjust  and  un- 
founded as  was  the  allegation  on  which  these  orders  were  pre- 
dicated, there  were  defenders  of  them  in  this  country — Ameri- 
cans born.  Among  the  number  were  men  in  high  and  elevated 
stations,  possessing  a  great  degree  of  public  confidence  and  po- 

^-  For  all  these  statements  and  calculations  Lam  indebted  to  CTiles*' WeekJ^ 
Boglster,  Tol.  3,  pag.e  79^ 


'IJ^ 


128 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


litlcal  influence.  It  is  a  mo3t  singular  fact,  that  the  cause  o^ 
England  has  been  far  more  ably  supported  in  our  debates,  and 
in  our  political  speculations  and  essays,  than  in  London  itself. 
There  is  no  man  of  chsracter  or  standing  in  society  in  that  city, 
or  in  the  British  parliament,  that  has  attempted  to  deny  the 
magnitude  of  our  wrongs.  The  minisfiy  and  their  friends  have 
palliated  their  proceedings  by  the  miserabc  plea  of  necessity — 
and  of  retaliation — a  plea  that  Barbarossa,  or  Koulikan,  or  Bo- 
naparte, could  with  equal  justice  advance.  But  such  respecta- 
ble men  as  the  Roscoes,  the  Whitbreads,  the  Barings,  have  be- 
stowed on  the  outrageous  measures  of  their  government,  the 
most  unqualified  reprobation.  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  at 
present  to  refer  to  the  debates  in  parliament.  But  1  perfectly 
well  recollect,  an«l  such  of  my  jeaders  as  have  access  to  them 
w\\]  see  at  once,  that  the  rectitude  of  the  conduct  of  our  govern- 
went,  and  its  mild  endeavors  to  procure  redress,  have  received 
I  he  most  unequivocal  encomiums  from  some  of  the  most  illustri- 
uus  chHracters  in  Great  Britain. 

The  iespectability  of  Mr.  Alexander  Baring  is  a  matter  of 
jiubllc  notoiioty  throughout  the  commercial  world.  There  is 
no  man  in  England  more  attached  to  the  honor  and  the  inter- 
ests of  hie  country,  His  (eetimony  has  been,  as  I  have  said, 
unhormly  borne  in  our  favor,  and  against  the  enormous  injustice 
of  the  orders  in  council — and  as  it  cannot  fail  to  have  a  weight 
proportioned  to  his  talents,  integrity,  and  character  I  shall  very 
freely  quote  from  such  an  unexceptionable  source. 

The  orders  in  council  of  Nov.  11,  1807,  were,  as  we  have 
seen,  predicated  upon  our  acquiescence  in  the  Berlin  decree. — 
Mr.  Baring  having  stated  the  fact,*  that  this  decree  not  having 
been  put  iato  operation  against  our  commerce,  we  had  had  no 
right  to  remonstrate  against  it,  proceeds, 

*'  Unless,  therefore,  his  majesty^s  ministers  have  gome  information  of  which  tlif 
public  is  not  possessed,  apd  which  contradicts  the  very  clear  evidence  the  public 
do  possess,  we  must  conclude  that  the  assertion  in  the  orders  in  council  tiia*: 
America  had  been  i?uilty  of  that  acquiescence  in  the  decrees  of  France,  which 
was  to  draw  down,  and  has  drawn  down  upon  her,  our  menaced  retaliation,  35=  it 
totally  void  of  foundationyf 

The  fallacy  of  the  allegation  of  an  acquiescence  in  the  Ber- 
lin decree  having  been  proved,  Mr.  Baring  thus  accounts!  for 
the  Milan  decree,  which  was  the  ofispring  of  the  orders  in  coun- 
cil of  November  11,  1807. 

"  If  what  has  been  stated,  be  correct,  that  our  orders  in  eouncll  are  nc.  jus<I- 
fied  by  any  previous  provocation,  [r^s*  They  miist  be  evidently  acta  (f  original  ag- 
gression ;  and  France  retaliated  much  in  the  same  manner  and  with  the  same 
right  as  we  oureclve g  should  have  done,  had  the  Berlin  decree  beed  rigidly  e>;*<- 
cuted."t 

*  See  page  121.  f  Baring's  Enriuiry,  page  70.  \  Ibid^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


12d 


no":  jvisli- 

the  same 
igidly  «;>-«^' 


l*Iie  following  masterly  analysis  of  the  orders  in  council  is 
taken  from  Mr.  Baring's  pamphlet. 

*'  Jll  trade  directly  from  America  to  every  pwt  ant  country  at  war  rviih  Great 
QriUin,  or/rom  tvhich  the  Britishjlag  is  excluded,  is  totally  prohibited  in  this 
gKneral  prohibUiont  every  part  qf  Europe^  with  Vie  exception  at  present  qf  Sweden f 
is  included:  and  no  distinction  whatever  made  between  the  domestic  produce  qJF^ 
America,  and  that  qf  the  colonies^  re-exported  from  thence  !  !  ! 

''  The  trade  from  America  to  the  coloniea  of  all  nations,  remains  unaltered  by 
^4ie  present  order.  America  may  export  the  prodtue'qf  her  own  countryf  but  that 
tif  no  ot/ier,  to  Sweden. 

''  U'ith  the  above  exception,  all  articles,  whether  of  domestic  or  colonial  pro- 
duce, exported  by  America  to  Europe,  must  be  landed  in  Uiis  country  [England] 
£foni  whence  it  is  intended  to  permit  their  exportation,  under  such  regulations  w 
ehuil  i>e  hereafter  determined^ 

'^  By  these  regulations  it  is  understood  that  duties  are  to  be  imposed  on  all  arti- 
cles so  reexported  But  it  is  intimated  that  an  exception  will  be  made  in  favor  of 
iu.ch  as  are  the  produce  of  the  United  States,  cotton  excepted. 

'^  Any  vessel,  the  cargo  whereof  shall  be  accompamed  with  certificates  of' 
I-'reneii  consuls  abroad,  of  its  origin,  shall,  togetlier  with  its  cargo,  be  liable  to' 
stisure  and  condemnation."* 

It  is  here  proper  to  make  a  solemn  pause.  The  subject  de- 
serves  the  deepest,  the  most  serious  reflection.  Let  us  examine 
this  sketch,  drawn  by  a  masterly  hand,  beyond  the  reach  of 
suspicion.  Let  us  consider  the  despotic,-  the  lawless  claims  it 
asserts — the  prostrate,  the  base,  the  despicable  state  it  places  the 
coramerce  and  the  •yrights  of  a  sovereign,  an  independent,  and 
unoffending  nation — a  nation  whose  trade  was  of  incalculable 
importance  to  the  power  thus  daring  tolegblate  for  us,  and  de- 
stroy our  dearest  rights  of  sovereignty,-  When  this  is  all  fairly 
and  duly  weighed^  let  us  correctly  appreciate  the  conduct  of  so 
many  Americans^  who  have  asserted  with' a  zeal  worthy  of  a 
good  cause,  that  England  "  has  really  done  our  commerce  no 
essential  injury  Tf  The  annals  of  the  world  can  produce  no- 
thing more  indefensible — nothing  more  astonishing. 

The  end  proposed  by  the  British  government  in  this  stupeu'^ 
dous  project  of  usurpation,  is  thus' ably  sketched. 

"  CC7*  ^^^  Americans  m-e  to  bring  to  this  tountry  aU  thi  produce  tf  their  own^ 
and  aii  that  of  out  enemies^  colonies,  which  they  eacp^rt  to  Europe.  We  are  here 
to  form  a  grand  emporium  of  the  costly  produce  of  Asia  and  America,  which  is 
to  be  dispensed  to  the  different  countries  of  Europe,  under  such  regulations  aa  we' 
may  think  proper,  I  suppose,  according  tatheir  good  behavior.  Q^  Taxes  are 
ti  be  raised  from  tKe  consumers  on  the  continent ;  and  they  are  to  be  contrived 
with  sucli  judicious  skill  as  to  sectrre  our  own  West  'ndia  plaaters  a  preference  to 
those  of  Cuba  and  Martinique  "J 

^*  The  American  merchant,  with  the  belt  intention!  of  trading  legally,  cannof: 
always  know  what  this  country  permits ;  for  we  admit  that  upho!dmg  a  general 
prtDciple  which  we  never  enforce,  we  may  and  do  vary  our  permission  to  neutrals 
und^r  it  as  we  please.  Supposini^  him  in  this  respect  not  liable  to  error,  he  is  ex' 
posed  to  unjust  decisions  in  our  vice  admiralty  courts-^a  danger  of  no  common 
magnitude,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  assertion  of  lord  Uawkesbury  in  the  house  ot 

*  Baring's  Enquiry,  page  12.    f  Mr.  PickeriDg*s  letter  to  gov.  Sullivan,  page  12- 
VBariog'8  Enquiry  ^  page  H),  V 

M  2 


m 


«3?S 


rJ, 


130 


r|i 


rUE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


commons,  the  29th  pf  April,  1301,  tliat  r/  318  appeals  /totn  these  courts,  onlj  Zj 
t\f  the  condemnatums  mere  coi\firmed.''*^ 

What  a  hideous  picture  of  tlie  rapacity  and  piratical  proceed- 
ings of  the  British  privateers  is  here  exhibited  !  It  is  not  nnfaiv 
to  suppose  that  of  tlie  number  of  vessels  captured  and  brought  in 
for  a(\judication,  one-fmn'tli  were  cleared  irr  the  West-Indies. 
Admitting  this  calculation,  (he  whole  number  of  captures  em- 
braced in  the  statement  of  Lord  Hawkesbury,  was  probably 
420,  of  ivliich  about  100  were  cleared  in  tlie  West  Indies — 
283  uixjustly  condemned  there,  and  afterwards  cleared  in  Great 
Britain — and  only  35  really  and  bona  fide  lawful  prize — so 
that  it  appears,  that  of  every  twelve  vessels  brought  in  for  trial, 
eleven  were  unjustly  captured ! 

*•  If  we  had  maintained  and  derended  this  doctrine  boldly  and  fairly  against  all 
nations,  good  arguments  in  favor  of  it  could  not  be  wanting.  But  when  we  have 
uniformly  yielded  it,  and  indeed  forborne  to  claim  it,  [j;j»  can  it  be  condstent 
either  nith  magnanimUy  or  good  policy^  to  bring  it/omurd  now,  BECAUSE 
THE  ONLY  REMAINING  NEUTRAL  HAS  A  DEFENCELESS  COM^ 
MERCE  ?  U5=»  If  such  cowardly  injustice  is  to  be  one  qf  our  resources  in  thfse 
trjjing  times,  ivken  elevation  wf  sentiment  and  ^  nolinfmal  character  are  more  than 
tver  wanted,  the  means  and  strengUi  of  thif  poner/ul  empire  arc  indeed  strangely 
nusunderstood.  "* 

*'  This  decinoii  [in  the  case  of  the  Esiex,  Orme,]  although  the  distinction  was 
mot  made  to  catch  the  common  eye,  was  well  known  to  am^ace  the  whole  /oreipi 
trade  (\f  America,  excepting  tiiat  in  her  own  produ  ■^.  It  circulated  rapidly 
among  our  cruisers  and  privateers ;  ^j^j^  and  in  the  course  of  a  fortnight  the  seas 
were  cleared  qf  every  American  ship  thty  could  Jindy  which  now  crowded  our  ports 
fbr  trial;  and  our  West  India  merchants  were  grat  tiled  by  neutral  uiFurnnee  and 
freights  being  at  least  doubled  by  this  ingenious  di8covery."t 

•'  This  decision  laid  the  foundation  of  all  the  complaints  of  America  of  our 
vexatious  measures  against  her  trade,  ns  it  introduced  a  totally  new  line  of  con- 
duct towards  it;  and  that  change  produced  the  non-unportalioB  act  at  which  ws 
sfTect  80  much  indignatimi."| 

"  Nor  was  the  ii^ury  to  the  Americans  confined  to  the  application  of  these  new 
and  Texatious  principles  ;  for  our  privateers,  apprehending  little  danijer  of  being 
made  answerable  for  their  «rror,  were  not  disposed  to  make  nice  distinctions ;  bu^ 
U^  detained  and  sent  in  every  vessel  tl»ey  aiet  with,  under  the  most  fiivoloug 
pretences ;  in  which  they  were  also  eQcouragecl  by  the  expectation  of  actual  war. 
Of  the  exU-'nt  to  which  this  was  carried,  lovait  idea  may  be  formed,  when  it  h 
stated,  that  cargoes,  wholly  of  American  produce,  and  of  the  prdtluce  of  neutral 
countries  trading  wiih  America,  were  captured,  and  even  brou!!;ht  to  trial. ''^ 

"  QijP'The  owners  of  privateers  are  in  the  daily  practice  oif  bringing  in  valuta 
ble  cargoes,  and  offering  immediately  to  release  them  for  one  or  two  hundred 
guineas.  They  eoraetimes  require  ^  rnach  larger  sum.  Th«:  London  merchant  is 
either  obliged  to-acquiesce  in  THIS  liNIQUITOUS  ROBBERY,  or  let  his  coi* 
i*espondent  suffer  the  more  expensive  vexations  which  it  is  unfortunately  io  the 
power  of  these  people' to  inflict."|( 

"  The  measurss  resorted  to  by  America,  under  these  circumstances  of  provo* 
cation,  were  certainly  of  {jja  the  mildest  species  of  hostility,  and  such  as  evi- 
dently ?howed  a  desire  of  peace.  A  law  was  pa,ssed  prohibiting  the  importation 
of  certain  article?  of  British  manufacture ;  by  which  a  demonstration  of  commeJ^- 
eial  warfare  was  certainly  intended.  But  it  is  such  as  every  independent  nation, 
even  in  time  of  peace,  has  a  right  to  resort  to  without  giving  of&uce :  and  if  tb'e 

f  Barlng>  Enquiry,  pnge  43.        *  Idem,  page  47.        f  Idem,  page  50. 
X  Idem,  page  i\,  \  ^m,  pages  yi  and  ^3.         g  Id^u,  page  i^ . 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


131 


fOTTimf  rr*  of  AmericM  were  to  be  maleriiilly  iiitemiptod,  a  rcdiirtion  of  her  im- 
portation of  Europouii  urticiei  bpcninc  indUpciiiiable.  This  law,  after  ditfi'irnt 
filispeHHions,  is  not  }'et  i'cpe.ilt'd.  Of  iU  wisdom,  as  a  cominerria)  measure,  there 
i.i;«y  be  dotibti ;  hut  3;^  as  an  annoyance  of  our  trade,  for  the  purpose  of  l-ii- 
forciiij:  H  respect  for  tiiwrs,  we  have  no  right  to  complain  of  it."* 

'*  If  we  had  treated  the  commerce  of  America  with  sincerity,  instead  of  rtJo- 
lp?ting  it,  as  we  have  seen,  rrys  BY  A  REPETITION  OF  THE  MOST  »  "S- 
{iR\CEFUL  CHICANE,  iii.it  coTimerce  would  have  tuflcred  less,  andour  i 
i-iids  would  have  been  answered.  Such  an appejj  to  the  good  SMise  of  tliit  coun- 
try, would  certainly  have  been  less  likely  to  produce  war  than  the  sophistry 
with  which  they  have  been  treated,  and  of  wbicll  every  man  in  it  must  detest  the 
lolly  "f 

♦»  Fir  so  extensive  an  injury  to  a  country  rrp  WHOSE  RIGHT  OP  INDP^ 
PENDENT  SOVEREIGN  fy  WAS  VluifATED.  AND  WHOSE  COM- 
MERCE WAS  DESTROYED  DV  THIS  PROCEEDING,  it  would  have  beco 
iu  vaia  to  search  for  authoritlfs  or  precedents  any  where."! 

We  have  seen  that  French  consular  certificates  of  the  oriffia 
of  the  cargo  of  a  vessel,  hy  the  orilers  in  council,  subjected  both 
vessel  and  cargo  to  coD(renination.  Otl  the  iniquity  of  this  fea- 
ture of  the  orders,  Mr.  Baring  reinarlis  : — 

*'  We  in  many  cases  require  foreign  arti«l»'9,  imported  into  this  country,  to  be 
accompanied  by  certiiica'.es  from  our  consuls  abroad.  Nothing  can,  tiierefore,  be 
more  trivolous  than  the  assertion  of  our  right  to  complain  of  the  acquiescence  of 
Ami  rican  merchants  in  the  regulations  of  France  respecting  certiticates  of  ori- 
gin."} 

I  hope  the  readei*  \vill  attend  to  the  con.*!equences  of  this  fea- 
lure  of  the  orders  in  council.  Let  it  never  be  forgotten.  It  is 
%vorthy  of  being  borne  in  eternal  remembrance.  If  they  had 
no  other  odious  feature,  this  wouJd  be  sufficient  to  disgrace 
them,  and  their  authors  and  abettors.  Suppose  Mr.  George 
Cabot,  Mr.  James  Lloyd,  jun.  Timothy  Pickering,  Commodore 
Dale,  or  any  other  citizen  of  the  United  States,  to  send  a  vessel 
to  sea,  owned  by  himself,  manned  with  American  sailors,  and 
h)aded  with  American  productions^ — bound  for  the  solitary  cor- 
ner of  Europe,  Sweden,  which  was  not  interdicted  by  the  orders 
in  council — suppose  her  provided  with  a  French  consular  cer- 
titicate  of  the  origin  of  the  cargo :  and  finally  to  close  our  sup> 
positions,  suppose  her  carried  into  London  by  a  British  priva- 
teer—and brought  before  Sir  William  Scott  for  adjudication. — 
She  woukl  most  assuredly  be  condemned  for  ah  infringement 
or  THE  L  fiVf  of  NATIONS,  w  heins; provided  with  q.  French  consular 
certificate  !'!  t  What  an  awful  mockery  of  justice  in  those  who 
prescribed — what  a  shameful  prostration  and  baseness  of  mind 
in  those  who  preflched  submission  to — such  a  lawless  regulation, 
isa'cuJated  to  "prey  upon  Hie  unprotected  properly  of  a  friendly 

*  Biuljig's  Enquiry,  page  .59.    f  Idem,  page  63.    i^  Idem,  page  61.        >. 
\  Idea))  page  6(}:  ||  See  Bofitoo  Memorial,  {;age  73,  Zvo  ti'^ 


J^^' 


132 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"  The  comprehensive  nature  of  the  injury  which  Americi  inust  suffcr  Irom  oc.  *' 
jtrstem,  by  heaving  no  claas  of  its  population  imufTccted  by  it,  afTords  little  hope 
of  the  interference  of  any  for  the  pretei  vation  of  peace.  The  great  interest 
which  a  country  still  possessing  the  means  of  indcpenclencc,  should  feel  in  the 
preservation  of  ours,  rjy  will  be  lo^t  in  the  more  immediate  and  perceptible  con- 
■cqiiences  of  our  folly  and  injustice. '^ 

"  The  new  orders  were  of  a  descrintion  to  produce  a  revolution  in  the  wliole 
eominerce  of  the  world — and  a  toial  u«'ran{;caicnt  of  those  mutual  righta  and  re- 
lartions  by  which  civilized  nations  have  hitiierto  been  connected."! 

'*  It  mu3t  beevidrnt  from  the  whole  tenor  of  our  proceedings,  that  commercial 
interest  has  been  our  moving  principle  throughout ;  that  rj^  every  dcntonitm- 
tion  of  the  slightest  hostility  on  the  other  side,  has  originuicd  iii  our  attempts  to 
advance  that  mtercst  in  violating  the  rights  and  interests  of  others ;  and  that 
q;^  if  we  are  at  Inst  called  upon  to  take  up  arms,  it  is  on  «ur  part  a  quarrel 
w  MHit  sugar  and  cotTec,  and  not  in  support  of  national  honor.  "| 

*•  [j^a  The  consequences  of  such  a  state  of  things  must  produce  ruin  to  every 
(.Ias»  .tnd  description  of  persons  in  America;  and  they  are  so  obvious,  so  inevita- 
ble, that  one  caimot  avoid  tliinking,  that  they  muat  have  occurred  to  the  framera 
of  ih'ii  new  system."} 

«*  To  make  this  limitation  of  neutral  trade  a  part  of  the  law  of  nation<>,  it  is 
not  sufficient  that  it  should  be  asserted  by  one  power. — It  must  likewiittr  )m:  ad- 
mitted by  others ;  which  is  so  far  from  having  been  the  case,  that  in  all  our  dl&* 
cussions  about  neutral  riehts.  we  have  not  only  never  obtained  from  any  nation  a 
recognition  of  this  rule,  but  OCy^it  does  not  even  appear  to  have  been  at  any 
time  seriously  insisted  unon.'Y^ 

"  What  can  then  be  tne  object  of  holding  up  this  rule  [of  1756]  as  the  palla- 
dium of  our  maritime  rights,  or  why  has  it  lam  so  long  dormant?  Instead  of 
America  being  accused  of  a  disposition  of  encroachment  hostile  to  our  dignity,  in 
refusing  to  admit  into  the  law  of  nations;  a  principle  which  has  neither  been  ad- 
mitted by  or  enforced  towards  others,  are  we  not  rather  ourselves  wanting  to 
our  own  dignity  in  proclaiming  a  law  which  we  have  never  ventured  to  defend — 
in  setting  up  a  right,  which,  by  our  own  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  we  have  our- 
selves encouraged  them  to  trample  on.*^ 

**  It  would  have  been  highly  interesting  io  know  how  many  instftaces  [ci 
fraudulent  ownership]  had  l^eii  discovered  ;  as  by  pointing  them  out  to  our  gov- 
ernment, redress  might  have  been  obtained  by  application  to  thvtt  of  America, 

whose  strict  attention  to  the  character  of  her  flag  has  always  been  remarka- 
ble."** 

*'  I  must  say,  and  I  speak  from  eonaiderable  experience,  that  the  character  of 
the  great  body  of  merchants  in  America,  little  deserves  the  uojuat  insinuations  in 
whicii  writers  on  this  subject  have  indulged. "ff 

*'  During  a  considerable  part  of  the  last  and  present  war,  we  have  indeed  res- 
pected the  rights  of  those  not  concerned  in  it.  rjiiy'  But  the  conduct  even  of 
of  France  can  furnish  few  stronger  proofs  of  a  dimegard  of  them,  and  of  more 
frivolous  pretences- by  which  they  have  been  invaded,  than  may  be  found  in  our 
conduct  in  1805,  and  still  more  in  the  recent  measures  which  we  have  been  con- 
sidering. "Jl 

^Uf  our  commercial  treaties  with  Portugal  are  to  be  held  up,  ag  they  have 
been,  to  the  admiration  of  statesmen,  we  cannot  fail  to  admire  the  liberal  policy 
of  America  towards  the  produce  of  our  industry,  when  we  consider  the  large  bal- 
ance which  she  annually  pays  us,  and  our  illiberal  jealousy  of  her  intercourse  with 
Other  countries,  from  which  alone  thaf  balance  can  be  paid."}} 

*'  if  my  former  observations  produce,  as  I  think  they  must,  a  conviction  that 
the  trade  and  property  so  sported  with,  belong  to  an  honest  neutral,  there  can  be 
no  doiibt  that  OUK  CONDUCT  TOWARDS  IT  DESfiaVES  THE  NAME 
OF  THE  MOST  UNaUALIFJED  INJUST1CB."|| 


*  Enquiry,  page  78« 
{Idem,  page  IS. 
**  Idem,  page  32. 
55  Wfem,  page  8», 


f  Idem,  page  10. 

'I  Idem,  page  22. 

^f  Idem,  page  36. 

Ij  Idem,  page  57. 


T 


X  Idem,  page  79. 
%  Idem,  page  23. 
\\  idem,  p^e  71. 


Of' 


"■i.u;  :«: 


it  is 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


♦h€ 


re, 
uh 


The  reader  who  compares  the  style  and  subsiancc  of 
inemorials,  with  Mr.  Baring's  essay,  will  find  that  concidr 
that  cogency,  that  irresistible  conviction  which  result  rrom 
and  honorable  principles.  The  American  merchants,  eloquently 
and  convincingly  pleading  for  the  rights  of  their  country,  and 
their  own  personal  interests,  unjustly  assailed — speak  nearly 
the  same  language,  and  make  use  of  the  same  arguments,  as 
Mr.  Baring,  when  he  sought  to  save  his  country  from  the  dis- 
grace and  dishonor  of  employing  her  Iranscendant  naval  power 
to  overwhelm  and  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  an  unofiending 
neutral,  merely  because  that  neutral  was  not  in  a  state  to  defend 
herself. 

I  trust  that  no  apology  can  be  neccesary  fbr  these  copious 
extracts  on  this  aINimportant  topic.  The  high  standing  and 
character  of  the  writer,  as  I  have  already  observed,  and  take 
the  liberty  to  repeat,  entitle  his  sentiments  to  peculiar  attention. 
Moreover,  as  an  English  roerchant,  interest,  were  he  swayed 
by  such  a  consideration,  would  have  led  him  to  advocate  the 
orders.  But  he  had  too  high  a  regard  for  the  honor  of  his  coun- 
try, to  wish  it  to  be  sacrificed  to  paltry,  and  sordid  considera- 
tions of  interest. 

After  the  reader  has  with  the  deep  attention  the  subject  de- 
serves, perused  the  above  eloquent  defeo'^o  of  American  rights 
^—exposure  of  our  wrongs — and  appeal  to  the  honor  and  justice 
of  Great  Britain,  written  by  a  high-spirited  and  noble-minded 
Englishman,  let  him  ponder  for  a  moment  on  the  conduct  of 
those  Americans  who  have  devoted  their  talents,  their  industry, 
and  their  influence  to  defend  the  outrageous  proceedings  of 
Oreat  Britain,  and  to  place  their  own  country  in  the  wrong! 

Whata  humiliating  contrast ! — Mr.  Baring  pleading  the  cause 
of  tile  injured  United  States  in  Loudon — and  Mr.  Pickering  and 
hundreds  of  other  Americans  pleading  in  Boston,  New- York, 
Philadelphia  and  elsewhere  against  their  own  country,  and  ia 
defence  of  British  inroads  and  British  violence ! 

The  contemplation  fills  the  mind  with  astonishment !  Not- 
withstanding the  evidence  is  so  fully  before  us,  as  to  be  irresist- 
ible, it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  such  an  a-vful  delusion  could 
have  ever  existed,  and  to  such  an  extravagant  extent. 

1  aver,  as  my  calm  and  reflected  opinion  upon  this  point, 
th.it  it  would  be  difficult,  perhaps  impossible,  to  find  in  history 
any  parallel  case.  Enlightened  American  merchants  were  so 
far  blinded  by  pt.rty  and  faction,  as  to  use  their  utmost  endeav- 
ors to  prevent  the  government  of  their  country  from  procuring 
redress  of  intolerable  grievancea  which  bore  so  heavily  on 
themselves! 


! 


'M:\u 


'*,:^ ' 


i** 


1.11 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Embargo.    Silualion  rj"  American  commerce.     Factious  clamor. 
Embargo  a  wise,  prudent^  and  necessary  measttrc. 

I  NOW  proceed  to  consider  the  suhject  of  the  embargo,  which 
was  one  of  the  moat  potent  instruments  employed  to  exasperate 
nnd  inflame  the  passions  of  the  people  of  the  eastern  states,  and 
which  actually  prepared  a  portion  of  them  foV  open  resistance 
to  the  government. 

The  justice  and  propriety  of  every  measure  depend  on  the 
circumstances  that  accompany  and  induce  it — the  motives  that 
lead  to  its  adoption — and  the  consequences  it  is  calculated  to 
produce.    Let  us  apply  these  tests  to  the  embargo. 

The  reader  has  had  the  decrees  and  orders  in  council  laid 
before  him  in  cxlcnso.  He  has  seen  the  exposition  of  the  injus- 
tice of  the  latter  by  Mr.  Baring.  And  he  has  had  bn  opportunity 
himself  of  calculating  the  effects  of  both  decrees  and  orders. 

From  a  calm  consideration  of  these  documents,  and  of  their 
inevitable  operation  on  our  trade,  it  is  perfectly  obvious  that 
bad  our  vessels  sailed  in  December,  1807,  and  January,  Febru- 
ary, March,  April,  and  May,  1808,  as  freely  as  they  had  for- 
merly done,  they  would  have  universally  fallen  sacrifices; 
those  bound  to  France  and  her  dependencies,  to  British — and 
those  bound  for  the  British'  dominions,  to  French  cruisers. 

This  would  hftve  produced  an  almost  universal  bankruptcy 
among  our  insurance  offices  and  merchants.  The  plunder  of 
ou^  ships  and  cargoes,  and  the  captivity  of  our  seamen,  would 
have  augmented  the  resources  of  the  belligerents,  and  enfeebled 
ourselves.  The  only  real  question  was,  whethei  our  vessels 
should  remain  at  our  wharves,  the  property  of  our  merchants, 
or  be  carried  to  France  and  England,  the  prey  of  privateers. 
But  for  the  embargo,  there  would  have  been  such  a  calamitous 
scene  pro<Iuced  as  has  rarely  occurred  in  any  nation.  We 
should  have  suffered  all  the  worst  consequences  of  war,  without 
any  of  its  compensatory  advantages.  Our  merchants  would 
have  once  more  made  "  the  welkin  ring"  with  their  complaints 
of  injury — their  eloquent  appeals  to  the  law  of  nations — their 
clamors  for  redress — their  reproaches  of  the  government  fot*  its 
supineneas — and  their  solemn*  pledges  of  support.  We  should 
have  again  had  to  negociate  in  vain  for  reparation.     And  we 

*  I  had  written  "  lioHow  and  deceptions."  But  I  struck  the  words  out — how 
properly  the  reader  will  decide.  I  am  doubtful  myself  of  the  correctacss  of  the 
alteration.- 


THE  OLIVE  liUANCII. 


13; 


^t— how 
of  the 


Bhoultl  have  been  iiltlmafrly  c^ondcd  into  n  war,  nftrr  having 
lioeii  d(  iViUfil  in  our  (>ii(U'avur.i  to  escape  il,  and  dtpiivcU  of  the 
Mioat  cfTicicnt  innanr*  fok'ita  prosecution. 

It  haH  U.eii  Haid  \h'<d  the  iiet'li.i  decrci;  not  havinix  'leen  carried 
into  operation  ac;a'mst  American  vtisseli* ;  nnd  our  government 
not  having  received  an  authentic  copy  oi'  the  onlevb  in  council; 
therf.fove  it  was  ii«)t  juHtiljed  in  the  recominondation  of  tUe 
embargo.  And  lima  tint  j'c^ko  of  viniliince  and  care  of  the 
interesta  of  his  count  y  and  oi*  the  property  of  the  nierchauts, 
which  entitletl  Mr.  .Jefferson  to  a  monument  from  tiie  mercantile 
interest,  has  heen  mstde  the  ground-work  of  the  most  seiiouB  , 
accusation ! 

Ther«  is  no  nicas'ire  of  the  general  government  from  its  first 
ortjanizalion  to  the  present  hour,  more  strongly  marked  with 
wisilum,  with  rorcsisrht,  and  with  attention  to  duty,  than  thia 
recommendation.  Tbere  is,  nevertheless,  no  meanure  that  has 
generated  more  factious  or  senseless  clamor — more  envenomed 
j)ieiudice— -more  unblushing  rnioicpresentalion. 

The  atrocious  case  of  the  Horizon,  which  was  the  (irst  ia- 
staiMje  wheriu  the  Berlin  decree  was  carried  into  etfect  against , 
American  vessels,  had  previously  occurred.  Of  this  case  Mr. 
Armstrong  had  transmitted  an  account  in  a  letter  dated  Nov.^  ^ 
12,  1807,  of  which  I  have  submitted  a  copy  to  the  reader.*— 
This  letter  and  the  documents  accompanying  it,  established, 
beyond  a  possibility  of  doubt,  the  extreme  danger  of  our  com- 
merce from  French  depredation,  French  cruisers,  and  Freucii 
courts. 

Of  the  determination  of  the  British  government  to  meet  the 
Berlin  decree  with  measures  of  equal  violence,  undoubted  in- 
formation had  been  received  by  our  administration  in  [)rivate 
letters,  and  even  in  the  public  papers.  The  recommendation 
of  the  embargo  took  place  on  the  18th  of  December,  1807  :  and 
OT'ow  that  day  there  had  been  published  in  the  National.  Intelli' 
gcncer  tJie  following  paragraphfrom  a  London  pcper .-       , 

•  London,  Novrin.hcr  10. 
"  A  priclamation  is  now,  we  understand,  ii\  rcadinpss  for  bis  niajeislj'-f  signature, 
declariugr ranee  and  the  whole  of  her  vassal  I'ingdoms  in  a  state  <rf  siege,  and 
rrpprohihiting  all  intercourse  with  her  or  them — and  nil  pntr.ince  (»f  vessels  into 
17^  or  their  harbors,  rrpEXCEPT  OF  SUCH  AS  HAVE  CLEAKED  LAST 
FROM  A  BRITISH  TORT,  EITHER  HOME  OR  FOREIGN." 

Thus,  between  the  two  nations,  our  commerce  was  complete- 
ly cut  up  by  the  roots.  The  only  part  of  Eurojje,  except  her 
own  dominions  and  dependencies,  with  which  Crreat  Britain 
allowed  as  to  trade,  was  Sweden.     And  the  MilBa  decree,  by 


*  Bee  page  122. 


136 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


an  extravagance  of  despotism,  folly,  and  wickedness,  never  ex^ 
ceeded  in  the  annals  of  piracy  and  rapine,  regarded  every  neu- 
tral vessel,  tliat  had  been  searclied  by  a  British  cruiser,  as  ipso 
fucto  dcnalionalized,  tind  liable  to  be  taken,  bound  whence  or 
\vhere  she  might.  The  mind  is  lo^t  in  astonishment  at  this  nc 
])lus  ultra  of  wickedness,  madness,  and  rapine.  It  was  punish- 
ing as  criminal,  an  act  perfectly  innocent — wholly  unavoidable 
— and  in  which  the  i>ar(y  punished  had  been  merely  passive ! 

Under  these  circumstances,  what  pruilent  merchant  would 
send  a  vessel  to  sea — liable  to  capture,  whatever  might  be  her 
destination  ?  For  even  if  bound  to  Sweden,  or  any  other  cor- 
ner of  Europe,  (if  any  such  there  were)  not  embraced  in  the 
scope  of  decrees  and  ordere  in  council,  she  might  be  searched 
by  an  English  privateer,  and  thus  be  subject  to  capture  by  the 
next  French  privateer  that  might  overhaul  her. 

What  course  had  a  government  to  steer,  which,  bound  to 
watcli  over  the  interests  of  its  constituents,  was  sincerely  dis- 
posed to  perform  that  duty  faithfully  ?  Let  any  man  not  tram- 
meled by  faction  or  inveterate  prejudice,  calmly  consider  this 
question,  and  I  feel  most  perfectly  satisfied,  he  will  reply — 
the  alternative  was,  war  against  both  uati(ms— or  a  general  em- 
bargo. 

Notwithstanding  this  plain  state  of  the  case — notwithstand- 
ipgthe  imperious  necessity  of  this  measure — there  was,  as  I 
have  stated,  no  act  of  the  federal  government,  since  its  first' or- 
ganization, that  excited  so  much  outcry  or  clamor.  It  was  the 
subject  of  incessant  abuse  in  all  the  federal  papers  from  New- 
Hampshire  to  Gleorgia,  ;and  from  the  IVTisMssippi  to  the  Atlantic. 
It  ha.)  been  ten  thousand  times  reiterated,  that  it  was  unnecess- 
arily oppressive — that  it  was  wicked  and  tyrannical — dictated 
by  Napolieon — a  sacrfice  of  the  dearest  interests  of  the  Ration 
— and,  to  cap  the  climax,  unconstitutional,  ^ 

In  times  of  faction,  the  public  possesses  a  wonderful  faculty 
of  swalfowing  the  most  monstrous  and  improbable  falsehoods.— 
It  was  almost  universally  believed  in  the  Eastern  States,  that 
the  embargo  was  the  result  of  a  combination  between  the  Southern 
mid  Wesisrn  States^  to  ruin  the  Eastern ! ! !  I  have  repeatedly 
heard  this  assertion  mide  liy  men  otherwise  of  sound  minds  and 
cultivated  understandings,  and  whose  veracity  convinced  me 
that  they  did  not  attempt  deception,  but  were  themselves  de- 
ceived. Th2o  extravagant  idea  proceeds  upon  the  miserable 
and  fatuitiou^  supposition,  that  the  merchant,  whose  vessels  re- 
main unemplbj'ed  at  the  wharves,  will  in  consequence  be  ruin- 
ed ;  but  that  the  agriculturalist,  whose  wheat,  flour,  rice,  cotton^ 
n<val  stores,  &XJ.  stagnate  on  his  hands,  will  thereby  suflfcr  no 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


137 


injury,  or  rather  derive  advantage,  althougli  they  fall  in  value 
30,  40,  60,  or  60  per  cent.  'Tis  passing  strange  ! 

Never  was  there  a  more  factious  or  unfounded  clamour  exci- 
ted. Never,  I  repeat,  was  a  public  measure  more  loudly  called 
for  by  existing  circumstances,  never  one  better  timed,  and  nev- 
er one  that  would  have  produced  more  salutary  consequences, 
had  not  faction  deprived  it  of  its  efficacy.. 

1  feel  perfectly  satisfied,  that  with  the  knowledge  Mr.  JefTer- 
son  possessed,  of  the  mighty  dangers  impending  over  our  com- 
merce, he  would  have  justly  merited  impeaohment  for  a  derc- 
Jiction  of  his  duty,  had  he  not  recommended  an  embargo  for  its 
protection. 

Mr.  Pickering,  was  the  earliest,  the  most  ardent,  and  llie 
mo3t  zealous  opponent  of  the  embargo.  Allev  having  in  vain 
made  every  exertion  in  the  Senate  to  prevent  its  passing,  he  la- 
boured, and  unfortunately  with  too  much  success,  to  excite  a 
strenuous  an;l  seditious  opposition  to  it  in  his  own  stale,  and  in 
the  other  Eastern  States.  He  wrote  a  long,  elaborate,  and  im- 
passioned letter  against  it  to  the  governor  of  Massachusi'tt*,  in 
which  he  endeavored  to  prove  the  measure  wholly  unnecessary 
— dictated  by  France — and  adopted  purely  through  hostility  to 
England,  who,  he  unqualifiedly  asserted,  "  had  done  our  com- 
merce no  essential  iryury." 

To  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  embargo,  it  must  be  considered 
in  two  points  of  view,  wholly  distinct — one,  its  original  enac- 
tion— the  other  its  long  duration.  The  latter  may  have  been, 
and  I  believe  was,  an  error.  But  I  should  not  hesitate  at  this 
moment  to  submit  tlie  decision  of  the  question  to  Governor 
Strong,  Rufus  King,  George  Cabot,  or  James  Lloyd,  jun. 
whether  an  embargo  was  not  an  indispensible  measure,  at  a  pe- 
riod when  all  Europe,  except  Sweden,  was  declared  in  a  state 
of  blockade  ? 

The  embargo  was  laid  on  flie  23d  of  December,  1B07.  Mr. 
Pickering's  letter  waa  dated  Feb.  16,  1808,  when  it  bad  not 
been  two  months  in  operation;  of  course  its  denunciations 
must  have  been  levelled  agnins*  t!ie  enaction  of  the'law — and 
had  no  reference  whatever  to  its  duration. 

To  enible  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  sound- 
ness of  Mr.  Pickering's  denunciation  of  t'nis  measure,  let  it  be 
observed,  that  at  tire  date  of  his  letter,  UTjy'tdl  and  authentic  in- 
formation  had  arrivedin  this  ccimtry^  of  the  enforcement  of  the 
Berlin  decree^  and  of  the  enaction  of  the  orders  in  cmmd'y  and  of 
the  Milan  decree, 

I  deem  it  therefore  higlily  proper  to  place  Mr.  Pickering's 
declarations  in  contrast  with cich  otber--aad  likev,  im  wi*b  tW 


133 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Ki- 


i: 


real  state  of  affairs.  The  reader  will  then  be  enabled  to  decide 
the  question  correctly  himself. 

Let  me  explain  the  four  succeeding  columns.  The  first  con- 
tains a  statement  of  the  British  depredations  on  American  com- 
merce, abstracted  from  the  mercantile  memorials  of  1805-G — 
the  second,  Mr.  Baring's  statement  of  the  effects  of  the  orders  in 
council — the  third,  thp  resolution  of  the  Senate,  Feb.  1 0,  1 806, 
on  which  Mr,  Pickering  voted  in  tlie  affirmative,  and  the  fourth, 
Mr,  Pickering* s  vindication  of  England,  Feb.  16,  1 808. 

The  three  first  paragraphs  of  the  first  column  are  from  the 
Boston  Memorial,  signed  by  James  Lloyd,  George  Cabot,  <fcc. 
These  gentlemen  are  responsible  for  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the 
allegations,  in  which  the  British  government  is  almost  in  terms 
charged  with  absolute  piracy :  for,  according  to  Messrs.  Lloyd 
and  Cabot,  and  their  friends,  they  were,  '■^ preying  upoji  tJie  un- 
protected property  of  a  friendly  power, ^^  which  is  but  a  mild  form 
cf  expression  for  piracy. 


1805~G. 
MEMORIALS. 


1808. 
MR.  BARING. 


Mr, 


*'  We  confine  ourselves  to  "  Jll  trade  directly  from 
the  more  alarming,  because  America  to  every  port  and 
more  extensive  detentions  &,  country  at  nar  ivith  Great 
rtndcmnalions  of  American  Britain,  or  from  nhich  the 
vessels  by  Great  Britain.^^*  British  flag  is  excluded,  is 

"JVew  vessels,  on  ihe'ir  totally  prohibited.  In  this 
first  passage  from  the  U.  general  prohibitbn,  every 
.States  to  Europe,  are  arres-  part  of  Europe,  nith  the  ex- 
li'd,  carried  out  of  Xh^vt  ceytion  at  present  of  Sweden 
rourse,  and  injuriously  de-  is  included .-  and  no  distinc- 
tained  under  tlie  vexatious  'ton  n'hatev^r  is  made  he- 
}iretence  of  a  continuity  of  twcen  the  domestic  produce  qf 
voyage  from  the  country  or  America,  Sc  that  <jf  the  col- 
colony  of  a  belligerent."*    onies,      re-exported   from 

"  It  cannot  become  the  IhenceV^ 
magnanimity  of  a  great  and  "  It  would  probably  be  no 
powerful  nation  to  prey  up-  exaggeration  to  say  that  up- 
rn  the  unprotected  property  n^ards  of  threefourths  of  all 
if  a  friendly  porter. ''^'^  the  merchanis,  uamen.  Sec 
"  Having  totally  suppres-  engagedin  commerce  or  luiv- 
.ted  the  external  commerce  igation  in  America,  have,  at 
of  her  enemies,  Great  Brit-  some  time  or  other,  steered 
ain  is  norv  counselled  to  ap-from  acts  of  our  cruisers, 
propriate  to  htrself  that  qf  which  to  them  have  appear- 
herfri^ids.^^f  ed  unjust,  and  which  fre- 

'^  This  novel  principle  quently  must  have  been  so. 
goes  to  nothing  short  of  the  They  read,  it  is  true,  qf  the 
destTuelion  qf  neutral  com-  poner  qf  France.  BUT 
»iierce."$  THEY   FEEL   EVERY 


Picker- Mr  Picker- 
senti-    ing's  senli- 
me/itp,    Feb.    ments,Feb 
10,  1806.  1»S  I  BOB. 


ing's 


*  Boston  memorial.  *  Baring's  £zamination, 

t  New-York  memorial,    page  12. 
;if  h^ladelphia  picmorial. 


"  The  cap- 
ture and  con- 
demnation un- 
der orders  of 
the  British  go- 
vernment, and 
adjudications 
of  their  courts 
of  admiralty, 
of  American 
vcssc'ls  and 
their  cargoes, 
on  the  pretext 
of  their  being 
employed  in  a 
trade  with  the 
enemies  of  G. 
Britain,  prohi- 
bited in  time 
of  peace,  is  an 
unprovoked 
aggression  up- 
on the  property 
of  the  citisens 
of  the  United 
States-a  viola- 
tion of  their 
neutral  rights 
— and  an  en- 
croac/imcnt 


"  These 
facts    dem- 
onstrate, 
that  altho' 
England, 
with      her 
thousand 
ships  of  war 
could  have 
destroyed 
our      com- 
merce, 
SHE  HAS 
REALLY 
DONE  IT 
NO      ES- 
SENTIAL 
INJURY.J 

{  Letter 
from  tiie 
hon.  Timo- 
thy Picker- 
ing, senator 
from  Mass^ 
to  his  ex'cy 
J.  Sullivan, 
gov.  of  said 
state,  dated 
Februaryl6 
1808,  p.  12. 


•SI 

consisi 
tJiat 
eriog  I 

Itiedj 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCff. 


on- 
Din- 
0— 
sin 
i06, 
rth, 

I  the 
&c. 
)fthe 
Lerme 
^loyd 
i€  tin- 
[  form 


Picker- 
j's  seiili- 
Ents,Feb 
S  lb08. 

>'  These 
ts    dem- 
strate, 
at  altho' 
igland, 
h      her 
ousand 
ipsofwar 
»uld  have 
cslroyed 
coin- 


Jdemriah  — I80i-G. 


Mr.  Sarin?— 1803.        Mr. Pickering 


*'  Every  sail  is  stretched 
to  collect  the  unrraryAmeri- 
tans,  fvho  are  unsuspecting 
It)  tm\fiding  in  what  nxis  the 
Ian  of  nations.^^* 
♦'  Our  vessels  and  effects, 
to  a  large  amount,  liave 
lately  been  captured  by  her 
commissioned  cruisers,  up- 
on the  foundation  of  new 
principles,  suddenly  invent- 
ed."! 

"  The  revival  of  her  dis- 
carded rule  was  character- 
ised with  such  circumstan- 
ces of  iniquity  and  violence 
as  rather  to  heighten  by  the 
contrast  the  veneration  of 
mankicd  for  the  past  justice 
of  her  tribunals,  "f 

*  Philadelphia  memorial. 
^  Baltimore  memoriaL 


DAY  ThA'- 
AIN."* 

♦'  By  attempting  to  con- 
fine the  European  trade  of 
America  to  Great  Britain, 
and  by  the  avowal  of  an  in- 
tention to  tax  that  trade  on 
its  patsage  to  the  continent^ 
ne  are  returning  lo  thase 
principles^  to  nhicfi^  even  as 
a  colony,  she  rvould  ru)t  sub- 
mit. It  is  iinmateriul,  nht- 
ther  it  be  a  lax  on  slampSyOr 
on  cotton.  This  question 
has  been  already  the  sub- 
ject af  a  long  and  bloody 
war  ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
supposed  that  America  will 
now  submit  to  a  direct  at-  - 
tack  on  her  sovereign  and' 
independent  rights."! 

*Baring*a  ExamiaatioD, 
page  74. 
fldem,  page  76. 


OF  BRIT-  upon  their  na- 
tional inde- 
pendence "* 


*  Retiolutlon 
agreed  to  by 
the  senate  of 
the  U.  State?, 
Feb,  10,  liiC8. 
Seepaj^e  109. 


■'.•       i 


It  is  not  for  me,  to  reconcile  Mb.  Pickering^s  sentiments'*  to 
each  other — nor  to  the  tenor  of  the  Memorials — nor  to  Mr.  Bar- 
ing's correct  view  of  the  orders  in  conncil.  Let  it  be  observed, 
let  it  never  be  foi^otten,  that  the  ^''unprovoked  aggression*^  of 

1806,  remained  unredressed  at  the  date  of- the  letter  to  Govern- 
or Sullivan,  Februar3%  IVOSi  Atid  further,  to  this  "  unprovoked 
aggression^  of  1806,  the  orders  in  council  had  been  added  in 

1807,  which  more  than  quintupled  the  original  outrage.  But' 
even  independent  of  this  extravagant  addition,  it  is  out  of  my 
power,  by  all  the  rules  of  logic  at  my  command,  to  satisfy  my 
mind  how  **  the  capture  and  condemnation  of  our  vessels" — under 
false  ^^ pretcxtSiy*  and,  as  appears  by  the  memorials  of  the  mer- 
chants, to  a  most  enormous  amount — "  the  unprovoked  aggress- 
ion upon  the  property  of  our  citizens*^ ^ihe  "  violation  of  our  neu- 
tral rigliis" — and  ^^the  encroachment  upon  our  national  independ* 
ence"  can  be  made  to  accord  with  the  broad,  the  sweeping,  the 
unqualified  assertion  that  Great  Britain  has.  ^^reaUi/  done  our 
cotmnerce  na  essential  injury J*^ 

*•  Some  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Pickerirtg,  in  ordftr  to  destroy  the  effect  of  the  in- 
consistency of  Uiese  sentiments,  have  asserted  that  he  did  not  make  the  doclaratioti 
that  '^  England  had  done  our  conamerce  no  essential  injury."  I  dare  Mr.  Picl- 
ering  thus  publicly  and  explicitly  in  the  face  of  this  nation  to  deny  it  himself,  j . 
I^edgi^  myself  to  prove  it  inconlrorertibliy.    Bu4  he  ucver  will  ddre  a  deuIaL 


'Pi 


I 


140 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


'  To  be  serious.  The  sul^ject  requires  serioumess  and  sobrie- 
ty.    Is  not  this  a  moskt  astonishing  and  never-enough-to-be-Ia- 

'  inented  instonce  of  the  horrible  delusion  in  which  strong  parly 
passions  involve  those  who  submit  to  their  guidance  ?  Can 
light  and  darkness — vice  and  virtue— seraphs  and  demons — be 

■  more  opposite  to  each  other  than  these  assertions  are  ?  Would 
it  not  have  been  a  most  a\>ful  inconsistency  had  they  both  been 
cotemporaneous — had  the  state  of  affairs,  at  the  period  of  mak- 
ing the  second,  been  exactly  what  it  was  at  the  period  of  making 
the  first?  But  what  an  immense  aggravation  does  this  incon- 
aistency  receive  from  the  consideration,  that  in  Feb.  1808,  the 
first  jiiiievances  had  been  unredressed,  and  others,  as  I  have  sla- 
ted, ii^icomparaMy  more  intolerable,  been  added?  The  orders 
in  coiiucii  were,  in  outrage,  and  injustice,  and  infraction  of  our 
rights  of  sovereignty,  as  far  beyond  the  enforcement  of  the  rule 
of  1 750,  which  was  the  ground  of  complaint  in>180G,  as  wantoa 
inurder  is  beyond  mere  assault  and  battery. 

Never  was  I  more  deceived  in  my  life,  than  I  am  at  this  mo- 
ment, if  every  candid  unbiassed  reader  do  not  agree  with  me, 
tliLit  the  opposition  to  the  operation  of  the  embargo,  was  factious, 
disorganizing,  absurd,  and  impolitic  in  the  extreme ;  and  that 
i]„vje  who  rendered  the  law  nugatory  and  unavailing  have  a 
liiuU  crime  to  answer  for  to  their  injured  country. 

To  avoid  the  pressure  of  the  embargo  and  to  hold  out  induce- 
menls  to  our  citizens  to  violate  it,  and  to  leave  port  clandes- 
tinely, the  following  most  extraordinary  order  in  council  was 
published  by  the  British,  government. 

George  R.  , 

Instructions  to  the  commanders  of  our  ships  of  war  andprivalcersi. 
Given  at  our  court  at  Windsor j  the  Wth  day  of  April,  1808,  in 
the  AZth  year  of  our  reign. 

Our  will  and  pleasure  is,  tliat  you  do  not  interrupt  any  neutral  vessel  laden- 
Tritl)  lumber  and  provisions,  and  going  to  any  of  our  colonies,  islands,  or  settle- 
ments in  the  West  Indies,  or  South  America,  to  whomsoever  the  property  may  appear 
to  belong,  and  notnithstunding  such  vessel  may  net  have  regular  cleai'ances  and 
documents  on  board  !  !  !  And  in  case  any  vessel  shall  be  met  with,  and  being  on 
her  due  course  to  the  al (edged  port  of  destination,  an  endorsement  shall  be  made 
on  one  or  more  of  the  principal  papers  of  such  vessel,  specifying  ttie  destination 
alledged,  and  the  place  where  the  vessel  was  so  visited.  And  in  case  any  vessel 
so  laden  shall  arrive  and  deliver  her  cargo  at  any  of  our  cc^onies,  islands,  oP) 
settlements  aforesaid,  such  vessel  shall  hi  permitted  to  receive  her  freight,  and 
to  depart,  either  in  ballast,  or  with  any  goods,  that  may  be  legally  exported  in 
such  vessel,  and  to  proceed  to  any  unblockaded  port  ;  notwithstandtng  the  present 
hostilities,  or  any  future  hostilities  which  may  take  place.  And  a  passport  for 
such  vestd  may  be  granted  to  the  vessel  by  the  governor  or  other  pirson,  having  the 
^■ktpf  civil  command  if  such  coJojz^/,  island,  »r  settlement  ! 

0.  I^ 


the 

to 

ftoi 

wh 

the 

and 


THE  OtlVB  BRANCH. 


141 


le- 

la- 

rty 

Ian 

-be 

uld 

eea 

lak- 

Ling 

;oa- 

,the 

sla- 
■der» 

our 

rule 
nioa 

3  mo- 
ll me, 
tious, 
a  that 
lave  a 

iduce- 
Bindea- 
waB 


oLcersi, 
)08,  in 


;1  laden 
gettlc- 
yappMif 
ices  and 
being  on 
be  made 
stination 
ly  vtssel 
[ands,  or, 
;bt,  and 
>orted  w 
|e  present 
tsportfor 
iving  t^« 

Ig.  It.. 


Tliis  astoniahiog  document  UemaDdi  the  most  particular  and 
pointed  attention. — The  ministers  who  prostituted  the  name  of 
their  sovereign  by  subscribing  it  to  such  an  instrument,  merit 
and  must  receive  the  reprobation  of  every  high-minded  English- 
oian,  who  feels  for  the  honor  or  dignity  of  his  native  country. — 
The  world  has  never  seen  such  another  instniment.  And  I 
hope  there  will  never  be  another  instance  of  the  Itind.  I  be* 
lieve  that  this  order  alone  was  adequate  cause  of  war.  This  at 
least  is  certain,  that  many  wars  have  been  declared  upon  infi- 
nitely less  provocation*  What!  one  of  the  most  potent  mon- 
archs  in  the  world,  rather  than  do  justice  io  an  unoffending  na^ 
tion,  on  which  for  fourteen  years,  his  ministers  had  perpetrated 
the  most  flagrant  outrages,  invites,  and  tempts,  and  affords  fa- 
cilities to  its  citizens,  to  violate  the  laws  of  their  country,  and 
c;)enly  pursue  the  infamous  trade  of  smuggling ! 

The  subject  afifords  an  ample  field  for  and  invites  to  copious 
comments.  But  I  forbear.  I  leave  it  to  the  calm  considera- 
tion of  the  candid  reader. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

Enquiry  intt  the  ConstituLimalUy  of  the  Act  for  erforcins^  the 
Embargo,  Compared  with  acts  passed  during  the  presidcficu; 
ofOcneral  Washington  and  John  Adams.  Not  so  ruforous'^- 
Factious  clamor.     Lamenlable  jrnblic  delusion,     k 

The  original  embargo  act  had  been  openly  and'  flagrantly 
violated.  The  public  prints  in  Boston  had  audaciously  and 
seditiously  invited  the  citizens  to  set  it  atdefiance.  The  British 
government  had  also,  as  we  have  seen,  added  the  allurement  of 
its  powerful  invitation.  Buch  an  invitaUon  was  unnecessary. 
There  are  always  to  be  found  in  every  community,  men  who 
will  seek  the  shortest  road  to  fortune,  whether  through  the  dark 
])ath8  of  smuggling,  or  otherwise.  And  these  men  united  their 
obstreperous  brawl iogs,  with  the  clamor  raised  by  those  who^e 
grand  object  was  to  harass  the  government,  for  the  chance  of 
regaining  the  power  they  had  lost.  Thus  was  removed  from 
the  crime  of  smuggling,  the  odium  it  deserved,  and  transferred 
to  an  act  calculated  to  preserve  the  property  of  the  merchants 
fli'om  belligerent  depredation ;-  an>  act,  be  it  never  foi^otten, 
which  was  the  mildest  mode  of  procuring  that  redress  for  which 
the  mercantile  part  of  the  community  had  so  loudly  clamored — 
and  in  the  pursuit  of  which,  they  had  so  solemly  pledged  thesis 
sslves^to  support  the  gpvernment !! ! 


r^H'41 


v: 


142 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCff. 


To  prevent  these  evasions,  an  act  was  passed  to  enforce  the 
embargo.  This  was  necessarily  more  strict  and  severe  in  its 
provisions  than  the  original  act.  Meetings  were  held  in  varioui 
parts  of  the  United  States,  denouncing  the  latter  as  oppressive 
and  unconstitutional.  A  very  numerous  and  respectable  one 
was  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelplna,  attended  by  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  merchantSj  and  a  great  nuntber  of  other  citi- 
zens. Of  this  meeting  Commodore  Truxton  was  chairman.— 
Sundry  resolutions  were  passed,  which  embraced  the  essence  of 
all  the  objections  raisedngainst  it  throughout  the  union.  I  shall 
assume  tliese  resolutions  as  a  text  ta  reason  upon,  and  shall 
endeavor  to  refute  the  objections* 

During  the  administration  of  General  Washington,  an  embargo 
act  bad  been  passed  by  Congress.  And  during  his  administra- 
tion, and  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  various  other  acts  had  been  passed 
embracing  prohibitory  and  penalclauses-  of  a  tenor  similar  to 
those  of  the  embargo  law.  No  federalist  ivill  pretend  that  any 
of  those  acts  were  unconstitutional.  Some  of  their  clauses  were 
far  more  exceptionable  than  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson^s  embargo  act. 
If  therefore,  the  latter  contain  no  provision  whatever,  which  is 
not  substantially  to  be  found  in^  those  passed  during  the  admin- - 
istration  of  the  two  first  presidents,  I  presume  that  there  is  not 
^  candid  federalist  in  the  union  who  will  hesitate  to  admit,  that 
the  clamor  against  the  former,  as  uneonstitutionaU  was. truly 
"  factioust  disorganizing,  seditious,  and  Jacobinical." 

The  0th,  loth  and  11th  sections  were  the  most  rigorous,  the 
most  obnoxious ;  and,  of  course,  were  selected  by  the  Philadel- 
phia meeting,  as  proper  subjects  of  denunciation.  I  shall  there- 
fore fairly  collate  them  with  the  corresponding  sections  of  the 
former  embargo  and  other  acts^  passed  during  the  reign  of  fed- 
eralism, to  enable  the  reader  to  form^  his  opinion  : 

Brueeedingt  of  a  Meeting  of  the  Citizens  qf  Pkilculelphia,  .Commodore 

Truxton  in  the  Chair.  . 

"  Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  late  act  (^  CoRgrese,  commonly  called  "  The 
en/brcing  law,"  to  be  a  direct  invasion  of  the  established  principles  of  civil  liberty, 
and  of  the  exprefs  provisions  of  the  constitution;  as  arbitrary  and  severe  to  a  degree 
unnecessary,  even  to  accomplish  the  objects  fdi*  whicli  the  law  is  professed  to  Ijave 
been  enacted  ;  as  creating  an  enormous 'and  dangerous  augmentation  of  executive 
influence  and  power ;  and  as  unnecessarily  exposing  the  citizen  .to  the  imseries  of 
civil  discord  and  military  execution. 

"i?e.»/ved,  Tliat  the  9th  section  of  this  act,  which  authorises  a  ministerial  officier, 
trithout  process  of  lam^  to  seiee  goads  at  his  discretion,  under  a  pretence  that  Ik 
hditmesWiey  are  intended  for  exportation,  or  a<pparently*ou  the  way  for  the  terrir 
toiies  of  a  foreign  power,  is,  in  our  opinion,  a  breach  of  thie  fourth  article  of  th* 
simendments  to  the  constitution,  which  provides,  "  that  the  right  of  the  propleto 
hte  secure  in  their  persons,  hoiMes,  papers  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches 
tedf!>eiettrei!,  shall  not  be  violated  :"  and  of  the  5th  article  of  the  amendments, 
which  <V4chire3,*'  that  ao  xnaa  Shall  be  defrired  Of  life,  liberiy  or  property,  but  tff 
due  proce«f  «f  iaif*"  '  ; 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH.. 


US 


•  ENFORCING  L\W.' 

ijigned  by  Jefferson.     - 

I.  •  Thnt  the collectori  of 
♦all  thedistrkls  "f  tlie  U. 
'State:,,  siiai;  DC,  and  they 
'  are  hereby  authorised,  to 
'  take  into  i/ieir  custody  specie 
'  or  any  articles  of  domestic 

*  irrowth,  produce,  or  manu- 

'  facture,  found  on  board  of 

*  any  skip  or  vessel,  boat  or 

*  oUier   mater  cra/l,    when 

*  there  is  reason  to  helirve 
'  that  they  are  inttndid  for 

*  exportation : 

'2    '  Or  when  in  vessels, 

*  carti,  waggon*,  sleighs,  or 
'  any  other  carriage ;  or  in 

*  any  manner  apparently  on  . 

*  their  way  towards  the  terri- 

*  tory  of  a  foreign  nation,  or 

*  the  vicinity  thereof,  or  to- 

*  wards  a  place  where  such 
'  articles  are  intended  to  be 

*  exported, 

3. '  And  not  to  permit  such 

*  articles  tobe  removed,uutil 

*  bond  wiih  siiflicient  sureties 

*  shall  have  been  given  for 

*  the  landing  or  the  delivery 

*  of  the  same  in  some  place  of 

*  the  United  States,  where, 

*  in  the  opinion  of  the  collect- 

*  or,  there  shall  not  be  any 
♦danger  of  such  articles  be- 

*  ing  exported.'  Laws  of  the 
U.  States,  vol.  IX.  page  1«2, 
sect.  9.  of  the  act  to  enforce 
the  embargo. 


PRECEDENTS 

Signed  by  Washington  and  Aoams. 

1.  ♦  That  every  collector,  naval  officer,  and  Fur- 

*  veyor,  or  oilier  person  especially  appointed  by  nthtr 
'  qf  them  for  that  purpose,  shall  have  full  power  and 
'  authority  to  enter  t.nji  ship  or  vessel,  in  which  they 
'  siiall  have  reason  to  suspbct  any  goodn,  wares  or 
'  ffiercliandise  subject  to  duty  shall  be  concealed, 
'  and  therein  to  search  for,  seize,  and  secure  any 
'such  good*,  wares,  and  inerehandij^e,'  &c. — See 
act  of  31st  July,  1789,  sect.  24.  Act  of  4th  August, 
179&,  sect.  48. 

That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  several  officers 
'  of  the  customs  to  make  seizure  of*  and  secure  any 

*  ship  or  vessel,  good-",  wares  or  merchandise  which 

*  shall  be  liable  to  seizure  by  virtue  of  this  act,  as 

*  ivellnilhvut,  as  rvithin  their  respective  districts.^ — 
See  sect.  26  and  dO  of  the  same  act. — See  alro,  act 
of  the  2d  March,  1799,  sect.  68,  70. 

'  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  any  officer  of  the 

*  revenue,  to  go  on  board  of  any  ship  or  vessel, 
*■  whether  she  shall  be  within,  or  without  his  district, 

*  and  the  same  to  inspect,  search,  and  examine ; 

*  and  if  it  shall  appear^  that  any  breach  of  the  laws 

*  of  the  United  States,  has  been  committed,  ^c. 
'  to  make  seizure  of  the  same.' — See^ct  ot  the  8th 
February,  1793,  sect.  27. 

♦  Tiiat  any  of  the  aforesaid  articles  (arms  and 

*  ammunition)  excepting  such  of  them  as  may  con- 
'[stitute  a  part  ol  the  equipment  of  any  vessel, 

*  which,  during  the  contintuince  of  this  prohibition, 

*  shall  be  found  on  board  of  any  vessel  in  any  river, 

*  port,  bay,  or  harbor,  within  the  territory  of  the 
'United  States,     with    an  intent  to  be  exported 

*  from  the  United  States,  to  any  foreign  country, 

*  shall  be  forfeited,'  &c.— See  act  of  22d  May,  1794, 
sect.  2. 

*■  That  all  goods,  waresv  and  merchandise  brought 

*  into  the  United  States  by  land^  contrary  to  this 

*  act,  shall  be  forfeited,  together  with  the  carriagesy 
'  kvrits  and  oxen^  that-shall  be  employed  In  carry- 
*iing..the  same  ;  provided  nothing  herein  shall  be 

*  construed  to  extend  to  household  furniture  and 
♦clothing,  belonging  to  any  person,  or  persons, 

*  actually  coming  into  any  part  of  the  United  States^ 

*  for  the  parpoce  of  becommg  an  inhabitant,  or  in< 

*  habitants  thereof.' — See  act  of  4th  August,  1790, 
sect.  70. 

♦  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  thePresident  of  the 

*  United  States,  to  give  instructions  to  the  com- 
*■  manders  of  the  public  armed  ships  of  the  United 

*  States  to  stop  and  examine  any  ship  or  vessel  of 

*  the  United  States  on  the  higli  seas,  which  there 

*  may  be  reason  to  suspect  to  be  engaged  in  any 
'traffic  or  commerce  contrary  to  the  true  tenoi 
*herc  f,  &c.— Act  of  3tb  February,  1799,  »cct.  5*^ 


^i; 


•':.r 


i¥  '<»><.• 


'"^'^k  \\ 


Ui 


THE  OLIVE  branch; 


On  the  *  Enforcing 

1.  **  Mini»terial  of- 
ficers are  authorised 
to  act  without  process 
of  law. 

2.  "  Ministerial  of. 
ficers  may  take  goods 
into  their  custody 
found  on  board  of  any 
ship  or  vessel. 


3.  •*  Ministerial  ot 
ficers,  without  processv 
may  seize  goods  on 
board  of  any  vessel, 
when  there  i»  reason  to 
heUeve  that  they  arei»- 
tended  fur  exportation. 


4.  "Ministerial  of- 
lieers,  without  process, 
Biay  detain  goods  ap- 
parently on  their  way 
to  be  exported,  till  se- 
«urity  is  given,  that 
they  shall  not  be  ex- 
ported. 

5.  "The  power  of 
eeizure  is  confined  to 
goods,  &c.  f6und  on 
board  of  vessels^  or 
jipparenti  jr  on  their  way 
to  be  exported.  There 
is  no  power  given  to 
any  ministerial  officer 
to>  enter  any   house 


REMARKS 

On  the  Precedents. 

1.  "Ministerial  officers  are  authorised 
to  act  without  process  of  law. 


2.  "  Ministerial  officers,  or  other  per- 
sons specially  appointed  by  them,  may  en- 
ter any  ship  or  vessel,  and  seize  th« 
goods  on^  board,  o^TVfZZ  without  as  with- 
in their  respective  districts:  and  com« 
manders  of  public  vessels  may  seize 
ships  on  the  high  seas,  bound  to,  or  sail* 
ing  towards  any  interdicted  French 
port,  there  b^ng. reason  to  suspeot  an  il- 
licit traffic. 

3."  "  Ministerial  officers,  or  any  per- 
son appointed  by  them,  may  eut^r  any 
vessel,  in  which  they  have  reason  to  sus- 
pect goods  subject  to  duty  are  conceal- 
ed, &c.  And  ifr  it  shall  appear  tirthem^ 
4hat  any  breach^  of i  the  laws  is  com- 
mitted; or,  (in  the  case  of  arms  and 
ammunition)  that  there  was  nn  intent  to- 
export,  they  may  make  seizures. 

4.  "  Ministerial 'officers,  without  pro- 
cess, may  seize  goods  apparently  on 
thiair  way  to  be  imported  by  land;  and 
vessels  apparently  on  their  way  towards 
a  French  port,  may  be  seized  by  mili- 
tary officers*. 


5.  "  The  seizure  is-  extended  iv 
goodsj  &c  found  on  -  board  of-  vessels, 
or  apparently  on  their  way  to  be  im« 
port^  by  land,  and  to  vessels  on  the 
high  seas.  Tnere  is  no  power  givea 
to  a  municipal  officer  to  enter  bousei^ 
without  process.'* 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


145 


Commodore  Truxlons  Third  Resohiimi. 

'*  Resolved,  That  the  tenth  gection  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution, 
inasmuch  as  it  vests  in  the  president  a  legislative  -authority  by  giving  to  his  in* 
structions,  in  certain  cases,  the  force  of  law." 

'  ENFORCING  LAW.» 


'  The  porvers  given  to  the 

*  collectors,  either  by  this^  or 
'any  other  act,  respecting 

*  the  embargo,  to  refuse  per- 

*  mission  to  put  any  cargo  on 
'  board  any  vesseh,  boat,  or 

*  otijer  water  craft ;  to  de- 
'  tain  any  vessel,  or  to  take 
'  into  their  custody  any  arti- 
'  cles  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 

*  venting  violations  of  the 
'  embargo,  shall  be  exercised 

*  in  c/f\formity  with  such  in- 
^  structions  as  the  president 
'  may  give,  and  such  general 

*  rules  as  he  may  prescribe 
*for  that  purpose,  made  in 

*  PURSUANCE  OF  THK  POWERS 

*  AFORKSAiD  ;  which  Instruc- 

*  tions  and  general  rules,  the 

*  collectors  shall  be  bound 

*  to  obey.'— Idem,  sect.  10. 


.<x?as 


*-^ 


.  Vt'^i^ 


^ 


PRECEDENTS,  &c. 
Under  (Va-ihington  and  Adams. 

*  That  tlie  President  of  the  United  States  be, 
and  he  hereby  is  authorised  and  empowered, 
wiienever  in  his  npinicn  the  public  sn/cty  shall  so 
rcyuirs,  TO  LAY  AN  EMBARGO  on  all  ships 
and  vessels  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  or 
the  ships  and  vessels  of  any  foreign  nation,  under 
such  regulations  as  the  circumstances  qf  the  cau 
may  require,  and  to  continue  or  revoke  the  same, 
whtnever  he  shall  think  proper.     And  the  puks- 

IDF.NT  19  HEREBY  FULLY  AUTHORISED  TO  GIVE  ALL 
SrCH  ORDEItS  TO  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  U.  STATES 
AS    MAY  a&    NECESSARY  TO    CAIIRY  THE    SAME  INTO 

FULL  EFFKcf.'— See  uct  of  4th  June,  1794,  sec- 
tiuu  1. 

'  That  an  embargo  be  laid  on  all  ships  and  ves- 
sels in  tlie  porti  of  the  United  States,  whether  al- 
ready cleared  out  or  not,  bound  to  any  foreign 
port  or  place,  except  ships  or  vessels  under  the 
immediate  directions  of  the  president  of  the  U. 
States.  And  that  the  frksidxnt  of  thb  uni- 
ted STATES  BE  AUTHOKIBED  TO  GIVE  8UCU  IN- 
STRUCTIONS TO  THE  REVENUE  OFFICEHS  OF  THE  V. 
STATES,  AS  SHALL  APPEAR  BEST  ADAPTED  FOR 
CARRYING    THE    SAID    RESOLUTION    INTO  FULL    £f^ 

FECT.'— Resolve  of  the  26th  March,  1792. 

'  That  the  president  of  the  United  States  be,  and 
he  is  hereby  authorised,  to  direct  the  revenue  offi- 
cer Sy  and  the  officers,  eommatuiing  forts  and  reve- 
ntte  cutters,  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  health 
laws  of  the  states,  respectively,  in  such  manner  at 
may  appear  to  him  necessary.''— Act  of  27th  May. 
1796. 

•  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  president  of  the 
United  Stntos,  if  he  shall  deem  it  expedient  and 
consistent  with  the  interest  of  the  United  States, 
by  his  order,  to  remit  and  discontinue,  for  the  time 
being,  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  aforesaid,  ei- 
ther with  respect  to  the  French  Republic,  or  to 
any  island,  &c.  with  which  a  commercial  inter-' 
course  may  be  safely  renewed ;  and  also  to  revoke 
such  orders,  whenever,  in  his  opinion,  the  interest 
of  tlie  United  States  shall  so  require.' — Act  of  9th 

February,  1799,  sect.  4. 

'  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  president  of  the 
••United  States  at  any  time  during  the  continuance 
'of  this  act,  to  order  all  such  aliens,  as  ht  shall 
'■judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  th« 

*  United  States,  or  shall  have  reasonable  ground  to 

*  suspect,  as  concerned  in  any  treasonable  or  secret 

*  m.ichinations  against  the  government  tliereof,  to 
*depirt  out  of  the  territories  ofthe  United  States 

*  within  such  times  as  shall  be  expressed  ia  sttch 
'order.'    Act  of  June  25,  1T98,  sect.  1. 


4 


146 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


On  ♦  the  enforcing  law. 
1 .  "  There  is  no  le- 
gislative power  given 
to  the  president.  The 
constitution  declares 
that  he  shall  see  the 
laws  faithfully  execu- 
ted. His  instructions 
are  to  be  given  in  or- 
der to  execute  the  law, 
not  to  make  it;  and 
the  instructions  must 
be  in  pursuance  of  the 
/^tfiverf  expressly  grant- 
ed to  the  coliectofi  by 
the  law.** 


*  And  all  mamlnls  and  other  officers  of  tlieUoitod 

*  States,  are  required  to  execute  all  precepts  and 
'  orders  of  the  ijre>ident  of  the  U.  States,  i-iued  in 
'  pursuance  or  by  virtue  of  this  act.'     Idtui,  sect.  4. 

REMARKS 

On  the  Precedents. 

1.  "The  president  is  empowered 
n::;=TO  LAY,  AND  TO  REVOKE 
EMBARGOES.  His  discretion  in  es- 
tablishing regidationS)  is  only  limited 
"  to  such  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
may  require  ;"  while  his  or(ki'8  might 
be  directed  to,  and  must  be  obeyed  by, 
all  officers  of  the  United  States  civil  and 
military^  he  being  constituted  the  sole 
judge  of  what  orders  were  necessary,  to 
carry  an  embargo  into  effact  \ 

2.  "  The  president's  instructions  to 
military  and  civil  officers,  are  also  abso- 
lute, without  any  limitation  by  law,  or 
anj/  use  of  civil  process^  to  aid  in  execu- 
tion of  $tcAe  Health  iJaim  ;  to  enforce 
ike  nonrinlercourse  Laws  against  France  ] 
and  to  expel  aliens  from  the  country.** 

Commodore  Truxton^s  fourth  Resolution. 

**  Retohedf  That  the  eleventh  section  of  the  act  violates  a  political  and  civil , 
**  right,  more  sacred  than  any  constitution,  in  authorising  the  military  to  lire  upon . 
**  the  people,  without  the  sanction  or  interposition  of  the  civil  authority,    The 
**  principle  contained  in  this  section,  if  mucti  further  extended,  might,  with  com- 
**  petent  force,  convert  our  government  into  an  an  absolute  despotism." 

*  ENFORCING  LAW.'  PRECEDENTS, 

Under  Washington  and  Adams. 

*  In  every  case  arising  under  this  act,  it  shall  be 

*  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United  States,  or 

*  such  other  person  as  ha  shall  have  emponered  for 

*  ihai  purpose,  to  employ  such  part  of  the  land  or 
^  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  mili- 
'tia  thereof,  as  shall  be  judged  necessary,  for  the 
'purpose   of   taking  possession  qf  and  detaining 

*  any  su^h  ship  or  vessel,  with  her  prize,  or  prizes, 

*  if  any,  in  order  to  the  execution  of  tiie  penalties 

*  of  this  act,  and  to  the  restoring  of  such  prize  or 

*  prizes,  in  the  cases  in  which  restoration  shall  have 
'  been  adjudged ;  and  also,  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
'  venting  the  carrying  on  of  any  such  expedition  or 

*  enterp)Hse  from  the  territories    of  tlie   United 

*  States,  against  the  territories  or  dominions  of  a 
'  foreign  prince  or  state,  with  whom  ine  United . 

*  States  are  at  peace.'— A«t  of  the  dth  of  Jupet 
1794, sect  7, 


Mt  shall  be  lawful  for  the 
* -president   of  the    United 

*  States,  or  such  other  person 
*as  he  shall  Jiave  empowered 
*for  that  purpose,  to  employ 
*such  part  of  the  land  or 

*  naval  forces,  or  militia  of 

*  the  United  States,  or  of  the 
^territories  tlieceoC^  as  may 

*  be  judged  necessary,  in  con- 

*  formity  with  the  provisions 
*of  this  and  other  acts  re- 
^-^pecting  the  embargo,  for 

*  the  purpose  of  preventing 
*4he  illegal  d^arture  qf  any 
*^4hip  or  vessel,  or  of  detain- 
*tng,  taking  possession  of, 

*  end  keeping  in  custody  and 


Ma 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


147 


prizes, 
malties 
rize  or 
II  have 
of  pre- 
Hon  or 
United 
IS  of  a 
United . 

f  JuWf 


*  guarding  any  8i>ccie  or  ar- 

*  tide  of  doniKi^tic  growth, 
'  produce,  or  uianufai-ture  ; 

*  and  also,  for  tlie  ptirpose  of 
^prevejUing  and  nipin'csiing 

.  ♦  any  armtii  or  ri')tous  asitm- 

*  bltige  of  persons  rcnsting 
« the  Cuitom  House  Q^ers 

*  in  the  txercise  of  their  du- 

*  ^fei.  or  in  any  manner  op- 

*  posiog  the  exi  cution  of  the 

*  laws  lading  an  embargo,  or 

*  otherwue  violating  and  as- 

*  siiUng  and  abetting  viola- 
'  iions  of  the  game/— Idem, 
!;'cction  1 1, 


'  Tliat  whenever  the  lawi  of  the  United  States 
'  shall  be  opposed,  or  the  execution  thereof  ob- 
'  9truct«d  in  any  »tate,  by  combioatioos  too  power- 

*  All  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  ju- 
'diciul  proceedii)g<!,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the 
^  marshal  by  this  act,  [the  same  powers  in  cxrcui- 

*  ing  the  laws  of  the  tiiited  States  as  slicritri  pos- 
'  sess  for  rxecutmg  the  slate  luwi]  it  shall  be  iaw- 

*  ful  for  the  President  of  tin;  United  States  to  rail 

*  forth  the  militia  of  such  A.xto  or  of  any  otiicr  t^tata 
'  or  states,  as  may  be  necessary,  to  supp rtss  such 

*  combinations,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  he  duly  cx- 
'  ecuted,'  &c.— Act  of  the  24th  May,  1792. 

'  Provided,  that  whenever  it  may  be  necrgsary  ia 
'  the  jud;!ftnent  of  the  president,  to  use  the  military 
'  force  hereby  directed  to  be  called  forth,  the  prcsi- 

*  dent  shall,  forthwith,  by  proclamation,  command 

*  such  in^urj^ents  to  disperse,  ami  retire  jpeaccably 
'  to  their  respective  abodes,  wltlua  a  limited  time.* 
— ibid,  sect.  3. 

REMARKS 


\% 


Oh  *  The  Enforcing  Law.'' 

1.  "In  tlie  *  Enforcing  Law^ 
there  is  an  authority  given  to 
call  out  such  part  of  the  milita- 
ry, as  is  judged  necessary  to 
execute  the  law.  But  it  is  not 
true,  that  the  miUtary  are  au- 
thorised expressly,  or  by  rea- 
sonable implication,  to  fire  upon 
tlie  people^  without  the  sanction 
or  interposition  of  the  civil  au- 
thority. No  such  language  or 
meaning  can  be  tracetl  in  the 
law. 

2.  "  The  terms  of  the  *  En- 
forcing Law''  authorising  a  call 
upon  the  military,  are  evident- 
ly predicated  upon  the  ascer- 
tained incompetency  of  the  ci- 
vil power  to  execute  the  law ; 
for  the  call  must  be  judged  m- 
cessary  to  effect  the  specific 
purposes  of  the  law  :  but  if  the 
custom-house  officers  can  exe- 
cute the  law,  with  the  aid  of  the 
civil  process,  it  never  could  be 
judged  necessary  to  call  out  the 
military. 


On  the  Precedents, 
1.  "In  the  act  of  the  5th  of 
June,  1794,  the  same  provision 
is  made  for  calling  out  the  mili- 
tary to  aid  in  the  execution  of 
the  law  without  any  reference 
to  the  sanction,  or  interposition, 
of  the  civil  authority. 


2.  "During  the  respective 
administrations  of  Washington 
and  Adams,  the  military  were 
often  called  out  without  the  ex- 
press  sanction  or  interposition 
of  the  civil  authority,  to  aid  in 
the  execution  of  the  laws.  The 
instances  will  occur  to  every 
man,  wiio  remembers  thesceneg 
on7S3  and  1798. 


■(i*i 


, '1HS' 


H3 


THE  OLIVE  BHANCH. 


3.  «*The  'Enforcint^  Law'  3.  "  The  net  ofihe  2nili  ol 
dopfl  not  rejiuire  a  proclama-  February,  1705,  requirea  a  i»ro- 
tion."  '  clamatioii;  but  it  iu  liy  way  of 

admonilion  to  tlie  pto,)l«' ;  and 

A,  neither  suspends  the  mil,   nor 

"•'"■  *     •  the  employment,  of  (he  nrdita- 

,;  '  ry.      Such  was  the   conslruct- 

ion  of  Pre  sitlent  tVihshiiis:lon, 
under  theprevionsjaw, of n  sim- 
ilar import,  passed  in  1792."* 

To  the  candor  of  tho  reader  I  freely  appeal.  Let  him  care- 
fully compare  those  various  sections  togelher.  Tipl  l:im  more 
^mrticularly  observe,  that  by  the  act  of  June  t,  1704,  con|i;r(ss 
Actually  vested  the  president  with  Oythe  power  of  LAYINCr 
AN  EMBARGO,  ^^whaiever.,  in  his  opinion,  the pihlic  safely 
should  require  it  /'  which  >vas,  so  far  as  respects  this  im|)ortant 
branch  of  legislation,  [^r'an  actual  surrender  of  the  lep;islative 
power  into  th€  hands  of  the  executive  magistrate — and  thnt  they 
likewise  conferred  on  him  authority  "  <o  ^iw  such  or  tiers  as 
might  be  necessary  to  carry  into  effect^''  the  law  which  he  had,  of  his 
own  mere  motion  the  "  legislative  power''''  to  enact. — When  lie  has 
duly  pondered  on  these  circumstances — when  he  has  fully  as- 
certained that  Mr.  Jefferson's  embargo  act  in  no  instance  ex- 
ceeded, and  in  many  fell  far  short  of,  the  rigor  of  former  laws — 
will  he  not  be  lost  in  amazement,  how  it  was  possible  so  to  ex- 
cite the  public  passions,  respecting  this  necessary  measure,  as 
to  actually  endanger  the  permanence  of  the  miion  ?  for  it  is  an 
indubitable  fact  that  insurrection  and  rebellion  were  threatened 
— and  it  has  been  repeatedly  asserted,  and  confidently  believed 
that  the  tenth  congress,  through  apprehension  of  that  issue  alone, 
repealed  the  embargo  act. 

I  ought  not  to  omit,  that  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  act- 
ually passed  an  act  making  the  enforcement  of  some  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  embargo  law  criminal,  and  attaching  to  it  certain 
penalties.  -  It  is  out  of  my  power  to  procure  the  act,  or  to  state 
its  details.  But  of  its  existence  there  is  not  the  shudow  of  a 
doubt. 

*  The  wliole  of  thi,'  comnirison  of,  as  wfll  as  flui  remarlc  upon,  the?cat(»,  art 
taken  from  a  pamphlet,  pumished  in  Philadclpliia,  in  1809,  and  entitled  "The 
Con<ititutionAlitv  of  tlie  Embargo  Laws  es*.abii--hcd  hy  Precodciut" — as  lumiaoDS 
«ad  unanswerable  an  essay  as  erer, pubil^'^ied. 


ftiHy 
tlieimr 
fiir-e  foi 
tionoft 

*■  Th, 
■•asfcrn 
raded 
fieaded 
h  is  tru 
party  le 
plied. 


Ill  or 

]»ro- 
ly  of 

hikI 

nor 
lilita- 
Iruct- 

0(1011, 

care- 
more 

nun  Hs 

sflfdi/ 
lortant 
islaiive 
i  lliey 
krs  as 
,  of  his 
he  has 
jDy  as- 
ice  ex- 
laws — 
to  ex- 
lure,  as 
lit  is  an 
latened 
lieved 
alone, 

;tl8  act- 
Lhe  pro- 
jcertain 
ito  state 
low  of  a 


ntl«.  are 
?d  "The 
I  lumiQOUS 


THE  OtlVE  BRANCH. 
CHAPTER  XXVI. 


Patriotic  Proceedings.* 

1  ANNEX  a  few  specimens  of  (he  style  and  suhstnnco  of  (he 
resolutions  and  legislative  remarks  upon  the  embargo — in  order 
to  satisfy  the  reader  (hat  I  have  not  exagj^crated  the  deplorable 
and  disgraceful  phrenzy  of  the  [tublic  mind. 

Extract  from  the  resolnlions  of  the  t'jwn  (ifOloncuter,  January  *2th,  IBOP, 

**  Resolved,  That  we  will  imitiinlly  watch  and  protect  what  little  properly  w« 
hftvp  htill  left — that  wfi  will  usrall  lanful  int-ans  '  to  arri'st  diB(uil»eraaiMl  broak- 
frs  ofihc  peace  or  such  ollicrs  a^  may,  {under  pretmrr  rf  authoritiffrom  gnvem- 
menl)  jro  armed  by  night,'  or  utter  any  meiiaceji,  or  tareatcnin;?  (spenclieji,  to  the 
foar  i)i:d  terror  of  llio  pood  p«-ople  of  thi,«  town ;  and  that  we  will  ever  hold  in  ab- 
tioiTcnc"  piinp^,  and  sj)i<-j,  and  night-walkers,  who  strive  to  fatten  on  the  spoils  of 
their  "iiirprine  follow-citizons. 

"  Re^nlved,  Tliat  to  onr  slnte  govirtunent  vr  look  for  coxmcU,  protection  zn(t 
vdlrf,  ot  this  anful  period  of  gencrtil  fflin/Hi/y." 

ExlrarJ  from  the  residutiom  if  the  tonm  of  Bath,  December  27,  1803. 

**  Resolved,  that  we  have  hitherto  borne  with  pilcnce  the  severe  pressure  of 
these  ruiuoiis  laws  femljargo  Inw^] — and  althouglj  we  now  deem  it  our  duty  to  speak 
yvithfirmness  and  decision  our  detestation  cf  them,  and  the  policy  which  gave  rise  i» 
ihem,  we  will  still  keep  down  the  spirit  of  indi;!nation  which  swells  within  us  at 
the  endurance  of  them  ;  and  will  conduct  toward  the  national  governmeDt  and  its 
leveral  officers  with  suitable  deference  and  moderation  ;  that  we  do,  however, 
despair  of  obtaining  any  redress  of  the«e  grievances,  from  that  government,  while 
il3  principal  offices  are  fdled  as  at  present ;  and  Ihat  our  only  hope  is  that  the 
ttatc  jjovernmentF,  by  their  remonstrances  and  resolutions,  may  have  more  influ- 
ence in  eflecting  this  object,  than  the  petitior.d  and  memorials  of  individuals  and 
towns. 

'•  Resolved,  therefore,  That  a  respectful  addre^"!  be  forwarded  in  the  name  of 
the  people  of  this  town  to  the  legi=1;tture  of  this  conatnonwealth  ;  stating  to  tbein 
the  wrongs  and  grievancrs  w*^  already  sutT^r,  and  tlie  fearful  apprehensions  we  ex- 
perience of  Epeedily  havinf^  our  calamity  increased  by  the  addition  of  still  more 
restrictive  and  arbitrary  lav.:' ;  e>:nresslng  to  them  our  approbation  ofthemsas^ 
uies  tliey  have  already  luloptcdupon  this  important  subject,  and  requesting  them 
to  take  sucli  other  imu.rdiate  steps  for  relieving  the  people,  either  by  themselves 
alone,  or  in  cmccrt  v  iih  nlhcr  commf.rcuil  slates,  as  the  extraordinary  circumstanee$ 
of  our  situation  rani'  require.'*'' 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  town  ofHonton  to  the  legislature  of  McuS' 

hchuseits,  Junnnry  ^5th,  \Q09. 
"  The  inhabitant'^  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  town  irf^ting  assembled,  respect 
fnUy  ropresont — That  they  are  conslrr.Iiif  d  if*  apply  to  your  honorable  body,  ai 
the  immediate  ginrdinns  ofllieir  rI,T,!its  nnd  Hf  erties,  for  j  our  interposition  to  pro- 
cure for  tlu'in  relirffvum  tlie  ji.-ievancfs  whicli  tl'.ey  now  sniffer,  under  the  opeja- 
tlon  of  the  laws  of  the  geii"ral  government,  abolishing  foru-ign  commerce,  and  sub- 

*  The  factious,  and  sedition'',  and  jac.cbinicHl  prorepdInp:.s  that  took  place  in  the 
^as-torn  states  in  the  year  lOO",  and  shook  tlie  s^vornaipnt  to  its  centre,  were  pa- 
raded In  many  of  the  ff^d  ralpnT'cr^  thronihout  tl>e  injion  with  grerit  solemnity, 
headed  with  tl-.e  words  •  PATRIOTIC  PROCEEDIIVGS,"  in  slarinfr  capital*. 
It  is  truly  lamentable  to  reflect  on  the  extrava<iant  lengths  to  which  the  spirit  of 
party  leads  its  follow e«i>.  Never  was  the  woru  "  j*o(rM/ic'*  more  groasly  mhap 
plied.  .         . 

0 


149 

'.if 

•    » 

.^ 

t 

m 

i 


i\ 


ft 


159 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


jpdinfe,  the  coasting  trade  to  ennbarrasRineuts  wliiili  tlueati^n  its  annihilation. — 
Our  hope  and  con>olation  rest  with  the  legishitiire  of  our  state  to  nhym  it  is  compc- 
lent  fode.viie  mcan^  ofrdirf  against  thf.  uncoitstilutional  measures  of  the.  general 
£  'Vtriinient ;  that  your  power  is  adequate  to  thi?  object  is  evidtnt  Jrom  tkt  organ- 
izatitm  of  tJic  cov/edtracy.'''' 

ExUactfrur.i  the  procccfUngs  of  the  town  ofTopsfield,  Janucmj  i5lh,  180?, 

"  Rpstjlvcd,  That  such  has  been  our  suirenn*?,  and  so  grrat  is  our  alarm,  oc;*- 
s'oncd  b}'  the  extraordinary  measures  {ately  adoptrd,  that  we  shall  never  be  to.;- 
Itnttd  until  Tve  are  secured  from  a  repftili»n  of  the  same  evils.  That  a  b,ir'i 
rrpcal  of  the  obnoxious  acts  ouglit  not,  th' refore,  to  satisfy  a  free  and  prudent, 
pifcple,  any  more  than  the  rrpeal  of  the  British  stamp  act  s^ilerced  the  patriots  r\' 
that  diy — that  there  ought  to  be  a  solrmn  renunciation  of  the  right  thu'5  asrii'/.- 
vi\ ;  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  assembly,  that  legal  and  constitutional  mcajui*  ji 
iilionld  be  adopted  lor  that  purpose. 

*'  I'his  arSi'mhly  declare  it  as  their  deliberate  opinion  tjiat  there  rxi:  t^  T^'O 
<^AUSEof  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  that  such  a  warwonld  be  mijust,  .utinecers:;- 
ly,  nnd  cxtrsnuly  to  be  deplored  ;  that  the  removal  of  the  embarzo  will  not  ric-- 
cisjarily  involve  us  in  war  ;  but  should  this  be  the  alternative,  it  ought  to  he  i 
v.T.r  with  France,  and  not  with  Great  Britain. 

"  Inhabiting  a  part  of  the  union  the  most  enraged  in  foreign  cominercp,  they 
(!u!)k  themselves  {lualilied  to  decide  upon  its  risks,  and  the  nature  and  extent  ^i 
tlie  injuries  to  v.'hich  it  is  exposed  ;  and  it  is  their  firm  belief  that  our  commerce, 
uiireytrahu-d  by  self-destro}  ing  nieasures,  might  find  many  sources  of  ]>rofitabln 
♦■mploymcnt,  mthontinttrferivg  in  any  degret  nith  those  pri7idplts  rf  nmritimt 
hn;  which  GIlEAiT  BRIl  AITn'  deems  esscntitd  to  her  existence,  and7vhichin  un 
ci'ivJful  moment  like  the  present  she  nill  NEVER  YIELD. 

*'  And  liiis  asscnihiy  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  their  convicllon,  that  nei- 
ther the  honor  nor  the  permanent  interests  of  tnc  United  'iStates  require  that  we 
F-.Cfild  drive  Grent  Piritain,  if  it  wer**  incur  power,  to  the  stirrcndfr  tf  tho'^o 
tlni'ins  r-o  P'scidini  Ij  for  in  the  mighty  conflict  in  nhich  she  is  at  present  tngngfj  ; 
p  covjUdinttiCiling  to  hum  unity ,  to  inonds,  to  religion^  and  the  lad  slrugSil:  rf 
liberty.''' 

Fxfrnctfror.i  a  CircuLr  TTandlill,  published  at  ycrdiirvfor:. 

"  You  have  rrpo«ed  confulence  in  a  COWARD,  [JetTerson,]  and  leaned  on  r, 
broken  stafi'too  long. — 'il-.e  day  of  political  probation  is  fa^t  vorsiina;  to  a  clore — 
wiien  the  fate  of  Anciioa  V.  ill  he  decided,  and  laurels  bought  with  the  pricr  ov 
frt  i  tnt  ii'a  h]o(>d  vill  grace  the  brows  of  the  Gallic  tyrant.  Let  every  man  who 
holds  the  nuino  of  Ainerica  dear  to  him,  stretch  out  his  hand,  and  put  this  ncruvF- 
fd  thing  the  EMBARGO,  from  him.  [f^Fe  resolute  :  act  like  the  sons  of  liher- 
lly,  of  GOD  and  of  your  country— nerve  your  arms  with  VEISiGEAlSCE  again^v 
tj,e  DESPOT  who  would  wrest  thtt  inestimable  genu  uiyour  indt  pcndence  ircni 
ycu — and  you  shall  be  conijnerors  ! 

*'  Give  ear  no  longer  to  tlie  syren  voice  of  democracy  and  Jrjferscnian  lihnt^. 
It  is  a  cursed  delusion,  adopted  bv  traitors,  and  reconmiended  by  sycophants. 

•'  Jetibrson— a  man,  who  with  the  DAGGER  of  popular  car{fidcnct  first  gave  Ike 
stab  to  your  liberties." — 

Extract  from   the  proceedings  of  the  tcwn  cf  Avgnsia  in  Maine,  Jc.v.  16, 

1809. 

"  The  awful  crisis  has  arrived,  when  it  becomes  necessary  for  the  friends  cf 
our  independence,  to  make  a  firm  and  decided  stand— when  it  becomes  all-impoit- 
ant  to  throw  acide  minor  considerations,  and  unite  for  the  common  good  ;  and 
when  a  sense  of  common  danger  draws  ui  together  to  meet  the  approaclajj; 
storm. 

"  With  submission  almost  amounting  to  criminal  apathy,  wc  hare  sufferea  pri- 
vations aiid  restrictions  never  lirfore  expected  of,  or  endured  by,  a  free  people.-- 
fiowy  that  even  the  means  of  subsistence  is  at  hazard,  and  the  sacred  asyJuin  of 
our  dwellings,  is  no  longer  held  inviolable — nlence  would  be  crime,  aud  resUlcn.^ 
.n'6vldbucmea  ei.iue  (fthcfr:,!.  nt^nitudQH !  ■  ■- 


■  are  t 

our  c 

"I 
may ; 
as  if  \ 

"V 
allies 
spsak, 

"It 
WHO 

New  I 
ill  the 
and  ni 

*'TI 
hf  is  m 
fciffn  m; 
prohibi 
Largo, 

"  Th 
still  sov 

Ezlraci 

"In  a 
storm  scf 
tic  cnnv 
J"aise  my 
i  feel  ni3 
«houId  fi 
this  to  b 
act  co'it. 
BOU>,'E 
uiit."*f 

Tiih 

of  the 

rrom  tl 

hrieiy  ; 

low  cit 

which 

I  beliei 

was  in 

passed.  | 

Alai 

oeediriffl 

of  the 

fan  the 

*  For  t\ 
^fiy  are,' 
f  Bostol 


TiiE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


l!il 


-   •*  ResoIv«^i"l,  tli^ttiic  rcstricliotis -^ncl  Impositions  on  o>ir  trad.'  and  >;or:ri:'^,"Te, 
nre  too  gn-al  nijil  rniiioiis  any  '  .nger  '/>  be  bonic — and  l!i;U  the  ^-incidl  disUi:;:  uf 
our  country  (Ii'tr.ir.J-;  iuimedir.t'M'.'.liel.  ■' 

"  Every  mm  will  pre.-iime  ti.«t  l,(:  i^  Ro'.  bcui.J  'o  r*^ai  J  It  ft'ift  K'nbitgoj  iM% 
wiay  send  his  proihi'M;  or  I.'n  n!'!rc,trini!i<e  to  a  forL-it',")  raarkftl:i  lii<i  tt.u.e  riuiinir, 
as  if  the  govcrninciit  hi.d  [iev\.r  UiiiU-vtaki  ri  lo  j.ro'iiLIt  it." 

*'  \V(}  kno-.r  Iftljp  euitx-r.r;)  ^f  not  »■' 'Oovrd,  o'_,'-  i.>li-:pn<»  'vi'i  ori^  Inn;  ■.•vx  its  poa- 
airK\<  <nd  restriction.^'  at  flofl.uico.  It  ijtiioves  u:i  to  s^eat ;  for  drihi.  w"  mi'.:t,  if 
speaking  docs  not  answer,"  HjAjh  Kc^sitory. 

"  It  is  bettor  to  suffer  ih^  IMPUTATION  (.:'  a  Limb,  thr^a   lo   losft  th* 

WHO!iE  BODV.      IVt  jmc^t  pripnTefor  Ih.  (p-.ralim Wiic-refore  tlicri  is 

Nejv  England  -.liii-pp — wiuMeforc  dofi.  ahe  SUBMl'i''o  the  oppression  of  cne?;uM 

in  tiie  South  i' Have  we  no  Mosc-i,  wlio  is  iiupirtd  by  the  God  of  our  Fathert 

and  nill  lend  us  out  if  Eg^fpl  V '  Boston  Gasctte. 

"  This  perpetual  embarao  bftin;r  unconsrilutlonnl,  i^vcry  man  will  percfiivfl  that 
[.•c  is  not  bound  to  rcgnrd  it,  but  njay  send  hi.j  produce  or  merchandize  to  a  r'r- 
fcign  market  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the  govcniment  li:id  never  unJert.ikeii  to 
prohibit  it ! — If  the  petitions  do  not  produce  a  relv\xatio«  or  removal  of  the  eir. 
Largo,  tfie  pfrple  oright  immtdiattli^  to  assume  a  higher  tone. 

"  The  govirumtnt  "f  Mnxsachusdti  hsf  also  a  duty  to  perform.  This  slate  i- 
still  sovereign  and  independent."  Boston  Centinel,  September  lOlh,  1303. 

Extracl/rom  the  spetch  of  Mr.  HiWiOUse^  in  the  ienaie  of  Ihc  Uiiilcd  Slate f, 
on  the  bill  for  enforcing  the  enxbargo. 

"  In  my  mind  th?  present  crisis  excite?  tlie  most  serious  apprehensions.  jf 
storm  scemn  to  be  gntnering  which  portends  not  a  tempest  on  the  «cean,  but  <fowi«,s- 
tic  cnnvulsions ! — However  painful  the  task,  a  senne  of  duty  calls  upon  me  to 
raise  my  voice,  and  use  my  utmost  exertions  to  prevent  the  passing  of  thi»«bill. — 
I  feel  myself  bound  in  conscience  to  declare,  [j^lest  the  blood  of  those  who 
«hould  fall  in  tlie  execution  of  this  measure  may  lie  on  my  head,  that  I  consider 
this  to  be  nn  net  winch  directs  a  mortal  blow  at  the  liberties  oi'  my  cour.try  :  an 
act  coritaiiiins  unconstitutional  provisions,  to  which  THE  PEOPLE  ARE  NOT 
BOUND  TO  SUBMIT,  and  to  wliich,  in  ray  opinion,  rr5=thev  will  not  sub 
mit."*j-  ^        ' 

This  speech  requires  a  most  serious  reflection.  A  senator 
of  the  Uiiited  States — whose  age  ought  lo  have  secured  him 
from  the  heyday  of  passion  and  violence,  and  taught  him  so- 
briety and  gravity,  in  his  place  invites  and  encourages  his  fel- 
low citizens  to  insurrection  and  rebellion  !  And  the  law  to 
which  he  excites  resistance  is  not  so  rigorous,  as  laws  which, 
I  believe,  he  had  concurred  to  frame :  for  I  am  pursuaded  he 
was  in  congress  when  those  laws  to  which  I  have  referred,  were 
passed. 

A  large  volume  might  be  filled  with  similar  "  patriotic  pro- 
ceedings," as  they  were  then  styled,  which  threatened  the  peace 
of  the  nation  with  destruction.  No  pains  had  been  spared  to 
fan  the  flame.      The  public  mind,   by  incessant  appeals  to  the 

*  For  the  preceding  extracts  I  am  indebted  to  a  pamphlet,  jtylpil  "  Things  ag 
they  are,"  by  H.  Niles. 
f  Boston  Centinci,  Jan.  12,  IGOO" 


!•& 


152 


'J'HE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


passions,  had  been  excited  to  a  species  of  delirium "^nd  rnftd* 
iiess.  And  such  ^vas  the  awful  and  disgraceful  delusion,  that 
the  suCferings  of  (he  country  by  the  lawless  proceedings  of  the 
belligerents,  were  unjustly  ascribed  to  the  measures  of  the  gov- 
ernment, calculated  to  enforce  redress !  Greater  insanity  can. 
hardly  be  conceived. 


•  Atp 
▼ou  wi 
heading 
ernmer 
I  aiB 
.lervanl 

Joh\ 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

John  Hcnry^s  Mission  to  tJte  Eastern  States.      Instructions  from- 
tite  Governor  General  of  British  Ainerica. 

CoTEMPORANEousTiY  with  the  ^'' patriotic  proceedings^  of 
■which  I  have  presented  the  reader  with  a  slight  sketch  in  the 
preceeding  cbjipter,  a  ir.ost  extraordinary  circumstance  occur- 
red in  Canada.  Sir  James  H.  Craig,  governor  general  of  the 
BrifiSii  provinces  in  North  America,  employed  a  certain  John 
^ieury  on  a  mission  to  the  Eastern  States,  to  ascertain  the 
views  of  i!ie  malcontents,  and  how  far,  if  they  obtained  "  a  «fe« 
ci'hl  iijiuencey^  they  would  "  exert  that  influence  to  bring  e^mt 
a  separation  from  tlic  gencrjl  union. ''^  Also  "  how  far y  in  such 
an  event  J  they  would  look  to  Englandfor  assistance^  or  be  disposed' 
to  etiter  into  a  connexion  with  us'''  [the  people  of  Canada.] 

This  is  a  most  important  feature  in  the  history  of  our  era. — 
1  shall  therefore,  give  the  whole  of  the  correspondence  between 
Sir  James  and  Mr.  Henry ,^  inexlenso^  without  comment.  Let 
the  reader  decide  for  himself  as  to  the  nature  of  the  transaction. 

No.  I. 

Mr,  Rylandf  aeeretary  to  sir  James  Craig^  late  governor-general  of  the  Bri- 
tish  provinces  in  North  America,  to  Mr.  Henry. 

^  [Most  secret  and  confidential.] 

Quelec,  IZthJanuari/,.  1^09. 

My  dear  sir — The  extraordinary  situation  of  things  at  this  time  in  the  neigh* 
boring  states,  tias  siisgested  to  the  governor  in  chief,  the  idea  of  employing  you 
on  a  secret  and  confidential  mission  to  Boston,  provided  an  arrangement  can  be 
made  to  meet  the  important  end  in  view,  without  throwing  an  absolute  obstacle 
in  tlie  way  of  your  professional  pursuits.  The  information  and  political  observa- 
tions heretfore  receivedfrom  you  were  transmitted  by  his  excellency  to  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  who  has  expressed  his  particular  approbation  of  them  :  and  there  is 
no  doubt  t'.iat  your  able  execution  of  such  a  mission  as  1  have  above  suggested, 
would  give  vbu  a  claim  not  only  on  the  governor-general,  but  on  his  majcsty*s 
ministers,  which  might  eventually  contribute  to  your  advantage.  You  will  have 
the  goodness,  therefore,  to  acquaint  me,  for  his  excellency's  information,  wheth- 
er you  could  make  it  convenient  to  engage  in  a  mission  of  this  nature,  and  what 
pecuniary  assistance  would  be  retyiisitc  to  enable  you  to  undertake  it  without  iu» 
iury  to  yourselfc 


I  hav 
Hesire  o 
his  exce 

I  nee 
durance 
services 

If  the 
disbursp 
can  excf 

I  Khali 
Ih; 

H.  » 


Cfenera/ 


'    Sir— A 
you  as  be 
to  requed 
The  pi 
obtain  tli 
union,  w 
telligencc 
considera 
states  of . 
1  shall 
likely  to 
nections  t 
I  think 
Bess  of  ai 
discovere( 
fluence  at 
ground  fo 
have  beei 
In  the  1 
recommei 
include  t 
tics  and  tc 
the  two  gi 
of  that  wd 
It  has  b 
eessful  ID 
public  opi 
ttie  difficu 
fluence  to 
niationcn 
also  be,  th 


THE  OLIVE  BRAI^CH. 


163 


J  At  present  it  la  only  necessary  for  me  te  add,  that  the  governor  would  rumiih 
you  with  a  cypher  for  carrying  on  your  correspondence  ;  and  that  in  case  the 
kading  party  in  any  of  the  states  wished  to  open  a  commuoieation  with  this  gov- 
emment,  their  views  might  be  communicated  through  you. 

I  am,  with  great  truth  and  regard,  my  dear  sir,  your  most  faithful,  bumble 
servant, 

(Signed)  HERiMAN  W.  RYLAKD. 

John  Henry ^  Esq, 

No.  If. 

Montreal^  January  St,  1809« 

I  have  ta^cknowledg;e  the  favor  of  your  letter  of  the  26th  inst.  written  by  the 
desire  of  hisexcellency  the  gov.  in  chief;  and  hasten  to  express,  through  you,  t 
his  excellency,  my  readiness  tb  ooteply  with  hisrwi-ihes. 

I  need  not  add  how  very  fiefttering  it  is  to  receive  fiom  his  excelleney  the  at 
fturanee  of  the  approbation  of  his  majesty's  secretary  of  state  for  the  very  humble 
services  that  I  may  have  rendered; 

If  the  nature  of  the  services  in  wliich  I  am  to  bfc  engaged  will  require  no  other 
disbursements  than  for  my  individual  ezpences,  I  do  not  apprehend  that  the^ft 
can  exceed  my  private  resources. 

I  (diall  b(*  ready  to  take  my  departure  before  my  instructions  can  be  made  oiit, 
*       I  have  the  honor  to  be,  ice  J.  H'y. 

.1  H.  W.  Rylandj  Esq.  See.  ke. 

No.  III. 
Heneral  Ifistructionsfrom  sir  J.  H.  Craig  to  Mr .  Henry,  rcsped'rtgkir 

secret  mission- 
[Most  secret  and  confidential.  ] 

Quebec,  6th  February,  1809. 
y-   Sir — As  yr«'  *»!^ve  po  readily  undertaken  the  service  which  I  have  suggested  tn 
you  as  being  Jil::    '  If*  be  attended  with  much  benefit  to  the  public  interegfts,  I  am 
to  request  thai  •  •      ;  >ur  earliest  conveniency  you  will  proceed  to  Boston. 

The  prlocipa  o*,, ".  that  I  recommend  to  your  attention,  is  the  endeavor  io 
obtain  the  most  accurate  information  of  the  true  etste  of  aflairs  in  that  v-^t*.  of  the 
union,  which,  from  its  wealth,  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  and  the  known  in- 
telligence and  ability  of  several  of  its  leading  men,  must  naturally  possess  a  very 
considerable  influence  ovit,  and  will  indeed  probably  lead,  the  other  pasteiirt 
states  of  America  in  the  part  they  may  take  at  this  important  crisis. 

I  shall  not  pretend  to-  point  out  to  you  the  mode  by  which  you  will  be  mc.«t 
likely  to  obtain  this  important  information.  Your  own  judgcmient,  ar.d  the  con- 
nections which  you  may  have  in  the  town,  must  be  your  guide. 

I  think  it  however  oecessan^  to  put  you  on  your  guard  against  the  sanguin^- 
ness  of  an  aspiring  party.  The  federalists,  as  I  understand,  havei  at  all  times- 
discovered  a  leaning  to  this  disposition  :  and  their  being  tmder  its  particular  in- 
fluence at  this  moment,  is  the  more  to'be  expected  from  their  having  no  ill  founded 
ground  for  their  hopes  of  being  nearer  the  attainment  of  their  otiljcct  than  they 
have  been  for  some  years  past. 

In  the  general  terms  which  I  have  made  use  of  in  dcteribing  the  object  which  I 
recommend  to  your  attention  ;  it  is  scarcely  necessary  that  I>  should  observe,  I 
include  the  st.ite  of  the  public  opinion,  both  with  regard  lo  their  internal  poli- 
tics and  to  the  probability  of  a  War  with  England ;  the  roiaparative  strength  df 
the  two  great  parties  into  wliicli  the  country  is  divided ;  and  theview?  and  designs 
of  that  which  may  ultimately  prevail. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  if  the  federalists  of  the  eastern  state?  should  be  suc- 
cessful in  obtaining  that  decided  influence,  which  may  enable  them  to  direct  the 
public  opinion,  it  u  not  improbable,  that  rather  than  subntit  to  » continuance  of 
file  diflicultles  and  distress  to  which  they  are  now  subject,  they  will  ex<ert  that  in- 
fluence to  br.'ng  about  a  separation  from  the  general  union.  The  earliest  infor- 
niation  on  this  subject  may  be  of  great  consequence  to  our  government ;  asitma^ 
also  be,  thaf  it  should  be  informed  how  far  iti  suc!i  an  event  th«;y  would  look  to* 
Englaad  for  assistance,  or  be  disposed  to  enter  into  a  coooectioa  witl)ni»> 

^  o  a 


•^      Jk 

»•'« 


*  » 


154 


THE  OLIVE  BRAN^Crr. 


Although  it  would  be  kighly  inexpedient  that  you  should  in  any  mannrr  nj.pRsr 
a«  an  avowed  agent;  yet  if  you  coul J. contrive  to  obtain  an  intimacy  with  any  of. 
tiie  leading;  party,  it  may  not  be  improper  t!iat  yoU'ShouId  insinuate,  though  witii 
great  caution,  that  if  they  shouUl  wish  to  enter  into  any  communication  with  oue 
government  through  me,  you  are  nuthori:>ed  to  receive  any  ouch,  and  wili  safely 
transmit  it  tc  m» :  andas  it  m^y  not  be  impossible  tliat  they  siiould  require  some 
document  by  which  they  may  be  assured,  that  you  are  really  in  the  idtu-ation  in 
which  you  represent  yourself,  I  enclose  a  credential  to  be  produced  in  that  view. 
But  I  most  prxticularly  enjoin  and  direct,,  that  you  do  not  make  uic  of  tliin  pa- 
per, unless  i.desire-  to  that  purpose  should'  be  expressed ;  and-  unlefiS  j^ou  see 
good  grour  d  for  expecting  tliat  the  doing  so  may  lead  to  a  more  confidential  com. 
munic:i''jn,  than  you  can  otiicrwise  look  for. 

In  pasj^ing  through  the  state  of  Vermont,  you  will  of  course  exert  your  en-* 
deavors  to  procure  all  the  information  that  the  short  stay  you  will  probably 
make  there  will  admit  of.  You  will  use  yourown  discretion  as  to  delaying  your 
journey,  with  tlii»  view,  more  op  less,  in  proportiou  to  your  prosp^ects  of  obtain- 
ing any  information  of  consequence. 

I  re^iuest  to  hear  from  you  as  frequently  as-posnible  :  and  as  letters  addressed 
to  me  might  excite  suspicion,  it  may  be  as  well  that  you  put.  them  under  cover  to 
Mr.————.  And  as  even  tiie  addressing  letters  always  to  the  same  persoa 
might  attract  notice,  I  recommend  your  sometimes  addressing; your  packet  to  the 
oliief  justice  here,  or  occasionally,  though  seldom^to  Air.  Rylandf  but  never*- 
with  the  addition  of  hia  official  description. 

1  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  huiuble  8ery!t,. 

(Signed)  x:H.eBfAia4 

John  henri/f  Esq. 

No.  IV». 
Credential  from  Sir  James  Craig  to.  Mr. Henry  ... 

(Copy.)  [seal.]  , 

Tlie  bearer  Mr  John  Henry,  is-  employed  by  me,  and  full  confidence  m«y  lie  - 
placed  in  him  for  any  communicUion  which  any  person  may  wish  to  make  to  me 
'.a  the  bn^ness  committed  to  him.     in  faith  of  which  I  have  given  Jiim  this  under- 
lay hand  and  seal  at  Qoebec,  the  6th  day  o£.  Febeuary,  1809. 

(Signed)  J.  He  CRAIO. 

No.  V. 

To  hit  exeeUeney  the  Governor  General^  &c.  til  answer  tohb^  letter  of  tn»' 

sir  actions. 

'  Montreal^  Feb.  i0,i»09.^^ 

Pir — I  ha>ve  thahonorto  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  excellency's  letter 
•f  instructions,  the  letter  of  credence,  and  tlie  cypher  for  carrying  on  m^  corres- 
pondence. I  have  bestowed  much  pains  upon  the  cypher ;  and  am.  notwilhstand- 
iiig  this,  deficient  in  some  points  which  might  enable  me  to. understand  it  clearly.. 
I  have  compared  the  example  with  my  own  exemplification-  of  the  cypher,  and 
find  adifferencc  in  the  ref^ults :  and  as  the  present  niomcnt  seems  favorable  to  the 
interference  of  his  ma^jesty^e  government  m  the  measures  pursued  .by  the  federal 
party  in  .the  nortfaera,  states,  and  noore  especially  as  the  assembly  of  Massachu-, 
setts  is  now  in  session,  1  think  it  better  to  set  forward  immediately,  than  wait  for 
any  further  explanation  of- the  means  of  carrying.onasetMret  correspondence;  which  . 
the  frequency  of  safe  private  conveyances  to  Canada  will  render  almost  wholly  un- 
aeeesrary.  Should  it  however  be  necessary  at  any  'time,  I  take  leave  to  suggest 
that  the  index  alone  furnishes  a  /ery  safe  and  simple  mode.  In  it  there  is  a  num> 
ben  for.  every  letter  in  the  alpliabet,  an<l  particular  numbers  for  particular  phrases ; 
M>  that  when  I  do  not  find  in  the  index  the  particular  word.!  want,  I  can  spell  it 
with  th^  fiptres  which  stand  opposite  to  the  letters.  For  example,  if  I  want  to 
wy  that  **  troops  are  at  Albany,"  1  find  under  the  letter  *'  T"  that  number  1^ 
•tandii  for  "  troops,"  and  i^umber  125  for  '*  Albany."  The  intervening  wordJ^ 
^ifc  at"  I.supjply  07  figwres  correspoodiiij;  will)  the  letten  iQ-tliL«4^.wjpcd«, 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


15i^ 


It  will  be  ncCMsary  to  provide  against  ac^'id^nt  hy  adJr<*gsin5  tlie  letters  to 

Mr. ,  of  Monlnial,  wjUi  a  small  n)?.rk  on  the  corner  of  the  envelope 

which  he  will  understand  .  Wlien  1ip  receives  it,  lie  will  tUcn  addre.^s  the  enclo- 
ture  to  your  excellency,  and  send  it  from  Montreal  hy  mall.  1  vfill  be  careful 
not  to  addicas  your  e*ccelleni!y  in  the  body  of  tiie  letter,  nor  sign  my  ouinc  to 
any  of  tliem. —  They  will  be  merely  de8i;^ii.\ted  by  the  initials  A.  B. 

If  this  mode  should  in  any  reiipect  appear  exceptiouabl<;,  your  excellency  will 
have  the  gootlness  ti^  ord^r  a  more  pirticuiar  explanation  of  the  card.  It  would, 
reach  me  in  safety  addressed  to ,  Boston, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  (kc,  J-  H*y« 

No.  VI. 

Burlington^  Vermont,  Feb  14,1809. 

Sir— I  have  remained  here  two  deys,  in  order  fully  to  ascertain  the  progress  of 
Sie  arrangements  heretofore  !mde  for  organising  an  efficient  opposition  to  the 
general  povernment;  as  well  as  to  bscome  acquainted  with  tlie  o,'inious  of  the 
leading  people,  relative  to  the  measures  of  that  patty  which  has  the  aacendeucjr 
in  the  national  coimt^ils. 

.  On  the  subject  of  the  embargo  laws  there- seems  but  one  opinion;  namely, 
tliat  thoy  are  unnecessary*,  oppfo,*sive,  and  uaconstilutional.  It  must  also  be  ob- 
served that  the  execution  of  thoni  is  so  invidious  as  to  attract  towards  the  officer* 
of  government  the  enmity  of  the  people,  which  i-<  of  course  transferp.ble  to  the 
goveriiracnt-  itself ;  so  tliat  in  cp.r.e  {\w  state  of  Massr.ehusetts  sitould  take  any 
bold  step  towards  resisting  the  extertion  of  these  laws,  it-  is  bi.^h1y  probable  that 
it  inny  calculate  upon  the  hearty  co-operution  of  the  people  of  Vermont. 

I  leant  that  the  gov.'rnor  of  this  state  is  now  vl^iiting  the  towns  in  the  norlhern 
section  of  it  j.  and  g;;^^  makes  no  secret  of  his  detennin^^tion,  as  commander  in 
rhief  of  the  reilitia,  to  refuse  obedience  to  nny  command  from  the  general  gov- 
ernment which  (Sin  tend  to  interrupt  tiie  good  understanding  that  prevails  be- 
tween the  ciliaen!)  of  Vermont  and  his  majesty's  subjects  in  Canada  e£^M  It  i<' 
further  intimated,  that,  in  oose  of  a  war.  he  will  use  his  influence  to  preserve  the 
state  neutral;,  and  resist,  with  all  the  force  he  can  command,  any  attempt  to- 
niake  it  a  party.  I  need  not  add,  that  if  these  resolutions  are  carried  into  effect, 
gjjp,  the  state  of  Vermont  may  be  considered  as  an  ally  of  Great  Britain. 

To  what  extent  the  sentiments  which  prevail  in  this  quarter  exist  in  the  neigh, 
boring  states,  or  even  in  tlie  eastern  section  of  this  state,  I  am  not  ftble  to  conjee, 
turr.  I  cau  ouly  say,  with  certainty,  that  the  le.iding  men  cf  the  federal  party 
act  in  concert ;  and,  t!icrcfore,  infer,  that  a  common  sentiment  pervades  th« 
whole  body  throughout  New-England; 
1  have  seen  a  letter  from  a  gentlemen  now  at  Washington  to  his  friend  in  thit 

flaca ;  and  as  its  contents  may  serve  to  throw-  seme  light  on  paFsiog  events  tiiere, 
shall  send  eiUicr  the  original  or  a  copy  .witli  tliis  despatch.  The  writer  of  the 
letter  is  a  man  of  character  and  veracity ;  and  \vhether  competent  or  not  to  form 
correct  opinions  himself,  is  probably  within  the  reach  of  all  the  knowledge  that 
tan  be  obtained  by  the  party  to  which  he  belongs.  It  appears  by  his  statement 
that  there  is  a  very  formidable  majorityan  congress  on  the  side  of  the  administra- 
tion ;  notwithstanding  wbicli,  there  is  every  reason  to  hope,  that  T]^ihe  north- 
ern states  in .  their  diittinct  capacity  will  unite  and  resist  by  force  a  war  with 
Great  Britiun.  In  what  mode  this  resistance  will  first  show  itself,  is  probably  not 
yet  determined  apon;  and  may  in  some  measure  depend  upon  the  reliance  that 
the  leading  men  may  place  upon  assurances  of  support  from  bis  majesty's  repre- 
sentatives in  Canada ;  and  as  I  sliall  be  on  the  spot  to  tender  this  whenever  the 
moment  arrives  that  it  can  be  Jone  with  effect— there  is  no  doubt  that  fjy*  all 
their  measures  may  be  rande  subordiaats  to  the  intentions  of  hi.<*  majesty's  gov- 
ernmcnt.c£^^  Great  pains  are  taken  by  the  men  of  talents  and  intelligence  to 
^][rj«coofirm  the  fears  of  the  common  people,  as  to  the  concurrence  of  the  south- 
cru  democrats  in  the  projects  of  France ;  and  every  thing  tends  to  encourage  the 
iRBlier,.  that  the  dissolution  or  the  confbdxract  wiU  be  accelerated  i^  that 
9ii|irit  which  now  actuates  both  political  partiei» 


Jfri 


hie. 


THE  OLIVE  BRAXCIT. 


No.  vir. 

Windsor,  Vermont,  Feb.  10,  1869^. 

SiH — My  last  was  written  at  Burlington,  the  principal  town  in  the  nortiicm' 
part  of  the  state  of  Vennoiit.  1  am  now  at  the  principal  town  in  the  eastern 
section. 

The  fall  try  of  men's  opinions  when  tliey  act  under  the  influence  of  sensibility, 
itnd  are  strongly  excited  by  those  hopes  which  always  animate  a  rising  party, 
lead  me  to  doubt  the  correctiiesj  of  the  opinions  which  I  received  in  the  northera 
section  of  this  ntate ;  which,  from  it»  contiguity  tu  Canada,  and  necessary  inter- 
course with  Montrt^Hl,  has  a  strong  interest  in  promoting  a  good  understanding 
with  his  majesty's  govenimcnt.  Therefore,  since  my  departure  from  Burlington, 
I  have  souc;ht  every  favorable  occasion  of  cotiversing  with  the  democrats  on  the 
probable  result  of  the  policy  adbpted  by  the  general  government.  The  difference 
of  opinion  is  thus  expressed. 

The  federal  parly  declare,  that  in  the  event  of  a  war,  [jy*  the  state  of  Vermont 
will  treat  separately  for  itself  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  support,  to  the  utmost, 
the  stipulations  into  which  it  m^y  enter,  wlthont  any  regard  to  the  policy  of  the 
general  government.    The  democrats  on  the  other  hand  assert,  that,  in  such  a 
case  as  that  contemplated,  the  people  would  nearly  be  divided  into  equal  numbers ; 
en«  of  which  would  support  the  government,  if  it  could  be  done  without  involving 
the  people  in  a  civil  war :  but  at  all  events  would  risk  every  thing  in  preference 
to  a  coalition  with  Great  Britaiu. — This  difference  of  opinion  is  not  to  be  wholly 
ascribed  to  the  prejudices  of  party.    The  people  in  the  eastern  section  of  Vermont 
are  not  operated  upod  by  the  same  hopes  and  fears  as  those  on  the  borders  of  the 
British  colony.     They  are  cot  dependant  upon  Montreal  for  the  saile  of  their 
produce,  nor  the  supply  of  foreign  commndUies.     They  are  not  apprehensive  of 
any  serious  dan^^rs  of  inconvenience  from  a  state  of  war:  and  although  they 
admit  that  the  governor,  council,  and  three-fourths  of  the  rePTesentation  in  con- 
gress are  of  the  federal  party,  yet  they  do  not  believe  that  the  state  would  stan^ 
alone  and  resist  the  national  government.     They  do  not  ho«vever  deny,  that 
should  the  state  of  Vermont  continue  to  be  represented  as  it  i6  ajt  present,  it  would 
in  all  probability  unite  with  the  neighboring  states,  in  any  serious  plan  ^resistance 
to  a  war,  which  it  might  seem  expedient  to  adopt — This  1  tnink  is  the  safer 
opinion  for  you  to  rely  on  ;  if  indeed  reliance  ought  to  be  j^taced-on  any  measure 
depending  upon  the  will  of  the  rabble,  which  is  ever  changing,  and  must  ever  be 
marked  with  ignorance,  caprice,  and  inconstancy.     Asthe  crisis  approaches,  the 
difficulty  of  deciding  upon  an  hazardous  alternative  will  increase.    And  unfortu-< 
nately  there  is  not  in  Vermont  any  man  of  conimandhig  talents,  capable  of  attract- 
ing general  coi]fidence  ;  of  infusing  into  the  people  his  owii  spirit ;  and,  amidst  the 
confusion  of  conflicting  opinions,  dangers  and  commotion,  competent  to  lead  in  the 
path  of  duty  or  safety.     The  governor  is  an  industrious,  prudent  maa,  and  has 
more  personal  influence  than  any  other.     But  his  abilities  are  net  suited  to  the 
atuation  in  which  a  civil  war  would  place  him.     I  am,  &g.  A.  B. 

No.  VIII. 
Amherst,  New  Hampshire,  Feb.SS,  1809. 

Sir — A^entleman  going  direct  to  Canada,  affords  a  safe  and  favorable  opportu- 
nity of  giving  yon  come  further  account  of  my  progress.  I  will  not  make  use  of 
tlie  post-olScea,  when  I  can  avoid  it ;  because  private  occasions  supercede  the 
necessity  of  writing  in  cypher.  And  the  contempt  of  decency  and  principle,  which- 
forms  part  of  the  morals  of  the  subaltern  ofHcers  of  a  demdcracy,  would  incline 
them  to  break  a  seal  with  the  same  indifference,  that  they  break  their  words, 
when  either  cufiosity  or  interest  is  to  be  indulged. 

I  have  not  had  aufficieat  time  nor  evidence,  to  enable  me  to  form  any  opinion 
/or  myielf,  of  the  lengths  to  which  the  federal  party  will  carry  opposition  to  the 
national  government  in  the  event  of  a  war.  Much  may  be  inferred  from  the  result 
of  the  elections  of  governors,  which  within  two  months  will  be  made  in  the  states 
of  Massachuseltb,  New  Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island.  From  all  I  know  and  all 
lean  learn  of  the  general  government,  lam  not  apprehensive  of  an  immediate 
war.    The  embfirgo  is  the  favorite  measure.    And  it  is  probable  that  otber  means^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


i.vr 


Anion 
tbe 
result 
states 
nd  all 
ediats 


will  be  employed  to  excite  England  to  commit  some  act  of  hostility,  for  the  sol* 
purpose  oj  placing  llie  responsibility  of  war  on  that  country.  This  I  most  par- 
ticularly recommend  to  tlic  consideration  of  ministers.  The  dread  of  opposition, 
and  the  loss  of  popularity,  will  certainly  keep  t lie  ruling  party  at  Washington' 
inactive. — They  will  risk  rrny  thing  but  tlie  loss  of  power ;  and  they  are  well  aware 
that  thcirpower  would  pass  away  with  the  first  calamity  which  their  measures  miglit 
bring  upon  the  common  people  (from  whom  that  power  emanates,)  unless  indeed, 
they  could  fir.d  a  sufficient  excuse  in  the  conduct  of  Gieat  Britain.  This  impres- 
sion cannot  be  too  deeply  felt  by  his  ma.iesty's  ministers  ;  nor  too  widely  spread 
throuahout  the  British  nation.  It  will  furnish  a  sure  guide  in  every  policy  that 
may  be  adopted  towards  tbe  L'uitcd  States.     I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

'"        -  A.  B. 

'  ,    .   ^'o.  IX. 

Boston,  March  5, 1809. 

Sir — 1  am  fT/orctl  with  r.nother  opportunity  of  writing  to  you  by  a  private  con- 
veyance ;  and  tr.i;i;c  it  probable,  at  this  season,  that  the  frequency  of  these  will, 
render  it  unnecei-ury  to  write  to  you  in  cypher. 

It  does  not  yet  appear  nece.«sary  that  1  sliould  discover  to  any  .  ^.  the  pur- 
pose of  my  visit  to  Boston  ;  nor  is  it  probable  that  I  shall  be  cou  .iled,  for  the 
sake  of  jjaining  more  knowledge  of  the  arrangements  of  the  federal  party  in  these 
states,  to  avow  myself  as  a  regular  authorised  agent  of  the  British  government^ 
even  to  those  individuals  who  would  feel  equally  bound  with  myself  to  preserve 
with  the  utmost  inscrutability  io  important  a  secret  from  the  public  eye. 

nrr'  I  have  ttufEcient  means  of  information  to  enable  me  to  judge  of  the  proper 

Senod  for  offering  the  co-operation  of  Great  Britain,and  opening  a  correspondence 
etween  the  governor  general  of  British  America  and  those  individuals,  who, 
from  the  part  they  take  in  the  opposition  to  the  national  government,  or  the 
influence  they  may  possess  in  any  new  order  of  things,  that  may  grow  out  of  the 
present  differences,  should  be  qualified  to  act  on  behalf  of  (he  northern  states  eCQ 
An  apprehension  of  any  such  state  of  things,,  as  is  presupposed  by  these  remarks, 
begins  to  subside  j- since  it  has  appeared,  by  the  conduct  of  tbe  general  govern-- 
ment,  that  it  is  seriously  alarmed  at  the  menacing  attitude  of  the  northern  states. 
But  although  it  is  believed  that  there  is  no  probability  of  an  immediate  war,  yet 
no  doubts  are  entertained,  that  Mr.  Madison  will  fall  upoti  some  new  expedients 
to  bring  about  hostilities.     What  these  may  be  can  only  be  deduced  from  what 
appears  to  be  practicable.     A  noniniercoursi  with  England  and  France  will 
probably  supercede  the  embargo  j  which,  by  opening  with  the  rest  of  Europe  a 
partial  legitimate  commerce,  and  affording  strong  temptations  to  that  which  is 
illejial,  will  expose  the  vessels  to  capture,  detention  and  embarrassment ;  will 
justify  the  present  policy ;  and  produce  such  a  degree  of  irritation  and  resentment 
as  will  enable  the  government  of  this  country  to  throw  the  whole  blame  and  re- 
sponsibility of  war  from  its  own  shoulders  upon  those  of  the  British  ministry.    If 
in  this,  the  party  attached  to  France  rhould  calculate  with  correctness,  and  the 
connnerce  of  New  England  would  greatly  suffer — the  merchants  being  injured  and 
discouraged,  would  not  only  acquiesce  in  the  restrictive  systems,  but  even  submit 
to  war.  On  the  other  hand,  should  the  small  traffic  permitted  by  a  non-intercoursr 
law  be  lucrative  and  uninterrupted,  ^jy»  the  people  would  be  clamorous  for  more, 
and  soon  compel  the  government  to  restore  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two 
countries.     While  I  offer  my  opinion  upon  this  subject,   I  cannot  but  express  a 
strong  hope  that  if  any  terms  should  be  proposed  by  either  government,  to  which 
the  other  might  think  proper  to  accede,  that,   A  PRINCIPAL  MOTIVE  TO 
THE  ADJUSTMENT  OP  DIFFERENCES  SHOULD  BE  UNDERSTOOD 
TO  ARISE    FROM  THE  AMICABLE  DISPOSITION  OF  THE  EAST- 
ERN STATES,   PARTICULARLY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MASSACHU- 
SETTS.     THIS,  AS  IT  WOULD  INCREASE  THE  POPULARITY  OF 
THE  FRIENDS  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN,  COULD  NOT  FAIL  TO  PRO- 
MOTE HER  INTERESTS.      If  it  could  not  be  done  formally  and  officially, 
nor  in  a  correspondence  between  ministers,  still  perhaps  the  administration  in  the 
parliament  of  Great  Britain  might  take  that  grotmd  :  and  the  suggestion  would 
ibd  lt»  wajf.  into  the  papen  bolit  in  England  aod  America. 


.^      'AVI 


1j8 


THE  OLIVE  BR AKCrt. 


inniirji  ne  too  f-.^qiifiil'y  rr-ppatetl,  tliat  this  country  nn  only  bf^  ]^overn»d 
ireotpd  hy  the  iuniicnce  oropiuioti ;  as  thrre  ia  noUiiiif;  permanent  in  its  po- 


It  «nni 
and  (111  ., 

Iitical  in^titutiuii.-* ;  r;or  uip  tlic  populace,  under  any  circumstatice*,  to  be  relifd 
on,  when  measurta  b^couic  iuconv-jolent  and  burdcnsoine,  I  will  loon  write  a- 
jnio,  and  am,  -^v.  A.  B. 

r^o.  X. 

r.?i/on,  3rarr/i  T,  1809. 

Sir — I  liave  now  asrcrtnined,  will)  as  much  nrciiracy  jis  pnssihls,  the  course  in- 
lentk-d  to  be  pursued  by  tl:'J  mcaKuros  ar.d  politics  of  the  iid;tj!nljtintlc(»  of  the 
general  govpriiiiieiit. 

1  iiave  nlready  given  a  decided  ojiinion  that  a  declar.itlon  of  war  is  n*^<  to  b» 
rxpected  :  but,  contrary  to  all  re>-.soiiiil)!e  calciihition,  shou!'  line  coniTiiSf.  possess 
spirit  and  independence  enough  to  plni*e  their  ropuiarilv  ii>  jeopardy  by  so  stinii,*- 
a  measure,  TME  LUGISLATLTvFJ  OP  MASSACHUSETTS  AS  IIJ<  GlVli 
THETONETOTHEMEIGKDORIiVfi  SlAtES;  VvlLL  J >);.';[. AKC  if 
SELF  PERMANENT  UNTIL  A  NEW  ELECTION  OF  Mr.VHKKS  ;  IK 
V(TE  A  CONGRESS,  TO  BE  COMPOSED  OP  DELEGA'JKS  FflOM  TilL 
FEDERAL  STATES,  AND  ERECT  A  SEPERATEGOVllRNMENTl  OR 
THEIR  COMMON  DEFENCE  AND  COMMON  INTEREST. 

This  congress  would  probably  begin  by  abrogating  the  offengive  laT7S,  ar.d  a- 
doptin<;  a  plan  for  the  maintenance  of  tbe  power  a-d  authority  thus  a'iumed. — 
They  would  by  such  an  act  be  in  a  condition  to  make  or  receive  propo. "idrf  fitirr! 
Great  Britain  ;  and  1  sliould  ""eize  the  fir.«<t  moment  to  open  a  torrcspoi.ilcacc  wii.i 
your  excellency.  Scarce  any  otlier  aid  would  be  liecessary,  and  perhaps  aonc  v^- 
c^uired,  than  a  few  vessels  of  war  from  the  Halifax  station,  to  protet^t  the  mari- 
time towns  from  the  little  navy  which  is  at  the  disposal  of  the  national  govern- 
ment What  permanent  coimexiou  betv^eeu  Great  Britain  and  this  section  of  tl;e 
republic  would  grow  out  of  a  civil  coniieolion,  such  as  might  be  expected,  no  poi* 
•son  is  prepared  to  describe.  Rut  it  seems  that  a  strict  alliance  must  result  ofiic- 
cessity.  At  present  the  opposition  party  confine  their  calculations  merely  to  re- 
■istnnce ;  and  I  can  assure  you  that  at  this  moment  they  do  not  freely  entertain 
the  project  of  withdrawing  the  eastern  slates  from  the  union,  finding  it  a  very 
unpopular  topic  ;  although  a  course  of  cveuts,  such  as  I  have  already  mention^!, 
would  inevitably  produce  an  incurable  alirnation  of  tiie  New  England  from  thr 
southern  states.  The  trutli  is,  the  common  people  have  so  long  regarded  th-j 
constitution  of  the  United  States  with  complacency,  tliat  they  are  now  only  dlr- 
posed  in  this  quarter  to  treat  it  like  a  truant  mistress,  uhom  they  would  for  a 
time  put  away  on  a  seper:\te  maintenance,  but,  without  farther  and  greater  prov- 
ocation, would  not  absolutely  repudiate. 

It  will  soon  hii  known  in  what  situation  public  affairs  are  to  remain  until  Vae 
meeting  of  the  new  congress  in  Miiy,  at  which  time  also  this  legislature  will  agr.:!i 
U'-seiTib!?.     The  two  months  that  intervene  will  be  a  perio''  of  much  anxiety. 

In  all  I  have  written,  I  havebien  careful  not  to  mate  any  impression  analogous 
<o  iha  enthusiastic  co:!f;dence  entertained  by  the  opposition,  nor  to  the  hopes  ar!«f 
expectations  thit  aniinnte  t!ie  friends  of  an  alliance  between  the  northern  state* 
and  Great  Bril.iia.  I  have  abijtr^cted  myself  from  all  the  sympathies  these  are 
ealculated  toiiisj/ire  ;  because,  notwitlistatiding  that  I  feel  the  utmost  confidence 
in  the  iotegjity  of  intention  of  tlie  leading  characters  in  this  political  drama,  I 
caiiiiot  forget  th-it  tliey  derive  their  power  from  a  giddy,  inconstant  multitude  » 
who,  unless  in  t!te  ii<i!t:iuce  under  coni-ideration  they  form  an  exception  to  all  gen- 
eral rules  and  expeiience,  will  act  iiiconsisteutly  and  absurdly. 

I  am,  i:e.  A.  3. 

No.  XL 

Boston^  March  10, 1809. 
Sir — In  my  lett^.r  No.  9,  I  took  the  liberty  to  express  my  opinion  of  the  proba- 
ble effect  of  the  non-intercourse  law  intended  to  beenactecl;  and  of  the  mode 
by  which  Great  Britain  may  defeat  the  real  intention  of  the  American  govern- 
ment inpa.osing  it.  Put  as  the  sort  of  impunity  recommended  might,  in  its  appli- 
oation  to  every  species  of  coniH^afce  tlvit  would  he  carried  on,  be  deemed  !»/ 


6rft9t ! 

ed,  whi 

Amoric 

The  I 

mercanl 

ifj-tcdd 

iii{r  tliiH 

;t:id  tl;{  I 

would  ni 

of  a  lar 

ii-r,  tilt 

»i!cm'!e!\ 

|;iiidln;j 

t.'i'j  best 

Ihc  Lnlt< 

but  eve;i 

more  res( 

and  justii 

the  sucet 

jiieasurt.s 

The  e 

aiitted  to 

P.S.  I, 
passed,  ai 


8ir~V( 
ptrs  both 
*Tn  states 
sition  as  t 
their  own 
Tile  eon« 
conimenc*'! 
plans  of 
with  Engl! 
Under  w 
the  state  e 
Europe 
ill  relation 
the  m.iritii 
these  will 
hostile  me 
atum,  somi 
adopted, 
Bonaparte 
gcvernmen 
[IT*  To  bi 
governmen 
effected  bu 
southern, 
the  latter 
too  obviou! 
in  Great 
ty's  possesj 
Fiomber  th 
t'leinflupnc 
only  to   bj 
.93uiumxriatl 


THE  OLIV£  BKANCn. 


^o9 


6rftat  Britain  a  grcnter  evil  tiian  war  ilsolf,  n  middle  course  m\g'd  ^i<\\y  ho.  !\«lnv*- 
ei\,  which  would  deprive  Frince  of  the  beiielit  resulting  from  ;iii  intorcourse  witU 
America,  without,  in  any  great  det;ree,  irritutinf'  tlu'iii.iritirucslnlej. 

The  hi^^h  price  of  all  American  prodiicf  in  T  rjiico  furir^luis  a  tt'inptation  wliirli 
■irrc:iMliitj  avarice  will  be  un.ihle  to  ^e.^i8t.  TUf  rnn>:cTi";n..!:c  ;:;  o.'nions  H'lt  if 
irj.tcud  of  coiideninjuft  tlif>  vessels  and  carj-oe-i  whirl;  lii  i>  1)2  ariL',-f»'d  in  inifii- 
iotr  tlii^  po'iibilcd  c'>nu>i('!CP,  they  «hou'd  J>o  coiDjifllfd  to  i;o  into  a  r5r)ii>'l(  p'iJt, 
a!id  tluf"  peru'jit'fl  so  soli  tlifin,  I  think  tlie  friondsof  Eiiil-trvl  i:>  t!;<'c  ?tr.tt', 
wou!<l  not  ulttr  a  complaint,  liidood,  I  iiave  no  doulit,  tliat  if  iti  t'u-j.rosccu'iot: 
of  a  lawfif.  voyage,  tlit*  Hritlsli  cruisers  ^huu'd  treat  \inorit-'L\tt  .liiipi  m  t!ii.-  m:ui- 
ncr,  their  owners  would  iu  tl-e  prc>-r-nt  stale  of  the  l!urop«  ;ni  p;:i;ki'ts.  tiiink 
^hcnl«!e!ve^  vi'ry  fortunal»j ;  as  it  would  save  them  the  iroiib:.;  anM  f  xjf  nic  cf 
Jaiidinj;  tlieiii  in  a  iieuird  pert,  and  from  thence  re -^iiip  them  to  lln;i  /iJ.  now 
Iho  best  market  in  £u:opc  for  *.l;e  produce  of  this  country.  The  gov<*rii>>K>nt  of 
-the  LUited  SUtes  would  pri>b;ibly  loniplain,  and  Bonaparte  hrcoinp  peretuptory  ; 
but  evc;i  t'^v.t  would  only  tend  to  render  the  oppo-ition  in  the  northern  i.tateg 
more  resniii'c,  huI  acrei'  rat.;  the  di  iiolution  of  t'le  confederacy.  1  lie  generosity 
and  justice  'jf  Grral  Fiitr-.ir  would  heeictolicd,  and  thi;  commercial  stalfi  ev;ilt  in 
the  succtsf  of  iiidi'.  idual.M  over  a  govi  rr-mcnt  iiiimical  to  commerce,  and  to  v,  lies*; 
measures  tb«  y  c'.i!  no  lonper  tubmil  with  patient  acquiescence. 

The  elerll<.r,s  are  Ij^'irtsu ;  undl  pifsume  n.i  vigilance  or  industry  will  be  rr- 
aiitted  to  iiisu.-.;  the  fuccess  of  the  federal  party. 

I  am,  £rc.  A.  B, 

P.  S.  Intelligence  lin?  reached  Boston,  that  a  non-intercourse  law  has  actually 
passed,  and  that  Murtiuiiiue  has  !ii.rreiidered  to  tiic  Erlush  forces. 

No.  xn. 

.  .  ^  Boston,  March  i5,i?,00. 

Sir — You  will  perceive  from  the  accourts  tliat  v,ill  reach  you  in  the  public  j>t- 
ptrs  l)oth  from  Wajhington  r.nl  Mas-^achusetts,  that  the  federalists  of  the  north- 
ern states  have  Ruccreded  in  ir»kirif»  the  congri^ss  believe,  that  with  5rich  an  oj)po- 
KJtion  as  they  would  make  to  tlie  general  government,  a  war  must  be  confined  to 
their  own  territory,  and  might  be  even  too  much  for  that  governraeut  to  su.«tain. 
Ti»e  con.iemjence  U,  that  after  all  the  prtrnde  and  menaces  with  which  the  session 
Gonmicncetl,  it  has  been  suifered  to  end  without  carrying  into  effect  any  of  the 
plans  of  tlie  administration,  cxoRpt  the  interdiction  of  commercial  iutercourse 
vfith  England  and  France — an  event  tint  was  anticipated  in  my  former  letter^*. 

Under  what  new  circumstances  the  congress  will  meet  in  May,  will  depend  on 
the  state  election?,  flnd  the  changes  that  may  in  tiie  mea!i  time  triVe  place  in 
Europe.  Witli  regard  to  Great  Pritair:,  she  can  scarce  mistake  her  tiu'.'  policy 
in  relation  to  .America.  If  peace  no  the  fir?t  object,  every  act  which  can  irritat-f 
the  m.^ritinie  states  ought  to  be  avoided;  because  the  prevailing  disposition  of 
triese  will  generally  be  suificient  to  ket'p  the  government  from  hazarding  any 
Ijostile  measure,  rr-^  If  a  war  between  America  and  Fr^vnce  be  a  grand  desidr  r- 
atum,  soinetiiing  more  must  be  done  ;  an  indulgent,  conciliatory  policy  must  be 
adopted,  which  will  leave  the  demctrats  witliout  a  pretext  for  hostilities ;  and 
Bonaparte,  whose  passions  are  too  hot  for  delay,  will,  probably,  compel  this 
government  to  decide  which  of  the  two  great  belligerents  i."?  to  be  its  enemy, 
fj^  To  bring  about  a  separation  of  the  stpites,  under  distinct  and  indepj>ndent 
governments,  is  an  aflUir  of  more  uncertainty  ;  ard  Lowevr  r  dcsir^bl' ,  cannot  be 
efifected  but  by  a  series  of  acts  and  long  continued  policy,  tending  to  irritate  tlie 
southern,  and  conciliate  the  northern  people.  The  fo:  mcr  are  agricultural,  and 
the  latter  a  commercial  people.  The  mode  of  cheering  and  depressing  either  it 
too  obvious  to  require  illustration.  This,  1  am  aware,  is  an  object  of  much  interest 
in  Great  Britain;  as  [j;j=*it  would  forever  secure  the  integrity  of  his  majes- 
ty's posse«sions  oq  the  continent,  and  make  the  two  governinents,  or  whatever 
liomber  the  present  confederacy  might  form  into,  as  useful  and  as  much  subject  to 
the  iDflu«>nce  of  Great  Britain,  as  her  colonies  can  be  rendered.  But  it  is  an  object 
ODly  to  be  attained  by  slow  and  circumspect  progression  ;  and  requires  for  'tg 
.^uiumm^tion  Hiore  attcytiou  t^  Xbe  &na;rs  Trhicn  ogit&te  acd  excite  particg  lat.  i 


1 1 


.'1  ;  ''..      i. 


160 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


countrj*,  than  Grojt  BritAin  has  yet  bestowed  upon  it.  An  unpopular  war 
— that  is,  n  war  produced  hy  the  hatred  and  prejudices  of  ono  p;:rty  hut  against 
tlie  roni^ent  of  the  other  party,  cau  ulorie  produce  a  sudden  siepuration  of  any 
■cction  of  tills  country  from  tht;  common  head. 

At  all  eveiilH,  it  cannot  be  necestiary  to  tlio  preservation  of  peace,  tint  (Ireat 
Britain  should  make  any  great  concession  at  tne  present  moment ;  rj^f^  more 
especially  as  the  more  important  changes  that  occur  in  Europe  miglii  lunder  it 
inconvenient  for  her  to  adhere  to  any  stipulations  in  favor  of  neutral  maritime 
nations. 

Although  the  nnn-interconrse  law  affords  but  a  partial  relief  to  the  people  of 
this  country  from  the  evils  of  that  entire  suspension  of  commerce  to  which  thtty 
have  reluctantly  submitted  for  some  time  past,  q^  1  lament  tiie  repeal  oftho 
emb.tr^o ;  because  it  was  calculated  to  accelerate  the  pro^rtfss  of  these  states 
towards  a  revolution  that  would  have  nut  an  end  to  the  only  republic  that  re- 
mains to  prove  that  a  governmcMit  founned  on  political  ecpjality  can  exist  in  a 
•season  of  trial  and  difficulty,  or  is  calculated  to  insure  cither  securiiy  or  happiness 
to  a  people. 

1  am,  ^c.  ,  A.  B. 

No.   XIII. 

'^        "        '  •  Boston,  March  20,  1809. 

Sir— Since  mv  letter  of  the  13th,  nothing  has  occurred  Avhicli  I  thought  worthy 
of  a  comm.Jnic'.itlon. 

Thf  last  week  of  this  month  and  the  first  of  April  will  be  occupied  in  the  elec- 
tion of  governors  and  other  executive  officers  in  tiie  N«.w  Eiighmd  states. 

'J'he  federal  candidate  in  New  Hampshire  is  already  elected  by  a  ninjority  of 
about  1000  voles.  His  competitor  was  a  man  of  large  fortune,  extensive  connec- 
tions, and  inofTcnsive  manners.     These  account  for  the  smallness  of  the  majority. 

In  Connecticut,  no  ch:in?;c  is  necessary  :  and  none  is  to  be  apprehended. 

In  Rhode  Island,  it  is  of  no  consequence  of  what  party  the  governor  is  a  mem- 
ber ;  as  he  has  neither  civil  nor  military  power,  being  merely  president  of  the 
council. 

In  Massachusetts,  it  is  certain  that  the  federal  candidate  will  succeed. 

A  few  weeks  will  be  sufficient  in  order  to  determine  the  relative  strength  cf 
parlies,  and  convince  Mr.  Madison  that  a  war  with  Great  Britain  is  not  a  measure 
upon  which  he  dare  venture.  Since  the  plan  of  an  organized  opposition  to  tho 
projects  of  Mr.  Jefferson  was  put  into  operation,  the  whole  of  the  New  England 
states  have  transferred  their  political  power  to  his  political- enemies  :  and  the 
reason  that  he  has  still  so  many  adherents  is,  that  those  who  consider  the  only 
true  policy  of  America  to  consist  in  the  cultivation  of  peace,  have  still  great 
confidence,  that  nothing  can  force  hira  (or  his  successor  who  acts  up  to  his  system, 
or  rather  is  governed  by  it)  to  consent  to  war.  They  consider  all  the  menaces 
and  "dreadful  note  of  preparation"  to  be  a  mere  finesse,  intended  only  to  obtain 
concessions  from  England  on  cheap  terms  From  every  sort  of  evidence,  I  confesi 
I  am  myself  of  the  ?ame  opinion  ;  and  am  rj^  fully  persuaded  that  the  farce 
which  has  been  acting  at  Washington  will  terminate  in  full  proof  of  the  imbecility 
and  spiritless  temper  of  the  actors.  A  war  attempted  without  the  concurrence  of 
both  parties,  and  the  general  consent  of  the  northern  states,  wliich  constitute  the 
bone  and  muscle  of  the  co.mtrv,  must  cominenco  wi^i-out  hope,  and  end  in  disgrace. 
IT  SHOULD,  THERErOKE  BE  THE  PECULIAR  CARE  OF  GREAT 
BRITAIN  TO  FOSTER  DIVl.MONS  BETWEEN  THE  NORTH  AND 
SOUTH;  Qj?*  and  by  succeeding  in  this,  she  may  carry  into  effect  her  ov>ti 
projects  in  Europe,  with  a  total  disregard  to  the  resentment  of  the  democrats  of 
this  country. 

I  am,  ice.  .    A.  B. 

No.   XIV. 

Boston,  JpriliS,  1809. 
Sir — I  send  to  Mr.  R.  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Suppressed  Documents."    Thft 
notes  and  comments  were  written  by  the  gentleman  who  has  written  the  "analysis'* 
^btchi  sent  by  a  fermer  coaveyance.    These  works  baye  greatly  contributed^* 


5?ir- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


161 


tizcilc-tliK  (vnn  of  the  men  of  talents  und  property ;  who  now  pitKriR  thi  enAnet 

VV  MAINTAININO  THEIR  PAIiTV  HV  OPEN  HFHIHrANCC  AND  FINAL  IKCARATION,  tO  RR 

alliance  witli  France,  and  a  war  with  En);hind.  So  that  siionld  the  government 
unpxpt'ctedly  and  conti-nry  to  all  ri>asonuhle  calcniittion,  attempt  to  involve  tli« 
country  in  a  measuro  of  tlmt  mlure,  I  am  convinced  (now  that  the  eh  ctions  have 
all  tL'i-minatcd  favorably)  that  rj^  none  of  the  Wew  England  stated  would  be  a 
party  in  it. —  But,  iia  I  have  r»i«Htedly  written,  the  general  government  doei  not 
8Pri'»nsly  entertain  any  such  deiiire  or  intention.  Had  the  majority  of  the  New 
Englnnd  states  continued  to  approve  of  the  public  measures,  it  is  extremely  prol>- 
able  that  Great  Britain  would  now  have  to  choose  bt^weon  war  and  concfcion. 
But  the  aspect  of  things  in  thin  rcypcct  is  chanj^ed  ;  and  a  war  would  prodiico  an 
4Mcurahle  alienation  of  the  eastern  tttates,  and  bring  the  whole  country  in  subordi- 
nation to  the  iiitfrest  of  England,  rj^  whose  navy  would  prescribe  and  Cfiforcn 
the  terms  upon  which  the  coirrncrcia!  states  should  carry,  and  the  •uj;ricuiturdl 
states  export  their  surplus  produce.  All  this  is  as  well  known  to  the  deuiocrnts 
:.%  to  the  other  party.  TIm  refo'o  they  will  avoid  a  war,  at  least  until  the  whole 
n;>tion  is  unanimous  for  it.  Still  wiien  we  consider  of  what  materials  the  govern* 
•jiifiit  is  formed,  it  is  impossible  to  speak  with  any  certainty  of  tiieir  measures. — 
*l'he  pist  administration  in  every  transaction  presents  to  the  mind  only  a  muddy 
commixfure  of  folly,  weakness,  and  duplicity.  The  spell,  by  wluch  the  nations  of 
Europe  hnve  been  rendered  inert  and  inefficient  when  they  attempted  to  shake  it 
ofF,  has  stretched  its  shadows  across  the  Atlantic,  and  rj^  made  a  majority  of 
the  people  of  these  states  alike  blind  to  duty  and  to  their  interests. 

Jam,  &c.  A.  B. 

No.  XV. 

Boslon,  Jp/il^6j  1809. 

Sir — Since  my  letter  No.  14.  I  have  had  but  little  to  conaniunicate, 

I  have  not  vet  been  able  to  ascertain  with  sufFicient  accuracy  the  relative streqgth 
•cf  the  two  parties  in  the  Legislative  liodics  in  New  England. 

In  all  of  these  states,  however,  governors  have  been  elected  out  of  the  federal 
party  ;  and  even  the  southern  papers  indicate  an  unexpected  augmentation  of 
federal  members  in  the  next  i:ong;re8s. 

The  correspondence  between  Mr.  Erskine  and  the  secretary  of  state  at  Wash- 
ington, you  will  have  seen  before  this  can  reach  yoa.  K  has  given  much  satisfac- 
tion to  the  federal  party  here  ;  because  it  promises  an  exemption  from  the  evil 
they  most  feared  (a  wnr  with  England)  and  justifies  their  partiality  towards  Great 
Britain  which  they  maintain  was  founded  upon  a  full  conviction  of  her  justice  and 
•sincere  disposition  to  preserve  peace.  Even  the  democrats  affect  to  be  satisfied 
with  it ;  because,  as  they  insist,  it  proves  the  efficacy  of  the  restrictive  system  of 
Mr.  JefFer'^on. 

But  the  greatbenefit  that  will  probably  result  from  it,  will  be, 'that  Bonapnrl« 
may  bs  induced  to  force  this  country  from  her  neutral  position.  Baffled  in  hii 
attempt  to  exclude  fiom  this  corr!  inent  the  manufactures  of  Greal  Britain,  he  will 
most  likely  confiscate  all  Americau  property  in  lii.s  dominions  and  dependencies, 
and  declare  war.  Nothing  could  more  than  this  contribute  to  give  influence  apd 
stability  to  the  British  party.  r^y=*  The  invidious  occurrences  of  the  rebellion 
would  be.  forgottnn  in  the  resent. u'lit  of  the  people  against  France  ;  and  thejr 
would  soon  bif;  weaneil  from  that  attachment  to  her  which  is  founded  on  the  aid 
that  was  rendered  to  separate  from  the  mother  countiy. 

Wliile  Great  Britrjn  waits  for  this  natural,  I  misht  say  necessary  re«\|li  of  the 
ncjoliition,  would  it  not  be  extr.^mely  inexpedient  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the 
AmoricHn  e;overmnfcnt  .f'  Every 'ort  of  evidence  nnd  experience  jprove,  that  the 
democrats  consider  their  political  ascendency  in  a  ?rcat  measure  dependent  U]>oa 
the  hostile  spirit  that  t'ley  can  keep  alive  tow  ird.i  Great  Britain;  and  rece^it 
events  demonstrate  that  t'lelr  conduct  will  be  predicited  upon  that  conviction.— n 
It  is  therefore  not  to  be  expected  that  they  will  meet  with  corresponding  feclingi 
a  sincere  disposition  on  the  part  of  England  to  adjust  all  matters  iu  dispute. — 
They  are  at  heart  mortitled  and  disappointed  to  find  that  Croat  Britain  ha^^  bee* 
in  advance  of  the  French  goveriiiar  nt  in  takic|;  advaalaje  of  the  prorinioaa) 


i 


t 

* 

■* 


'V 


•J 


■JOii 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


rlauscB  of  the  norv-inlorcoursc  law.  And  if  tlipy  show  any  fpirit  at  thf  next  im- 
tioi)  of  con;;rc(<s  towurds  F'ranc«,  it  will  be  only  becaiwr  tlioy  will  find  Bon.ip:irtc 
.do  if  to  rntreaty,  and  inxeniihle  of  p'.itit  favors  ;  or  that  tliry  may  think  it  lafcr 
to  float  with  the  tide  of  public  h-cliugs  whi'!h  will  set  strongly  againiit  him,  uiilc» 
he  keep  pari  passu  witli  Enj^land  in  a  conciliatory  policy. 

When  I  hei^an  my  letter,  I  intended  to  make  some  observations  in  relation  to 
•the  boundary  line. — [Mere  10  or  1^  lines  of  the  iflanuscript  arc  erased.  J 

J  aui,  kc,  A.  B. 

No.  XVI. 

Boxton,  May  5,  1C09. 

Sir — Although  the  reicent  changes  that  have  occurred  cjui^t  all  apprehonsionfl 
•c.f  war,  and  coiifequently  Icssrn  all  iiopk  or  a  seharatio.n  ok  tiik  statks,  I 
think  it  nccdjaary  to  transmit  by  the  mail  of  eacli  week  a  sketch  of  pa8»iiig 
«vcnts. 

On  local  politics  I  have  nothing  to  add ;  and  as  the  parade  that  is  made  in  the 
!National  Intt'lligencer  of  the  sincere  dii^position  of  Mr.  M  idison  to  preserve  am- 
icable relations  with  Great  Britnio  is  in  my  opinion  calculated  to  awaken  vigi- 
lance and  distniNi  rather  than  inspire  confidence,  I  slinll  (haviiig  nothing  more  im- 
portant to  write  aboat)  take  leave  to  examine  his  motives.  I  am  not  purprihcd  at 
tils  conditional  removal  of  the  non-intercourse  law  with  respect  to  Grevit  Britain, 
because  it  was  made  incumbent  on  him  by  the  act  ol  Coni^rcss ;  but  the  observa- 
tions made  on  his  friendly  dispositions  towards  Great  Britain  are  a  matter  of  no 
little  astonishment.  The  whole  tenor  of  his  political  life  directly  and  unequivo- 
cally  contradicts  them.  His  speech  on  the  British  treaty  in  '!»5 — his  attempt  to 
)<ass  a  law  for  the  confiscation  of  "  British  debts"  and  British  property— his  com- 
mercial resolutions,  grounded  apparently  on  an  idea  of  making  America  useful  as 
■a  colony  to  France — his  conduct  while  secretary  of  state — all  form  an  asscm- 
"hlagc  of  probubilitic.s  tending  to  convince  me  at  least  that  he  docs  not  seriously 
Alesiie  a  treaty  in  which  the  rights  and  pretenfions  of  Great  Britain  would  be  fair- 
ly rectignised.  It  seems  impossible  that  he  should  at  once  divest  himself  of  hie 
habitual  animosity  and  that  pride  of  opinion  which  his  present  situation  t  iiables 
Iiiin  to  indulge ;  but  above  all,  that  he  should  deprive  his  friends  and  supporters 
of  the  benefit  of  those  prejudices  which  have  been  carefully  fostered  in  the  minds 
of  the  common  people  towards  England,  and  which  have  to  materially  contributed 
to  invigonite  and  augment  the  democratic  party.  Whatever  his  real  motives 
may  be,  it  is  in  this  stage  of  the  aflair  harmless  enough  to  enquire  into  the  caibe 
of  the  apparent  change.  He  probably  acts  und«r  a  conviction,  tiiat  in  the  pre- 
sent temper  of  the  eastern  states  a  war  could  not  fail  to  produce  a  dissolution  of 
<he  ^ion  ;  or  he  may  have  profited  by  the  mistakes  of  his  predecessor ;  and  is 
inclined  to  seize  the  present  opportunity  to  prove  to  the  world  that  he  is  deter- 
xained  to  be  the  president  of  a  nation  rather  than  the  head  of  a  faction  ;  or  he 
has  probably  gone  thus  far  to  remove  the  impression  on  the  minds  of  many,  that 
lie  was  under  the  influence  of  France,  in  ortier  that  he  may  with  a  hettci-  grace 
and  on  more  tenable  grounds  quarrel  with  Gre^t  Britain  in  the  progress  of  iicgo- 
•thiting  p.  treaty.  Whatever  his  motives  may  be,  I  am  very  certain  his  party  will 
rot  ripport  him  in  any  manly  and  generous  policy.  Weak  men  are  sure  lo  tem- 
porize when  great  events  call  upon  them  for  decision ;  and  are  sluggiiih  and  inert 
at  the  moment  when  the  worst  of  evils  is  inaction.  This  is  the  character  of  the 
democrats  in  the  northern  states.    Of  those  of  the  (ioutt>  i  know  but  little. 


am,  &c. 


A.  B. 


No.  xvn. 

Bo5/cn,  il/fly25, 1809. 

fiir— My  last  was  under  date  of  the  5th  inst. 

The  unexpected  change  which  has  taken  place  ii^the  feelings  of  political  mca 
in  tliis  country  in  consecnience  of  Mr.  Madison's  prompt  acceptance  of  the  friend- 
ly proposals  of  Great  Britain  has  caused  a  temporary  suspension  of  the  conflict 
.of  parties ;  and  they  both  regard  him  with  equal  wonder  and  distrust.  Thoy 
^M  ascribe  bis  conduct  lo  various  motivef  :  but  none  believe  him  to  he  in  car 


s:i 


My 

I  imagiil 
of  June,! 
up  with  f 
the  latli 
home, 
ihey  mai 
to  repe2 


THE  OLIVE  BftANCfl. 


IG.-*. 


'I  ii»'  «Ul^  of  Now  York  lias  rolurnod  to  tlie  assembly  «  majority  of  f«'(UTal 


lii«  provoR  tliat  an  anti-roiniiioiTial  fiction  niunot  nili«  I 
Tw  o  iMOiitlis  sii^o  the  st.itf?  of  New  York  wiu  not  ranket 


lli«  coin- 
I 


nmoiit 


!lrt>inhcr«.     All  tlii 

Oi'Tcial  (ttato!*. 

tlir  ulitcH  that  would  aflopt  tluMiolicy  of  that  of  Massachuselti  ;  and  any  favcr- 

mb|p  rlmni^p  was  cxoeodin^jiy  »rot»lcmatic.\l. 

I  bi'ij  leave  (onir^pst  that  in  the  nrefent  ^tate  of  thinn"  in  tlilc  ronntry  n)y 

fiv«cnce  fan  rontrihute  very  little  to  tnr  intereii  of  (Irral  Britain.  If  Mr.  Ers- 
itie  be  sanctioned  in  nil  lie  has  conceded,  by  his  ma,iesty'H  unniiters,  it  is  iinne 
re.<sary  for  ine,  as  indeed  It  would  be  un  ivailini^,  to  make  any  attempt  to  cany 
intoelti'fl  the  oriirinal  pnrpose«  of  my  miision.  Wliile  I  think  it  to  be  my  duty 
to  jrive  this  intimation  to  you,  I  beg  it  may  be  undoPMtood  that  I  coutiidcr  my»'elf 
entirely  ut  the  ditipoi^al  of  hit  inajc-iily's  goverumcnt. 

I  aiu,  iic.  A.  B. 

r^o.  XVI  Hi 

Montreal,  June  12, 1^09. 

Sir — I  liavff  the  honor  to  inform  your  excellency  that  I  received  throujih  Mr. 
iircretary  Ryland,  your  excellency^  «oinmand'i  to  return  to  Cauuda  j  and  after 
tlid  delays  incident  to  this  seuiion  of  the  yeai',  in  a  jouruey  from  Boston,  arrived 
Jitri;  yesterday. 

Your  excellency  will  have  seen  by  the  papers  of  the  latest  dates  from  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  that  a  formidable  opposition  im  already  organized  in  c  iigre  .<  to  the  late 
imtasiires  of  Mr.  Madison  ;  and  it  is  very  evident  that  if  he  hv  sincere  in  his  oro- 
fes&ions  of  attachment  to  Great  Britain,  his  party  will  abandon  him.  Sixlyonu 
members  have  already  voted  against  a  resolution  to  approve  of  what  !h  lla^  i:  >kie  ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  tb^  rest  of  the  democratic  party  will  follow  Ihe  examr'e,  as 
soon  as  they  recover  from  the  astoniiihment  into  which  his  apparent  defection  has 
thrown  them. 

The  present  hopes  of  the  federalists  are  founded  on  the  probability  of  a  wa; 
with  France ;  but,  at  all  events,  this  party  is  strong  and  well  organised  erougb  to 

{)revent  a  war  with  England.  It  would  now  be  superfluous  to  trouble  ycic  >.vcel- 
ency  with  an  account  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  [j;y»  arrangemi  nti  i;  \de 
by  the  federnl  party  to  resist  any  attempt  of  the  govemoient  unf;pivorable  to  Great 
Britain  e£IQ  They  were  such  as  do  great  credit  to  their  ability  and  principles ; 
and  while  a  judicious  policy  is  observed  by  Great  Britain,  secure  her  interests  iu 
America  from  decay.  My  fear  of  inducing  a  false  security  on  the  part  of  his  mo- 
jtsty's  government  in  their  efficiency  and  eventual  success,  may  luvo  inclined 
me  to  refrain  from  doing  them  that  justice  in  my  former  letters,  which  I  v/illiugly 
**xpref  8 . 

f  trust  your  excellency  will  ascribe  the  styla  and  manner  of  my  conimnnicatlon^ 
and  the  frequent  ambiguities  introduced  in  theni,  as  arising  from  the  secrecy 
necessary  to  be  observed,  and  my  consciousness  th\t  you  understood  my  mcaniog 
on  the  most  delicate  points  without  risking  a  particular  explanation. 

I  lament  that  no  occasion  commensurate  to  my  wishes  has  peniiittcd  me  to 
prove  how  much  I  value  the  confidence  of  your  excelleo'^v  and  the  approbation 
already  expressed  by  his  majesty's  minister. 
I- have  tlie  honor  to  be,  &c. 

(3igned)  JOHN  HENRV. 

No.  XIX. 

Mr.  Ryland  to  Mr.  J.  Henry,  ^si  May,  1809, 
My  dear  sir — The  news  we  have  received  this  day  from  the  United  States  will, 
i  imagine,  soon  bring  you  back  to  us :  and  if  you  arrive  at  Montreal  by  the  middle 
of  June,  I  shall  probably  have  the  plet.iure  of  meeting  you  ther^,  as  1  am  going 
up  with  sir  James  and  a  large  suite.  The  last  letters  received  from  you  are  to 
the  I3th  April  ;  the  whole  are  now  transcribing  for  the  purpose  of  being  sent 
home,  where  tAc.v  cannof/ail  qf  doing  you  great  credit,  and  I  most  sincerely  hope 
ihey  may  eventually' contribute  to  your  permanent  advantage.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  repeat  the  assurances  that  no  effort  withio  the  comgass  of  my  power  shall  be 
wantmg.to  tliis  end. 


V 

V 


I 


\u 


THE  OILVE  BRANCH. 


I  am  cruttly  out  **/  spirits  at  Oit  idea  rf  OH  England  truckling  to  iucfi  a  dc- 
ifl.wd  and  accumed  govemmcnl  cs  that  of  the,  Unittii  States. 

I  am  greatly  oSliged  to  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  in  procuring  tiie 
liooks ;  thougli  if  Spiin  falls  1  shall  fcaicely  liave  heart  to  look  into  theui.  1  can 
Add  no  mure  now,  but  liaL  I  am  most  hearliiy  imdaffeclioDaxely  yours, 

(Signed)  H.  W.  H. 

J,  lienry,  Esq.  Boston. 

No.  XX. 

Mr.  RylandtoMr.  Henry ^  dated  iih  3fay,  1809. 
Mj  dear  tir — You  miist  coasider  the  short  letter  I  wrote  you  by  the  last  post 
«i  altogether  uaofficlal :  but  1  am  now  to  intimate  to  you  in  a  more  formal  maiM 
■er  our  hone  of  your  speedy  returu,  as  the  object  of  your  journey  seems,  for  the 
ipreseot  at  least,  to  be  at  an  end.  We  have  London  news  by  way  of  the  river  up 
to  the  6th  of  March,  which  tallies  to  a  day  with  what  we  have  received  by 
the  way  of  the  statc8<  Heartily  witthing  you  a  safe  and  speedy  jouruey  back 
to  us, 

I  am,  my  deer  sir,  most  sincerely  yours,. 

(Signed)  ^  H.  W.  R. 

Have  the  goodness  to  bring  my  boolcs  with  you,  though  I  shall  have  little  spirU 
tf>  look  into  thcnj  unless  you  bring  good' news  from  Spain. 

No.  XXI. 

JIfr.  Henry^s  Memorial  to  Lord  Liverpool,  enclosed  in  a  tetter  to  Mr.  Peely 

of  the  XSth  June,  1811,  with  a  copy  of  that  letter. 

The  undersigned  most  respectfully  submits  tlie  following  statement  and  me- 
morial to  the  Earl  of  Liverpool. 

Lonj;  before  and  during  the  administration  of  your  lordship's  predecessor,  the 
undcml.^ued  bestowed  nmch  personal  attention  to  the  state  of  paities  and  to  the 
political  measures  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

[Here  is  an  erasure  of  about  four  lines.  J. 

iBoon  after  the  aSair  of  the  Chesapeake  frigate,  when  his  majesty |s  govemop- 
({eneral  of  British  America  bad  reason  to  believe  that  the  two  countries  would  be 
involved  in  a  war,  and  had  $ubmitt.!d  to  his  majesty^s  ministers  the  arrangements 
^f  the  English  party  in  the  United  States/or  an  efficient  resistance  to  the  general 
government,  nhiehwould  probably  terminate  in  a  separation  qf  the  northern  stales 
from  the  general  cor\federaey,  he  applied  to  the  undersig'ned  to  undertake  a  mission 
to  Boston,  nhere  the  whole  concerns  qf  the  opposition  rjere  managed  rj^  The  ob- 
ject nf  the  mission  mas  to  promote  and  encourage  Uie/ederal  party  to  re^ml  the  meas- 
wrts  qf  the  general  government ;  to  qffir  assurances  qf  aid  and  support  from  his 
majisty^s  government  of  Canada  (jy  /  and  to  open  a  commimication  between. the 
leading  men  engaged  in  that  opposition,  and  the  governor-general  upon  such  a 
footing  a>  circumstances  might  suggest ;  and  finally  to  render  the  plans  then  in 
.contemplation  subservient  to  the  views  of  his  msgesty's  government.* 

The  undersigned  undertook  the  mission,  which  lasted  from  the  mouth  of  Janu- 
ary to  the  month  of  June  inclusive,  during  which  period. 

those  gublic  acts  and  legislative  resolutions 
of  tlie  assemblies  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were  passed,  which  kept 
the  general  government  of  the  United  States  in  check,  and  deterred  it  from  car^ 
tying  into  execution  the  measures  of-  hostility  with  which  Great  Britain  was  men- 
aced. 

For  bis  service  oft  the  occasion  herein  recited,  and  the  loss  of  time  and  expenses 
incurred,  the  undersigned  neither  sought  nor  leceived  any  compensation;  but 
trusted  to  the  known  justice  and  liberality  of  his  majesty's  government  for  the  r«s~ 
ward  of  services  which  could  not,  he  humbly  conceives,  be  estimated  in  poui.Js, 
■hillings  and  pence.  On  the  patronnge  and  support  which  was  promised  in  the 
tetter  of  Sir  /.  Craig,  under  date  of  the  '23d  of  January,  1809,  (wherein  he  gives 
an  assurance  ^*  that  the  former  correspondence  and  political  information  tran^^mit- 
t^  hy  the  undersigned  had  met  with  the  particular  approbation  of  bis  m;yesty*ft. 

*  Vide  the  despatches  o.*"  Sir  lames  Craig  in  June,  1808. 


Craig, 
pas.sed 
iiis  confi 
ered  any 
should 
arrangen 
Under 
mod.fat'? 
ferred  yc 
success  w 
pool  wil 
and  an 
vor, 
the  pub 
tion. 
Lord  1 

the  app. 
I  am,  .< 

.      (^ 

JoUN-f 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCir. 


i6r> 


..Js, 
the 
ives 
nit- 
ty**- 


r>cretary  of  ttate,  and  that  bia  exerution  of  the  mission  (proposed  to  be  und?^- 
Caken  in  tliat  letter)  would  give  him  a  claim  not  only  on  the  governor-general, 
but  on  hU  raajciity's  ministers/*^ — the  undersigned  has  relied,  and  now  most  re- 
■pectluily  claims,  in  whatever  mode  the  Earl  of  Liverpool  may  be  pleased  to 
adopt. 

The  uiidersigned  most  rei pectfully  takes  this  occasion  to  state  that  Sir  J.  Craig 
promised  him  an  employment  in  6'anada  worth  upwards  of  one  thousand  poundfl 
a-year,  by  his  letter,  (hereAvitli  transmitted)  under'date  of  13th  Sept.  1809,  which 
he  has  just  learned,  has,  in  consequence  <rf  his  absence,  been  given  to  another 
person,  The  undersigned  abstains  from  commenting  on  this  trausactioo  ;  and  re- 
spectfully suggests  that  th«  appointment  of  Judge-Advocate-General  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Ijower  Canada,  with  a  salary  of'  five  hundred  pounds  a-year,  or  a  consul- 
ate in  the  United  States,  sine  curia,  would  be  considered  by  him  a  liberal  di»- 
charge  of  any  obligation  that  his  majetity'^  government  may  entertain  in  relatioli 
to  bis  service. 

Copy  qf  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Peel,  enclosing  the/ortgnng. 

Sir — I  tate  the  liberty  of  enclosing  to  you  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  Earl  of 
Liverpool  ;  and  beg  you  will  have  tlia  goodness  either  to  examine  the  documents 
ni  your  office,  or  those  in  my  own  possession,  touching  the  extent  and  legitimacy  of 
my  claims. 

Mr.  Rylaud,  the  secretary  of  Sir  J.  Craig,  is  now  in  London ;  and  from  his  of- 
ficial knowledge  of  the  transactions  and  fac^  alluded  to  in  the  memorial,  can  give 
any  information  required  on  the  subject. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  tc.  itc.  -    ' 

(Signed)  J:  H. 

Juae  13th,  mil. 

No.  XXII. 

Letter  of  Uit  Rt.  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Liverpool,  by  his  Secretary  R.  Petit  Esq.  re~ 

cognizing  Mr.  Henry^s  je»vit«j,  Ift. 

Don'ning-street,2BihJune,\^U. 

Sir — I  have  not  failed  to  lay  before  the  Earl  of  Liverpool,  the  memorial,  to- 
gether with  its  several  enclosures,  which  was  delivered  to  me  a  few  days  since,  by 
Gen  Loft,  at  your  desire. 

His  lordship  has  directed  me  to-acqaaint  you  that  he  has  referred  to  the  cor- 
respondence in  this  office,  of  the  year  1808,  and  finds  two  letters  from  Sir  James 
Craig,  dated  10th  April  and  5th  May,  transmitting  the  correspondence  that  has 
jjassed  during  your  residence  in  the  northern  states  of  America,  and  cxpressinj."; 
nis  confideuc?  in  your  ability  and  judgment:  but  Lord  Liverpool  has  not  discov- 
ered any  viUh  on  the  part  of  Sir  James  Craig,  that  yonr  claims  for  compensation 
should  br^  r*>ferred  to  tliis  country;  nor,  indeed;  is  allusion  made  to  any  kiitiof 
arrangement  or  agreement  that  had  been  made  by  that  officer  with  you. 

Under  tliesn  cii-cmnsiances,  and  had  not  Sir  James  Craig  determined  on  his  im- 
modlat*^  return  to  England,  it  would  have  been  Lord  Liverpool's  vruh.  to  have  re- 
ferred your  memorial  to  him;  as  being  better  enabled  to  appreciate  the  ability  and 
success  with  wiiich  you  executed  a  mission  undertaken  at  nis  desire.  Lord  Liver- 
pool will,  liiwever,  transmit  it  to  Sir  James  Craig's  successor  in  the  government, 
and  an  assurance  tiiat  from- the  recommendations  he  has  received '  in  your  fa- 
vor, and  the  opinion  he  has  formed  on  your  correspondence  he  is  convinced  that 
the  public  service  will  be  benefited  by  your  active  employment  in  a  public  situa- 
tion. 

Lord  Li-'ernool  will  also  fesl  himtelf  bound  to  give  th?'  same  assurance  to  the 
Marqiv'^  Wt^Mesley,  iftkere  is  any  probability  that  it  will  advance  the  success  of-' 
the  app/catio,!  which  you  have  made  to  his  lordship. 

L  am,  !<ir,  ymir  most  obedient, hamble  servant, 

(Signed)  ROBERT  PEEL*^ 

Jowi.HiiN«v,.Es^,  27,  Leicester  equart. 


5'  3? 


«-.  / 


leo 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


No.  xxiir. 

Mr.Henry  to  Mr.  Pedy  September  24,  1811.     No  other  answer  than  a 
deipalch  to  Sir  George  P revest,  and  the  letter  marked  B, 

London,  klh  September,  1811. 

Sir — I  have  juat  now  learned  the  ultimate  decision  of  my  Lord  Wellpsley 
relative  to  the  appointment  which  1  was  desirous  to  obtain  ;  and  tind  that  the 
subsisting  relations  between  the  two  countries,  forbid  the  creatint;  a  new  oHioe  in 
the  United  States,  such  as  I  was  solicitous  to  obtain.  In  this  state  of  things  I 
have  not  a  moment  to  lose  in  returning  to  Canada,  and  have  taken  my  passage  in 
the  lant  and  only  shijp  that  sails  for  Quebec  this  season.  As  I  have  no  time  to 
enter  de  novo  into  explanations  with  the  gentleman  who  is  in  your  olHce,  and  as 
I  have  received  assurances  from  you,  in  addhion  to  the  letter  of  my  Lord  Uver- 
pooI>  of  the  27th  June,  that "  his  lordsliip  would  recommend  me  to  the  governor  of 
Canada,  for  the  first  vacant  situation  that  I  would  accept/*  I  beg  the  favor  of 
you  to  advise  me  how  1  am  to  get  that  recommeadation.  without  loss  of  time. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.  &c.  J.  H. 

Robert  Pekl,  Esq.  &c.  &c.  &c. 

No.  XXIV. 

^^Py  of  a  letter  written  by  Lord  Liverpool,  to  Sir  George  Prevost,  furnished 

by  the  under  secretary  of  state.    Original  in  the  despatch  to  the  governor 

general : 

Dovming-street,  i^thSept,  1811. 

Sir— Mr.  Henry,  who  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering  this  letter,  is  the 
gentleman  wlio  addressed  to  me  the  memorial,  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith 
transmit,  and  to  whom  the  accompanying  letter  from  Mr.  Peel  was  written  by 
my  direction. 

In  compliance  with  his  request,  I  now  fulfil  the  assurance  whicli  I  have  given, 
of  stating  to  you  my  opinion  of  the  ability  and  judgment  which  Mr.  Henry  has 
manifested  on  the  occasion  mentioned  in  his  memorial ;  and  of  the  benefit  the 
public  service  might  derive  from  his  active  employment  in  any  public  situation,  in 
which  you  should  think* proper  to  place  him. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  LIVERPOOL. 

To  Sir  GuoRQB  Prbvost,  Bart.  &c.  &c. 

No.  XXV. 
Mr.  Hyland  to  Mr.  Henry. 

Tuesday  evening,  July  2d,  1811. 

"Bear  Henry — It  gives  me  real  pleasure  to  find  that  the  apprehension  I  had 
furtned  with  respect  to  the  fulfilment  of  your  expectations,  is  likely  to  ^rove 
erroneous.  As  every  tljing  which  passed  relative  to  your  mission  was  in  writing, 
i  think  you  will  do  well  in  submitting  to  Mr.  Peel  all  the  original  papers.  1, 
myself,  could  give  no  other  information  relative  to  the  subject  than  what  tliey 
contain  j  as  you  and  I  had  no  opportunity  of  any  verbal  communication  concerning 
it,  till  after  your  mission  termhrated.  I  never  wrote  you  a  ivcter  in  the  governor's 
name,  wiiich  liad  not  previously  been  submitted  to  his  correction. 

The  impres3ion  1  had  received  of  your  character  and  abilities  made  me  anxioiM 
to  serve  you,  even  before  I  had  the  pleasure  of  a  personal  acquaintance  with  you  : 
iind  the  same  desire  has  operated  ri  me  ever  since.  I  am,  tliercforc,  entitl«d  to 
Lope,  that  any  opinion  which  I  may  have  given  you,  as  to  your  best  mode  of  ob- 
taining an  employment  under  government,  will  be  received  with  the  same  candor 
*hat  gave  rise  to  it.  1  think  you  will  do  well  to  persevere  as  you  propose.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  every  lett»'r  from  you  whicli  Sir  James  sent  home,  will  be  found 
in  Mr.  Peel's  office,  as  the  established  practice  there  is  to  bind  the  despatches  and 
enclosures  yearly  up  together. 

Sincerely  wishinj  you  every  success,  I  am  m.'st  f.uthfully  yours, 

(Signed)  H.  VV.  RVLAND. 

Juhn  Hitvry,  enq,  .  ^ 


Mr.H 
To  tlia  . 

Loijg 
the  ui;ci«' 
litic.il  nu 
an  erasui 
formatio 
Castlerei 
tions  in  1 
correspsir 
m.ijedty's 
dt'uttal  m 

transmit  i 
iv.  bserviei 
the  niissic 
tie3  coriiie 
eral  govei 
Prance,j)  \ 
javf'd  t!ie 
dersigned 
tiiorijied  a, 
furnish  th< 
adhering 
governniei 
In  tiie  a 
aforesaid, 
heretofore 
ular  apprt 
misiiiu  as 
general  (o 
The  und 
departure 
stipulation 
his  loixlshi 
tion  tliey 
It  m;iy  r 
shape  wha 
Thi«'  fact, 
^ouch;  as 
Ilu 

27  Lelc( 


It 


*Seeth 
and  by  hi 
t  See  do 
tSee  do 
{ See  let 
partraent, 
i(  Seethe 
%  Si'c  do 


THE  OLIYE  BRANCH. 


167 


No.  XXVI. 

Mr.  Hinry''i  nwmoTnMl  to  l,->rd  LivcrpfH,  enclosed  in  Ltrd  Liverpool^i  dfip.dfi. 

To  the  Rt.  Hon,  tde  Earl  of  Liverpool,  the  unJcrsigned  most  respectfully  sub- 
mits l!ic  following  niemoriiii. 
Long  before  and  during  ih.e  adinini^lratioii  of  jojr   jordsliip's    predecessor, 
tl'.o  ui'.dcrji^ned  bestowed  inucli  personal  attentiou^to  tiie  state  of  parties  and  po 
litic.d  me.nircs  in  ti»e  United  ^tiitea  of  America,  and  hid  an  opportunity*'  [Here 
an  erasure  of  10  or  I'J  linei)  and  tr  unite  the  [an  erasure  here  of  2  or  'A  lines]  in- 
formation transmitted  by  tiie  ur  di-* ,  ;ned  to  Sir  James  Craig,  and  by  him  to  lord 
Castlereagh,  met  with  his  lurdshtt:..  approbation  :f  and  when  the  hostile  prepar-i- 
tiona  in  the  United  States  suggested  to  Sir  James  Craig  tue  uecchsity  of  makin«; 
correspiinding  arrangeiuents  al'  precaution  and  detence,  for  the  security  of  his 
m.ijesty's  coloui -s,  he  applied  to  the  undersignetl  to  uadertake  a  secret  and  contl- 
deutial  mission  to  the  northern  states  to 

the  party  already  mentioned  ;  to  direct  their  operaiio7iSf  aud 
transmit  re;;ular  inforinAtiou  of  the  same,  and  to  endeavor  toravdar  their  puiiK. 
$v.'j'!eryient  to  the  interests  ofGre'it  Britain  \.  The  Undersigned  readily  undertoolf 
the  mission,  and  spent  five  months  in  the  active  and  2eaIous  discharge  of  ihn  du- 
ties conaected  with  it  [an  erasure  here  of  lit)  or  25  linesj]  which  deterred  the  goii- 
eral  government  from  the  purpose  already  mentioned,  aud  from  a  coalition,  witli 
Prance,||  wiiile  the  information  \7i1icl1  he  transmitted  to  Sir  James  Craig,  probably 
wvnd  the  trouble  and  expense  of  arming  the  Canadian  militia.  All  this  the  un- 
dersigned performed  witliout  ever  showing  his  commission  or  appearing  as  an  au- 
thorised agent — frouj  a  tlioroug!i  conviction  that  a  discovery  of  his  misiioa  would 
furnish  tiie  French  party  with  the  means  of  destroying  the  influence  of  the  party 
adhering  to  Great  Britain  in  every  quarter  of  America,  and  emible  the  general 
government  to  go  to  war  upon  popular  and  tenable  ground. 

in  the  application  of  SiijJameii  Craig  to  the  undersigned  to  undertake  the  mission  • 
ftforesaid,  he  says  "/Ac  information  and  political  observations  rectived/rom  ymi 
heretofore  ivere  all  transmitted  to  the  secretary  of  stute^  who  has  eocpressed  his  partic- 
ular approi^ion  of  them :  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  your  able  execution  of  such  a 
mission  as  I' have  above  suggeited^  would  give  you  a  claim  not  only  on  the  governor- 
general  (of  British  America)  but  nn  his.tnajesty's  ministers,"  ^c.V 

The  undersigned  being  now  in  England  on  his  private  affairs,  and  on  the  eve  of 
departure  for  America,  most  humbly  and  respectfully  aubmits  his  claims  under  the 
stipulations. aforesaid,  to  the  Earl  of  Liverpool,  in  the  confident  expectation  that' 
his  lordship  will  treat  them  with  that  justice  and  liberality  which  upon  investiga- 
tion t!iey  may  be  found  to  merit. 

It  raiy  not  be  superfluous  to  add  that  the  undersigned  has  never  received  in  any 
shape  whatever  any  compensation  or  patronage  for  the  services  he  has  rendered. 
This  fact,  Mr.  Ryland,  the  secretary  of  Sir  James  Craig,  now  in  London,  cau 
fouch ;  as  well  as  for  the  trutii  of  all  the  DOiatt^rs  s«t  forth  in  this  meinorial. 
1  have  the  honor,  &c. 

(Signed)  J.  HENRY. 

27  Lelcestcr-sc^uare,  June  23,  1812. 

*See  the  letter  of  Mr.  Henry  addressed  to  the  secretary  of  Sir  James  Craig, 
and  by  him  Uansmitted  to  Lord  in  the  month  of  April,  1808. 

f  See  document  No.  22,  herewith  submitted. 

I  See  document  No.  22  and  23,  herewith  submitted. 

5  See  letter  No.  1  of  the  series  transmitted  by  Sir  J.  Craig,  to  the  colonial  de- 
partment, under  date  of  Feb.  1 1,  1809. 

Jl  See  the  remainder  of  the  afw-esaid  letter. 

i  Sic  document  no  1,  herewith  gyjjijjitted. 


i 


I^' 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


CHAPTER   XXVlil.. 

&nbar^o  rrpealcfK  British  and  French  vessels  interdicted froin 
entcnn'^  our  harbors.  Imporlatians  from  both  countries  prO' 
hioited.  Invitation  held  out  to  both  to  cease  their  outrages  on 
our  com.nerce. 

The  cl.imour  cKcited  against  the  embargo — the  tumultuoua 
proceed inj^s  in  (he  eastern  states — iJs  inefiicacy  to  answer  the 
purpose  inten<led,  arising  partly  from  the  factious,  and  disor- 
ganizing, and  Jacobinical  opposition  it  met  with,  and  partly  from 
Ihe  imbecility  of  Mr.  Jetlerson's  administration,  in  not  duly 
enforcing  it,  as  I  have  already  stated* — all  combined  to  pro- 
duce its  repeal,  which  took  place  on  the  1st  of  March,  1809. 

As  a  pacific  measure,  in  lieu  of  the  embargo,  to  induce  the 
belligerents  to  respect  our  rights,  and  to  cease  depredating  on 
us,  under  pretence  of  retaliation  upon  each  other,  the  act  com- 
monly styled  the  non-intercourse  act,  was  passed,  of  which  I 
annex  those  sections,  which  contain  its  leading  features. 

Jn  Act  to  interdid  the  Commercial  Intercourse  between  tlu  Uniied 
States  and  Great  Britain  and  FrancCt  and  their  dependencies ; . 
and  for  other  purposes. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  ZTniied  States 
if  America  in  congress  assembled,  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  tbi» 
act,  the  entrance  of  the  barbors  and  waters  of  the  United  States  and  of 
the  territories  thereof,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  interdicted  to  all  public 
thipsand  vessels  belonging  to  Great  Britain  or  France,  excepting  vessels 
enly  which  may  be  forced  in  by  distress,  or  which  are  charged  with  des- 
patches or  business  from  the  government  to  which  they  belong,  and 
also  packets  having  no  cargo  or  merchandise  on  board.  And  if  any  pub- 
lic ship  or  vessel  as  aforesaid,  not  being  included  in  the  exception  above 
mentioned,  shall  enter  any  harbor  or  waters  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  the  territories  thereof,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  tha 
president  of  the  United  States,  or  sueh  other  person  as  he  shall  have  em- 
powered for  that  purpose,  to  employ  such  pari  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces,  or  of  the  militia  of  the  United  States,  or  the  territories  thereof, 
as  he  shall  deem  necessary,  to  compel  such  ship  or  vessel  to  depart. 

Sec.  3r  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  from  and  after  the  twentieth 
day  of  May  next,  the  entrance  of  the  harbors  and  waters  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  territories  thereof  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  interdicted  to 
all  ships  or  vessels  sailing  under  the  flag  of  Great  Britain  or  France,  or  own- 
ed  in  whole  or  in  part  by  any  citizen  or  stdijeci  of  either ;  vessels  hired, 
chartered  or  employed  by  the  government  of  either  country,  for  tlu*  sole 
purpose  of  carrying  letters  or  despatches,  and  also  vessels  forced  in  by 
distress  or  by  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  only  excepted. — And  if  any  r,kip  or 
vcssd  sailing  mdcr  the  flag  of  Great  Britain  or  France,  or  owned  in  ukoh- 

*S3epngc5l. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


im 


or  ife  pari  btf  any  cilizen  or  subject  of  either,  and  not  excepted  as  aforesaid, 
ihally  after  the  twentieth  day  of  May  next,  arrive  either  with  or  \\ithout  a 
cargo,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  Stales,  or  of  the  territories  thereof,  such 
fhip  or  vessel^  together  tcith  the  cargo,  if  any,  which  may  be  found  on  board 
Khali  be  forfeited,  and  may  be  seized  and  condemned  in  any  court  of  the 
United  States  or  the  territories  thereof,  having  competent  jurisdiction  : 
and  all  and  every  act  and  acts  heretofore  passed,  m  hich  shall  be  within 
the  purview  of  this  act,  shall  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed. 

Sec.  4.  And  be  il further  enacted.  That  from  and  after  the  twentieth 
day  of  May  next,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  import  into  the  United  Slates 
or  the  territories  thereof,  any  goods,  wares,  or  merclmndize  v'hatever,frohi 
any  port  or  place  situated  in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  or  from  any  of  the 
colonies  or  dependencies  of  Great  Britain  ;  nor  from  any  port  or  place 
situated  in  f*rance,  or  in  any  of  her  colonies  or  dependencies,  nor  from 
any  port  or  place  in  the   actual  possession  of  cither  Great  Britain  or 
France.    Nar  ehal'  it  be  lawful  to  import  into  the  United  States,  or  the 
territories  thereof,  from  any  foreign  fjit  or  place  whatever,  any  goods, 
wares,  or  merchandize  whatever,  being  of  the  growth,  produce,  or  man* 
ufactu re  of  France,  or  of  any  of  her  colonies  or  dependencies,  or  being 
of  the  growth,  produce,  or  manufacture  of  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  oc 
of  any  of  the  colonies  or  dependencies  of  Great  Britain,  or  being  of  the 
growth,  produce  or  manufacture  of  any  place  or  country  in  the   actual 
possesion  of  either  France  or  Great  Bitain :  provided,  ihRt  nothing  here- 
in contained  shall  be  construed  to  afiect  the  cargoes  of  ships  or  vessels 
wholly  owned  by  a  citizen  or  citizens  oftbe  United  States,  which  had 
deared  for  any  port  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  prior  to  the  twenty 
second'  day  of  December,  one   tliotiaand  eight  hundred  and  seven,  or 
which  had  departed- for  such  port  by  penuission  of  the  president,  under 
the  acts  supplementary  to  tie  act  laying  an  embargo  on  all  ships  and  ves* 
•tils  in  the  ports  and  harbors  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  11.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  president  of  the  United^ 
States  be,and  he  hereby  is  authorised,  in  case  either  France  or  GrecUBriiain 
shall  so  revoke  or  modify  her  edicts,  as  that  they  shall  cease  to  violate  the 
neutral  commerce  of  the  Uniled  States,  to  declare  the  same  by  proclamation  ; 
after  which  the  trade  of  the  United  States,  suspended  by  this  act,  and  by  the 
act  laying  an  embargo  on  all  ships  and  vessels  in  the  ports  and  harbors  of 
the  Uniled  States,  and  the  several  acts  supplementary  thereto,  may  be 
renewed  with  the  nation  so  doing  ;  provided,  that  all  penalties  and  for. 
feitures  which,  shall  have  been  previonsly  incurred,  by  virtue  of  this  or 
of  any  other   act,  the  operation  of  which  shall  so  cease  and  determine, 
shall  be  recovered  and  distributed,  in  like  manner  as  if  the  same  had  con- 
tinued in  full  force  and  virtue :  and  vessels  bound  thereafter  to  any  for- 
eign port  01  'ilace,  with  which  commercial  intercourse  shall  by  virtue  of 
this  section  bu  again  permitted,  shall  give  bond   to  the  United   States, 
with  approved  security,  in  double  the  value  of  the  vessel  and  cargo,  that 
they  shall  not  proceed  to  any  foreign  port,  nor  trade  with  any  country 
other  than  those  with  which  commeroiai  intercourse  shall  have  been  oe^ 
■ay  be  permitted  by  this  act.    Enacted  March  1,  1809. 

I  have  already  stated,  that  this  law,  was  preposterously  and 
absurdly  denounced,  as  feeble  and  imbecile,  by  ninety-nine  out 
of  every  hundred  democrats,  in  the  Uniled  States.  And  im- 
partial review  of  it  will  prove  the  folly  of  this  deannciation. — 


ii 


^  i^ 


(  i 


11 


(79 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCff. 


It  evinces  a  deep  sense  of  the  grievous  ii^jiiries  the  nation  had" 
sustained  from  tlie  bellie;erents — a  sincere  wish  to  return  to  the 
reh\tions  of  peace  and  friendship  with  either  or  both-^and  an 
ardent  desire  to  try  every  rational  mode  of  procuring  redress 
previous  to  a  recourse  to  the  horrors  of  war. 

It  held  out  in  one  hand  prohibition  and  penalty  for  wrongs 
inflicted — in  the  other  "  the  Olive  Branch" — an  invitation  to, 
and  premium  for,  a  mere  return  to  justice — a  mere  cessation  of 
unprovoked  hostility.  The  statute  books  of  all  the  nations  of 
Christendom  may  be  searched  in  vain,  for  a  law  entitled  to 
more  unequivocal  applause — and  rarely  has  a  law  been  more 
generally  censured. 

The  federalists  reprobated  this  act  as  well  as  the  democrats 
— and  with  equal  folly  and  madness — but  on  totally  different 
grounds.  They  regarded  it,  forsooth,  as  too  violent  a  measure 
— as  calculated  to  produce  war— or,  in  fact,  absurdly  enough, 
as  a  species  of  warfare  ! 

"  Sir,  the  bill  before  you  19  n<ar.  It  U  to  suspend  all  intercourse,  to  put  an  end 
to  all  the  relations  (\famiiy.  What  is  that  but  narf  War  of  the  worst  kind- 
war  under  the  disguise  of  non-  intercourbk — no  power,  having  nationsil  feeliagg, 
pr  regard  to  national  cliBracter,  ^yil  SUBMIT  to sucA  COERCION.* 

"  It  f  non-intercourse)  18  cowardly  j  for  it  is  a  base  attempt  to  bring  on  a  war  nith 
Great  Britain. — It  is  FRENCH  in  fiveri/  feature.  It  w  intended  a$  a  mtcuure  »/ 
h^st'iUty  against  Grtat  Britain, "  f 


tmconi 
ivc,  ar 
becile, 
outrag< 
Tha 
eommti 
deny. 

Conj 

mere  ha 

al  was  { 

York,  ( 

tive  syi 

You 

You  ar 

your  en 

Youi 

r  have  ( 

here  is  t 

eralists  s 

are  forty 

the  mucl 

/rom  Gn 


CHAPTER  XXIX.J 

Embargo  once  more.    Recommended  to  Congress  by  a  rcspectahk 
body  of  merchants  in  New-York. 

This  shall  be  a  short  chapter.  Three  minutes  will  be  suffi- 
ftient  to  glance  over  it.  ■  I  hope,  however,  it  will  not  be  the 
least  interestirf^  in  the  book. 

The  embargo,  we  have  seen,  was  enacted  in  December  1807, 
io  preserve  the  property  of  the  American  merchants  from  dep- 
redation under  French  decrees  and  British  orders  in  council — 
and  likewise  to  coerce  the  beMigerentSj  through  regard  to  their 
own  interests,  to  cease  violating  our  rights. 

The  merchants,  and  their  friends  universally,  throughout  the 
nation^  reprobated  this  measure.    Independent  of  its  pretended 

*  Mr.  Hillhouse^ti  speech  on  the  noa-intercoorse  bill  before  the  senate,  Febru- 
ary 22,  1809. 

f  Boiton  Repertory. 

I  This  Chapter  is  out  of  its  chronological  order — but  its  immediate  connexion 
ivith  tktt  «ubjeot  of  the  preoediuj;  ahapter  bag  induced  me  to  place  it  b^e; 


To  the  hi 
JJnitCi 
of  the 
of  Net 

That  y< 
citizens,  i 
try,  and  i 

That  y( 
KESTRK 
PRODUC 
CALAM 
convincet 
>jy  the  rep 
and  nianuf 
and  Portu 
Your  m 
»fow  VISI] 
the  embaxj 
•lay  of  Ji 
BLOODI 
Your  m 

ORABLE  B 

and  giving 
tbe  whole 
ders  in  coi 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


171 


unconstitutionality,  it  w^s  denounced  as  tyrnnical,  and  oppress- 
ive, and  unjust  towards  our  own  citizens — and  feeble,  and  im- 
becile, and  inefficient  towards  those  nations  whose  insults  and 
outrages  it  was  intended  to  prevent. 

That  these  sentiments  pervaded  the  mercantile  part  of  the 
eommuuity  in  1807-8,  I  presume  no  man  of  character  will  dare 
deny. 

Consistency  is  commendable.  Let  us  enquire  how  far  the 
merchants  practised  it.  On  the  15th  of  June,  1812,  a  memori- 
al was  presented  to  Congress,  from  various  merchants  in  New- 
York,  praying  for  a  continuance  of  the  embargo,  and  the  restric- 
tive system  generally  1 

You  are  amazed,  reader.  You  can  hardly  believe  me. — 
You  are  persuaded  that  I  am  not  seiious — that  I  am  putting 
your  credulity  to  a  severe  trial. 

You  are  "  all  in  the  wrong."  I  am  as  perfectly  serious  as 
r  have  ever  been.  And  to  remove  all  doubt  on  thu  suSyect, 
here  is  the  memorial — and  here  also  the  signers — forty -two  fed- 
eralists and  sixteen  democrats.  Yes — deny  it,  who  can.  Here 
are  forty-two  federal  merchants,  invoking  congress  to  continue 
the  much  abused  "  restrictive  si^stem"  as  likely  to  extort  justice 
from  Great  Britain. 

MEMORIAL. 

To  the  honorablj  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  the  memorial 
of  the  subscribers,  merchants  and  others  inhabitants  of  the  city 
of  New-York,  respectfully  sheweth : 

That  yqiir  meraorialistE  feel,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  tlieir  fellow- 
citizens,  an  anxious  solicitude  for  the  honor  and  interests  of  their  coun- 
Iry,  and  an  equal  determination  to  assert  and  maintain  them. 

That  vour  memorialists  believe  tliat  A  CONTIINUATION  OF  THE 
KESTRICTIVE  MEASURES  NOW  IN  OPERATION,  WILIi 
PRODUCE  ALL  THE  BENEFITS,  WHILE  IT  PREVENTS  THE 
CALAMITIES  OF  WAR.  That  when  the  British  ministry  become 
convinced  that  a  trade  with  the  Umted  States  cannot  be  renewed,  but 
by  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  [C/'the  distress  of  their  merchant? 
and  manufacturers,  and  their  inability  to  support  their  armies  in  Spain 
and  Portugal,  will  probably  compel  them  to  that  measure ! 

Your  memorialists  beg  leave  to  remark,  that  sctch  effects  aiib  evf.v 
Kow  VISIBLE  ;  and  it  may  he  reasonably  hoped,  that  a  continuance  of 
the  embargo  and  non-importation  laws  a  few  months  beyond  the  fourth 
iay  of  July  next,  (JJ^WILL  EFFECT  A  COMPLETE  AND 
BLOODLESS  TRIUMPH  OF  OUR  RIGHTS. 

Your  memorialists  therefore  RESPBCXFUiiijY  soiiiciT  of  tour  hon- 
or a.  ble  body,  THE  PASSAGE  OF  A  lAW  CONTINUING  THE  EMBARGO, 
and  giving  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  power  to  discontinue 
the  whole  of  the  restrictive  pystem  on  the  rescinding  of  the  British  or- 
ders in  council.    '   . 


I  if'*'? 


J 


172 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


The  conduct  of  France  in  burning  our  ships,  in  sequestrating  our  pro- 
perty entering  her  ports,  expecting  protection  in  conseijuonce  of  tito 
protnised  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  and  the  deluy  in  coin> 
piuting  a  treaty  with  the  American  minister,  has  excited  great  senf-ation: 
and  we  hope  and  trust  will  call  forth  from  your  honorable  body  such  ro> 
taliatory  measures  as  uiey  be  best  calculated  to  procure  justice. 


John  Jacob  Astor 
Samuel  Adams 
How  land  £(  Grioael 
E.  P!o«son 
Israfil  (libbs 
Isaac  (Mnson 
John  Slidell 
John  K.  Townsend 
Andrew  Ogden  &  Co. 
Thom:i.s  Storm 
Auios  Kutler 
Ebenf^zer  Rurrill 
Isaac  Heyr 
Ralph  Bulkley 
Samuel  Bell 
John  F.  Delaplaloe 
JPeter  Siagg 
David  Taylor 
Willi'im  A  dee 


John  T.  Lawrence 
Joseph  W.  Tottcn 
Jsaav  Pchermerhorn 
Alexander  Ruden 
.Jorcjph  Otis 
Lewis  Ilartman 
.Garret  Storm 
George  Bemeat 
S.  A.  Rich 
Abraham  Smith 
Thomas  H.  Smith,  jr. 
Andrew  Foster 
Jacob  Barker 
William  Lovett 
^^illiam  Edgar,  juo. 
S.  muel  Stillwell 
Jacob  ('  Giraud 
John  Hone 


iXuiHsa  Jacktton 
Williim  I.  Robinson 
Josepli  Strong 
Al)raham  S.  Hallot 
JosbuH  Jones 
Frcdric  Giraud,  jr. 
.Robert  Roberts 
Jolm  Crookcs 
-Hngli  M*€orniick 
Jolm  Depeyster 
Gilbert  Haight 
James  Lovett 
Leffei-t  Lefferts 
Augustus  Wynkoop 
Jolm  W.  Gale 
Thomas  Rich 
Sanmel  Marshall 
JElbert  Herring 


John  Kaoe 
Netv  York   June  1st,  1812. 

A  member  of  congress,  Mr.  Taylor,  stated  that  he  was  in- 
formed there  were  on  that  list  the  names  of  two  presidents  of 
banks,  three  presidents  of  insurance  companies,  thirteen  direct- 
ors of  banks,  besides  other  names  of  ^'■pre-eminent  standing  in 
the  comtnercial  warhV^  Fonder,  I  beseech  you,  reader,  on  these 
tilings.  They  demand  the  most  sober  and  serious  considera- 
tion. The  embargo  and  restrictive  system  generally,  after 
liaving  been  defeated  and  rendered  nugatory  liy  mercantile  op- 
position, are  now,  by  the  merchants  themselves,  proclaimed 
to  the  world  as  likely  to  effect  "[i:7='fl  bloodless  triumph  of  our 
rights  r  What  a  severe  satire  on  themselves — what  a  panegyr- 
ic on  their  opponents — this  short  sentence  contains  ! 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

The  Erskine  arranirement,  A  most  liberal  and  magnanimom 
procedure^  probably  never  exceeded.  Loud'y  app  lauded  hiaU 
parties.  B/'jectrd  by  England.  Then  censured  by  the f  federal- 
ists.    Wonderful  inconsistency. 

Never  was  there  a  measure  of  more  fairness  andtsandor,  than 
(he  arrangement  made  by  our  governmenf  v^ifh  Mr.  Eiskine. — 
Tiie  annals  of  diplomacy  may  be  ransacked  in  vain  to  produce 


tion, 
©f  com 
♦'In 
prized ' 
a  mark 
inand, 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


173 


a  negociation  more  deserving  of  encomium,  or  more  honorable 
to  both  parties.  In  forty-four  days  after  Mr.  Madison's  inaugu- 
ration,  Mr.  Erskine  made  candid  overtures  to  our  government 
for  an  accommodation  of  the  existing  differences  between  the 
two  nations.  They  were  met  with  a  proper  spirit  of  frankness, 
and  \.  Hh  a  promptitude  never  exceeded.  The  overtures  were 
dated  the  17  th  of  April—the  reply  the  same  day— Mr.  Erskine'a 
second  letter,  and  the,  reply  of  the  secretary  of  state,  on  the  18th. 
And,  both  parties  being  sincerely  desirous  of  a  reconciliation, 
an  equitable  arrangement  was  at\justed  in  two  days,  that  is  to 
say,  on  the  19th,  whereby  neither  the  honor  nor  the  interest  of 
either  nation  was  compromitted.  Friendly  intercourse  between 
them  was  once  more  restored.  Never  was  a  negociation  con- 
ducted on  more  liberal  or  generous  principles.  It  was  manly 
and  magnanimous — and  affords  one  of  the  very  few  instances  in 
which  diplomacy  was  divested  of  her  usual  attendants,  chicane 
and  fraud. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  opinion  on  this  subject, 
I  annex  the  whole  of  the  correspondence  that  took  place  re- 
specting it,  between  our  government  and  the  British  minister. 
It  will  then  appear  that  the  transaction  can  hardly  be  too  high- 
ly eulogized. 

(No.  I.) 

HK.  IR8KINK  TO   MR.  SMITH. 

Washington,  llthJpnl,  I8D9. 

"Sir — 1  have  the  bcnor  to  infomi  you,  that  I  have  received  bis  msgesty'R 
ffommands  to  represent  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  that  his  majesty 
is  animated  by  the  most  sincere  desire  for  an  adjustment  of  the  difference^ 
which  have  unhappily  so  long  prevailed  between  the  two  countries,  the  re- 
capitulation of  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  impede,  if  not  prevent  an 
amicable  understanding. 

•*  It  having  been  rejpresented  to  his  majesty's  govemmeat,  that  the  congress 
of  the  United  State*,  m  their  proceedings  at  the  opening  of  the  last  session, 
bad  evinced  an  intention  of  passing  certain  laws,  which  would  i>lace  the  rela- 
tions of  Great  Britain  with  the  United  States  upon  an  equal  footing,  in  all  respects, 
with  other  belligerent  powers,  I  have  accordingly  received  his  mtjesty^s  coni< 
mands,  in  the  event  of  sach  laws  taking  place,  to  offer,  on  the  part  of  his 
majestyi  an  honorabla  reparation  for  the  aggression,  committed  by  a  British 
naval  officer,  in  the  attack  on  the  Uoittd  States'  frigate  Chesapeake. 

"  ConsideriRg  the  act,  passed  by  the  congress  of  the  United  States  on  the 
first  of  March,  (usi»lly  termed  the  non-intercourse  aet)  as  having  produced 
a  state  of  equality,  in  the  relations  of  the  two  belligerent  powers,  witn  respect 
to  the  United  States,  I  have  to  submit,  conformably  to  instructions,  for  the 
consideration  of  the  American  government  such  terms  of  satisfaction  and  repara- 
tion, as,  his  majesty  is  induced  to  believe,  will  bo  accepted,  in  the  same  spirit 
of  conciliation,  with  which  they  are  proposed. 

*'  In  addition  to  the  prompt  disavowal  made  by  bis  m^esty,  on  bdng  ap ' 
prized  of  the  unauthorized  art  committed  by  his  naval  oflBcer,  whose  recal  as 
a  mark  of  tlie  king's  displeasure,  from  an  highly  fanportant  and  honiM*able  com- 
mand, inunediately  ensocd,  his  majesty  is  wiling  to  restore  the  men  forciblf 


I7.J 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


t;iT(on  out  of  the  f'lirsapcalie,  nnrl,  if  acceptable  to  the  American  govffnmcnt,  to 
make  a  siiUuhle  provision  for  tlie  unfortunate  MiffererH  on  that  occasion. 

*'  I  iiavc  the  honor  to  be,  witii  lentiaientd  of  tite  higitest  respect  and  considcra^ 
(ion,  sir,  your  oiosl  obedient  humble  servant, 

D.  M.  ERSKINE." 
Ihn.  Robert  Smilh,  Esq.  itcntary  qf  slate^  Sic. 

(No.  II.) 

MR.  SUITU  TO  MR.  ERSKINI. 

.     Department  of  Slate,  April  17,  1809. 

♦'  Sir— I  have  luiil  beiji>re  the  president  your  note  in  which  you  have,  in  the  iiamR 
and  by  the  order  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  declared  that  his  BritHnnic  majesty  is 
<lesirouH  of  muking  an  honorable  reparation  for  the  aggression  committed  by  a 
T^ritish  naval  officer  in  tht:  attack  en  the  U.  States'  frigate  the  Chesapeake  ;  that 
la  addition  to  his  prompt  disavowal  of  the  act,  his  majesty,  as  a  marlt  of  his  dis- 

{deasnre,  did  immediately  recal  the  offending  officer  from  a  highly  important  and 
lonorahle  cumnriand  ;  and  that  he  is  willing  to  restore  the  men  forcibly  taken  out 
of  tijc  Chesapeake  ;  and,  if  acceptable  to  the  American  government,  to  make  a 
euitabic  provision  for  the  unfortunate  siifTerers  on  that  occasion. 

"  Tlie  government  of  the  I'nited  States  having  at  all  times  entertained  a  sin- 
cere desire  for  au  iidjustinent  of  the  ^lifTerences  which  have  so  long  and  so  unhap- 
pily subsisted  between  the  two  countries,  the  president  cannot  but  receive  with 
pleasure,  assurances  that  his  Britannic  mi\je8ty  is  animated  by  the  same  disposition 
— and  that  he  is  ready,  in  conformity  to  this  disposition,  (o  make  atonement  for 
the  insult  and  aggression  committed  by  one  of  bis  naval  officers,  in  the  attack  on 
the  United  States'  frigate  the  Chesapeake. 

*'  As  it  appears,  at  tlio  same  time,  that  in  making  this  offer,  his  Britannic  ma- 
jesty derives  a  motive  from  the  equality,  now  existing  in  the  relations  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  with  the  two  belligerent  powers,  the  president  owes  it  to  the  occasion, 
and  to  himself,  to  let  it  be  understood,  that  this  equality  is  a  result  incident  to  a 
ftate  of  thini>s  growin;:;  out  of  distinct  considerations. 

•'  With  this  explanation,  as  requisite  as  it  is  frank,  1  am  authorised  i  ->  inform 
you,  that  the  president  acivpts  of  the  note  delivered  by  you,  in  tlie  namt-  and  by 
the  order  of  Uis  Britannic  majesty;  and  will  consider  the  saruc,  witi)  the  engage- 
ment contained  therein,  when  fulfilled,  as  a  satisfaction  for  the  ins-ult  and  injury  of 
which  he  has  complained.  Eut  I  have  it  in  express  charge  from  the  preidont  to 
Ptate,  that  while  he  forbears  to  insist  on  a  further  punishment  of  the  offending  of- 
ficer, he  is  not  the  less  sensible  of  the  justice  and  utility  of  such  an  example,  nor 
the  less  persuaded  that  it  would  best  comport  with  what  is  due  from  his  Britannic 
majesty  to  his  own  honor. 

*'*  1  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  Iiii^hest  respect  and  consideration,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  servant,  ,  . 

R.  SMITH. •♦ 
The  hon.  David  M.  Krskine,  Esq.  envoy  exlraordhxary       -    . , 

and  mmistcr  plenipotentiary  qf  his  Britannit  majaty.  i.     ,,  . 

(No.  III.)  .! 

MR.  ER9KINB  TO  MR.  SMITH. 

Washington,  April  18,  1809. 

••  Sir — I  have  the  honor  of  informing  you,  that  his  majesty,  having  been  per 
pnaded  that  the  honorable  repaitition  which  he  had  caused  to  be  tendered  for  the 
unauthorised  attack  upon  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake,  would  he  accepted  by 
the  government  of  the  United  States  in  the  aame  spirit  of  conciliation  with  w!iic!i 
it  was  proposed,  has  instructed  me  to  express  his  satisfaction,  should  such  a  uappy 
termination  of  that  affair  take  place— not  only  as  having  removed  a  painful  caui<^ 
of  difference,  but  as  affording  a  fair  prospect  of  a  complete  and  cordial  under. 
standing  being  re-established  between  the  two  countries. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


175 


•'  Tlie  favorable  chnnge  in  the  relntinnn  of  Ills  majesty  with  the  U'liited  Statf », 
wliich  Urm  been  produced  by  tlie  act  (usually  teriiied  the  noii-intercour«e  act)  pass- 
e6  in  tlie  lust  »*--sion  of  conjienu,  was  also  aiUiripalcd"  by  his  riMJi.'S'ty  ;  and  haii 
pni'ouraged  a  furtlier  hope,  that  the  n'-coiwidtjiation  of  the  existing  differen^t•^•, 
ini^ht  lead  to  their  *ati.'*Mctory  adjustiiient. 

"  On  tlu'sc  grounds  and  expectations,  I  am  instructed  to  communiratc  to  the  A- 
nierican  govLTumont,  his  majesty's  determinUion  of  sending  to  the  United  !>tatc« 
:in  envoy  extraordinary,  inve-lcd  with  full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  on  all  the 
p./nits  of  the  relations  between  the  two  countries. 

•'  In  tlie  mean  time,  with  a  view  to  contribute  to  the  attainment  of  so  deiirahlrt 
on  object :  hi^  majesty  would  be  willing  so  withdraw  his  orders  in  council  of  Jan- 
uary and  November,  1807,  so  far  as  respects  the  United  State*,  in  the  persuasion 
that  the  presidt?nt  of  tim  United  Btates  would  isisue  n  proclamation  for  the  renew- 
al of  the  intercourse  with  Great  Britain;  and  that  whatever  difference  of  opinioa 
fhould  arise  in  the  interpretation  of  the  terms  of  such  an  agreement  will  oe  re- 
moved in  the  proposed  negotiation. 

*'  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  consideration  and  cV^ 
teem,  sir.  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

n.M.ERSKINE." 
Hon.  Robert  Smithy  trc.Scc  t(C. 

(No.  IV.)  / 

t  • 

MR.  SMITH  TO  MR.  KRBKINE. 

Department  qf  SlaU^  jlpril  \fl,  liWK 

"  Sir — The  note  wliich  I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  from  you  this  day,  1  losfc 
no  time  in  laying  before  the  president,  who  being  sincerely  desirous  of  a  satisfac- 
tory adjustment  of  the  dilTerenres  unliappily  existing  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  has  authorised  me  to  assure  ^ou,  that  lie  will  meet,  with  a 
dijiposition  cvrrespondent  with  that  of  hi»  Britannic  m^est^,  the  determination  of 
his  majesty  to  send  to  the  United  States  a  special  envoy,  invested  with  full  pow- 
ers to  coDcludc  a  treaty  on  all  the  points  of  the  relations  between  the  two  coun- 
tiiei. 

**  I  am  further  authorised  to  assure  you,  that  in  case  his  Britannic  mtgesf  y 
should,  in  the  mean  time,  withdraw  his  orders  in  council  of  January  and  Novem- 
ber, 1807,  so  far  as  respects  the  United  States,  the  pro.^ident  will  not  fail  to  issue 
id  proclamation  by  virtue  of  the  authority,  and  for  thn  purposes  specified,  in  thi; 
eleventh  section  of  the  statute,  commonlj'^  called  the  non-intercourse  act. 

1  have  the  honcr,"  &c.  <fcc.  &c.  ' 

,  R.  ?MITH. 

(No.  V.) 

MR.  SBSKINE  TO  MU.  SMITH 

IVdshinglon,  Afiril  19,  180&. 

"  Sir— In  consequence  of  the  acceptance,  by  the  president,  as  stated  in  your 
letter  dated  the  I8th  inst.  of  the  proposals  made  by  me  on  the  part  of  his  m^esty, 
in  my  letter  of  the  same  day,  for  the  renewal  of  the  intercourse  between  the  re- 
spective countries,  I  am  authorised  to  declare,  that  his  majesty's  orders  in  coun- 
*;il  of  January  and  November,  1807,  will  have  been  withdrawn  as  respects  the  U- 
Qited  States,  on  the  10th  day  of  June  next.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,'*  ifc.  i(c. 

D.  M.  ERSKINE. 

Honorable  Robert  Smithy  i(c.  S{e. 

(No.  VI.) 

MR.  SMITH  TO  MR.    KR8KINS. 

Department  of  Stutey  Jpril\9,  1S09. 

"  Sir— Having  laid  before  the  president  your  note  of  this  day,  containing  an 
assurance,  that  his  Britannic  majesty  will,  on  the  tenth  day  of  June  next,  have 
withdiawD  his  orders  in  council  ofJacxary  and  November,  1807,  sofi,^ra*rc 


•.7T'.  i  i 


170 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


rpccti  the  United  State*,  I  have  tlie  honor  of  inrorniins  you,  that  the  preyulent 
mill  accoi(Iin(!;ly,  and  in  piirsuanre  of  the  eleventh  tection  of  the  atatute,  common- 
ly railed  the  nnn-intercourve  act,  isfliie  a  proclamation,  so  that  the  trade  nf  i  .m 
United  States  with  Great  Britain  may  on  the  same  day  be  renewed  in  mi'^  •■•uu- 
««r  provided  in  the  said  uection.     I  have  the  bonori"  iic.  die. 

R.  SMI^'- 


BT   THE   FKESIDIKT  OT  THE   VRITED  KTATEf  OV   AMERICA,      , 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

*'  Whereas  H  is  provided  by  the  eleventh  sei^ion  of  the  act  of  congress  entitlr d 
*'  An  act  to  interdict  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and 
<Sreat  Britain  and  France,  and  their  dependencies;  and  for  other puiposei^,^'  that 
"  in  case  either  France  or  Great  Britain  E^hall  so  revoke  or  uiodiiy  her  edicts  at 
that  they  stiall  cease  to  violate  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States,"  the 
president  is  authorised  to  declare  the  same  by  proclamation ;  after  which  the 
trade  luspendcd  by  the  said  act,  and  by  an  act  laynig  an  embargo  on  all  ships  and 
vesseii  in  the  ports  and  harbors  of  tho  United  States,  and  the  several  acts  supple- 
mcntnrv  thereto,  may  be  renewed  with  the  nation  so  doing.  And  wherejjs  the 
honorable  David  Montague  Erskine,  his  Britannic  majesty*!  envoy  extraordinary 
nnd  minister  plenipotentiary,  has,  by  the  order  and  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign, 
declared  to  tiiis  government,  that  the  British  orders  in  council  of  Januaiy  and 
Noven.bcr,  1807,  will  have  been  withdrawn  as  respects  the  United  States,  on 
the  tenth  dny  of  June  next.  ISoxr,  therefore,  I,  James  Madison,  President  of  the 
United  States,  do  hereb>[  prodaiui,  that  tho  orders  in  council  aforesaid  will  have 
])cen  withdrawn  on  tho  yaid  tenth  day  of  June  next  ;  after  which  day  the  trade  of 
rlie  United  States  with  G<reat  Britain,  as  suspended  by  the  act  of  congress  above 
nicntioned,  and  an  act  laying  an  enihnrgoon  all  ships  and  vessels  in  the  ports  and 
liarhours  of  the  Uuited  Slates,  and  the  several  act»  supplementary  thereto,  may 
be  renewed. 

*'  Given  under  my  liani)  and  the  seal  of  the  United  States,  at  Washington, 
the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
0.8.    hundred  and  nine,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  the 
thirty-third." 

JAMES  MADI30N. 
Bjf  the  Preridfnt, 

RT.  SMITH,  Secretary  of  State. 

Never  was  a  measure  more  loudly  or  unanimously  applauded. 
Parties  agreed  in  their  encomiums  on  tbe  act  and  the  actors,  >vho 
never  before  or  since  accorded  on  any  subject.  The  federalists 
cannot  have  forgotten — if  they  have,  history  will  not  forget — 
that  they  repeatedly  asserted,  in  the  most  confident  terms,  that 
England  had  been  at  all  times  ready  to  do  us  Justice ; — that  it 
had  been  in  tbe  power  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  any  period  of  bis  ad- 
ministration, to  have  procured  equally  fair  and  honorable  terms  ; 
and  that  nothing  but  his  profligate  devotion  to  France,  and  bis 
deadly  hostility  to  England,  had  prevented  an  equitable  adjust- 
ment of  all  our  differences.  Mr.  Madison  was  hailed  as  a  truly 
American  president.  He  was  invited  to  federal  enterlainmenU 
—-claimed  as  a  federalist  and  a  Washingtonian — and  halcyon 
days  of  peace  and  plenty  were  augured  under  his  administration, 
which  was  indubitably  to  usher  in  a  political  millenium.  This 
farce  W99  carried  on  so  far  by  tbe  federalistS}^  that  the  deoiocratji 


THE  OLI\^£  BRANCH. 


177 


began  to  grow  jeHlous.       They  were  afraid  of  losing  fir  presi- 
ileiit,  whose  ek'clioii  they  hjul  taken  such  pains  to  secure. 

In  an  evil  hour  lor  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  lhi» 
honorable  arran;^ement  was  fauluitously  and  dishonorahly  icr 
jj.cted  hy  the  British  ministry — and  thus  the  two  countiies  were 
once  more  involved  in  the  most  vexatious  discussioDS. 

So  I'ur  as  respects  the  administration  oC  Mr.  Aladison,  thia 
afTuir  aflurds  the  most  indubitable  cviilence  of  the  utter  ialse- 
liood  of  the  chargeof  French  influence,  with  which  tiie  wide  wel- 
kin has  rung,  and  which  has  been,  and  is,  as  firinlj'^  believed  by 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  our  citizens,  as  any  portion  of  "  holy 
^vrit.''  Had  there  been  the  slightest  particle  of  that  noxious  in- 
fluence in  our  cabinet,  it  could  not  have  fai'.ed  to  prevent  such  a 
rapid  movement  as  healing  the  long-enduring  and  cankered 
breaches  between  the  two  countries  in  twadays. 

Never  in  the  annals  of  mankind,  did  a  rooted,  inveterate, 
and  contemptible  prejudice  exist,  so  completely,  so  unanswer- 
ably borne  doun  by  a  strong  and  irrefutable  fact,  as  in  this  case 
is  the  accusation  of  French  inlluence:  and  yet  no  more  atten- 
tion has  been  paid  to  the  strong  and  irresistible  fact,  than  if  it 
had  not  the  slightest  bearing  whatever  on  the  subject.  Through- 
out the  whole  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  this  senseless, 
this  absurd,  thisjacobinical  cry  of  French  influence  has  disturb- 
ed the  harmony  of  the  country — endangered  its  peace — and 
produced  the  most  magical  elfects,  on  "  the  most  enlightened 
nation  in  the  world." 

In  every  age,  and  every  nation  there  is  some  slang  preva- 
lent, by  which  the  people  are  besotted,  bereft  of  their  reason, 
and  led  "  to  ploy  such  pranks  before  high  heaven,  as  make  e'en 
angels  weep."  Who  is  ignorant  of  the  magical  effects  in  Great 
Britain  of  the  cry,  "  the  church  is  in  danger,"  whereby  the  se- 
veritiei  and  restrictions  under  which  the  i)roteslant  dissenters 
groaned  for  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  were  firmly  riv- 
eted on  them.  The  cry  of  "  French  influence*^  in  the  United 
States  has  been  so  often  reiterated,  and  so  far  believed  that  it 
appears  to  thousands  of  our  citizens  both  impertinent  and  absurd 
to  doubt  its  existence.  But  there  never  has^  been  the  shadow  of 
proof  of  its  existence  ailedged.  And  I  feel  perfectly  confident^ 
that  there  are  thousands  of  Englishmen  in:  various  parts  of  the 
United  States,  particularly  in  our  seaports,  any  one  of  whom 
takes  a  more  active  part  in  our  politics,  and  has  more  influence 
on  our  atTairs,  than  any  twenty  Frenchmen.  Talleyrand's  ob- 
servation on  this  subject  is  perfectly  just.  "In  every  part  of 
America  through  which  I  have  travelled,  I  have  not  found 
a^  siogle  Englishmau,  >vho  did  not  feel  bims^f  to  be  a» 


178 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


American  ;  nor  a  single  Frenclini?.n  who  did  not  find  himself 
a  stranger."* 

There  are  Frenchmen  in  New-York,  Philadelphia,  and  Bal- 
timore, who  have  been  naturalized  ten,  twenty,  and  even  thirty 
years,  who  do  not  interfere  so  much  in  our  politics  as  English, 
Scotch,  and  Irishmen  frequently  do  within  the  first  month  oi'ter 
Iheir  arrival.  I  have  never,  in  thirty  years,  known  three 
Frenchmen  in  Philadelphia  who  took^n  active  part  in  our  pol- 
itics.    Many  of  them  rarely  exercise  the  elective  franchise. 

This  is  a  digression.  Let  us  return  to  the  Erskine  arrange- 
ment. 

The  conduct  of  the  federalists  respecting  this  celebrated  in- 
strument, was  to  the  last  degree  inconsistent  and  indefensible — 

They  were,  after  it  was  agreed  upon,  as  I  have  stated,  unan- 
imous and  loud  in  their  applause  of  England,  for  her  magna- 
nimity in  offering,  and  of  Mr.  Madison,  for  his  [)atrioti8m  and 
public  spirit  in  accepting,  the  terms  proposed  by  Mr.  Erskine. 
The  force  of  the  langague  was  exhausted,  in  [mnegyrical 
strains.  All  the  praises  of  Mr.  Madison  were  accompanied  l)y 
direct  or  insinuated  abuse  of  his  predecessor.  The  two  i»reBi- 
dents  appeared  like  the  two  ends  of  a  scale-beam.  In  proportion 
as  one  rose,  the  other  sunk.  Mr.  Madison  was  raised  araoi^ 
the  celestials — Mr.  Jefferson  sunk  among  the  infernals.  There 
was  hardly  one  of  the  party  from  New-Hampshire  to  Georgia, 
who  did  not  assert,  that  had  Mr.  Jefferson  been  disclosed,  he 
might  have  made  an  arrangement  on  as  favourable  terms  at  any 
time  during  his  administration — for  England  had  been  at  all 
times  equally  disposed  to  do  us  justice. 

But  when  England  rejected  this  airangement— when  she  gave 
the  lie  direct  to  all  their  asseverations  of  her  willingness  toad* 
just  the  differences  between  the  two  countries,  on  fair  and  hon- 
orable principles — they  still  defended  her.  They  assailed,  and 
sibused,  and  vilified,  rnd  degraded  their  own  government.  And 
Mr.  Madison,  who  had  been  placed  among  the  stars  of  heaven, 
sunk  down  at  once  below  the  horizon  into  pitchy  darkness, 
with  his  predecessor.  And  for  what  ?  Had  he  committed  any 
crime  to  warrant  this  change  of  opinion?  No,  Had  he  alter- 
ed the  system  of  conduct  which  had  been  so  highly  extolled  ? — 
No.  Had  he  broken  his  faith  with  England  ?  No.  Had  he 
failed  of  his  duty  to  his  country  ?  No.  His  only  crime  was, 
that  England  broke  the  faith  her  minister  had  so  solemnly  pledged 
io  hinii  and  to  that  cruelly  injured  and  outraged  country  I ! ! .'  i 
Alas !  alas !  poor  human  nature  ! 

*  Memoir  onthe  Commercial  Relations,  of  the  Uuitcd  Stales  ^itli  England, 
pag«  18.. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCir.  i 


1 7'.* 


To  establish  fully  what  I  have  asserted,  I  annex  extracts 
from  the  federal  papers  and  speeches,  publishe^Vhcfore  and  after 
tlip  fatal,  the  monstrous,  the  absurd  reJf:4:lion  of  this  arrange- 
ment. 

"  We  owe  it  to  Mr.  Midl.'on  and  his  cabinet  to  say,  and  we  do  it  with  pride 
and  pleasure,  that  tiiey  iiave  come  forward  with  a  degree  of  nrouiptitude  and 
Minnlinefis  whicli  reflect  muck  hoixtr  on  Uiem  and  Hit  country.  Mr.  Madison  has 
now  clone  ijy  nhat  Mr.  Jeffersvn  nas  reqiu.ittd  by  the  Brilish  gavemment  to  do  in 
the  note  nppmdtd  to  Ike  treaty  returned  by  him  Mr.  M  idison  is  now  effectually 
resist  ins  the  French  decrees,  by  a  total  non-intercourse  with  that  country  ;  ani 
this  "ountry  will  thank  him  for  it  to  the  latest  generation."  United  Slates'  Ga- 
aette,  April  24,  1809. 

"  (I!7*  ^'*^  candor,  HbernVty,  avd  sincerity  displayed  in  those  documents,  art. 
aVh.  h'inorabk  to  the  two  governments  V  Pou'son's  American  Daily  Advcrtiiier, 
April  22,  1809. 

•' The  non-inter  eon  rae  witli  Prance,  which  congress  tlireiifened  Nov.  22,  1808, 
and  really  enact«>d  Marcl»  ist,  1B09,  tatake  place  on  20rh  May  next — this  ui«as- 
uve  agiinst  France,  produced  wliat  no  measure  against  En;;!and  alone  could  ob- 
tain. England  was  to  be  rvon  nnt/t  signs  qf  justice  and  immi  tialHy ;  and  yielded, 
to  these  considerations  nthat  she  mould  twt  yield  either  to  threats  or  force, — Bostou 
Jleperlory,  May  9,  1809. 

"  Nothinz  here  said  is  desIo;ned  to  reflect  on  Mr.  Madison  as  the  president  of 
the  United  States,  rj^j^  In  the  fihst  act  in  which  hk  has  bren  called  upon, 
HE  HAS  BEHAVED  WITH  WISDOM.  May  he  go  on  so.  Mr.  Madison  thus  far  has  in 
l.ict  acted  ministerially  ;  that  is,  pursu.int  to  an  act  of  congress,  or  the  generally 
expressed  voice  of  his  countrymen," — fdcm. 

"  We  shall  not  stop  to  enquire  wlie  her  the  sj^irited  and  vigorous  measures  of 
New-Etigland — their  determined  public  declarations  that  !!i«?y  would  not  submit 
to  an  unnecessary  and  destruetive  war,  has  induced  the  adtninistraton  to  listen  to 
jrT»  Uie  same  terms  nhich  Great  Britain  has  always  hten  ready  to  offtr,  and  t& 
irhich  we  have  uniformly  contended  she  ivas  sincerely  diiposcd.^* — Boston  Gazette^ 
April,  1809. 

*'  That  Mr.  Madison  does  not  wish  to  embroil  ns  with  Eiinland,  we  are  now 
thoroughly  convinced  ;  while  he  continues  to  pursue  an  honest  and  imparlial  policy, 
where  he  makes  one  enemy  he  will  gain  a  dozen  friends  ^^—Baltimore  Federal 
Republican,  as  quoted  by  the  Philadelphia  Gazelle,  June  21, 1 809. 

♦'  ScMcely  was  Mr.  Madlscn  seated  in  the  chair  of  state,  wlien,  contrary  to  all 
our  expectations,  but  agreeably  to  all  our  wishes,  he  gave  the  tie  to  all  his  elee- 
Honeering  advocates ;  abandoned  practic  illy  an^  '"  the  face  of  the  world  the  pol- 
icy and  course  of  the  sage;  and  concluded  with  Mr.  Erkklne  an  agreement, 
which,  {J7»)^nocfci»ig  the  ignominious  hand  cuffs from^ncr  hands,  jinmoorivg  our 
shipi,  rejoicing  our  hearts,  and  ekvatingour  tuopes^cCZ  i-'rew  from  the  union,  (the 
.1  icobins  excepted)  an  unfeigned  burst  of  heart-ch<  rriiis;  applause.  rj;j>  Ncvtr 
stntesman  did  an  act  more  populir  or  mnre  conducive  to  the  true  and  ptrnuinenl  in- 
tercst  of  his  couniri/."— Philadelphia  Gazette,  June  2:i,  1809. 

*'  The  public  documents  which  we  this  day  have  tiie  satisfaction  of  laying  be- 
fore om-  readers  are  ot  a  highly  pleasiiiii  a:.J  intt-resting  character.  The  note  of 
Mr.  Erskine  furnisher  satisfactory  evidence  of  a  real  disposition  on  the  p-.irt  of 
liis  government  to  adjust,  onpermnncnt  principles,  the  long  subsisting  differences 
with  tliis  country  :  and  Mr.  Smith's  answer  to  tliat  aof  e  evinces  a  candor  and 
promptitude  equally  honorable  to  the  views  and  wisiies  of  the  American  adminis- 
tration, fVkile  both  partiei  are  governed  hy  this  !>piril  qf  c'jr{fidenre  in  t/iensrur- 
nnces  of  each  cihcr,  we  can  foresee  no  possible  circumstance  to  impede  tli;ir  arri- 
ving at  a  full,  Hberal  and  advantagecus  ■^o:ovasao<iA\io\i,"'— Philadelphia  Cazetft, 
JauelQ,  loOa. 


H 


180 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"We  sincerely  trust  that  an  enlightened  administration  will  continue  Uyi;* 
iQe&8ures  of  priidrnco,  economy  and  wisdom,  t^  increiise  the  mortiScalion  and 
lage  of  men,  aliens  totiie  true  interests  and  honor  of  our  country."— /i?«^ 

On  the  2(1  of  May,  1 800,  Mr.  Randolph  moved  in  the  house 
of  representatives  of  the  United  States,  the  foiloNving  resolu- 
tion : — 

"  Resolved,  That  tlie  promptitude  and  frankness  with  which  the  pirpident  of 
t!ie  United  Slates  has  u»ct  the  overtiH-es  of  the  government  of  Great  Britain  to- 
wards a  restoration  of  harmony  and  tree  commercial  intercourse  between  the  two 
U'.ktjons,  meet  the  approbation  of  this  house." 

This  occasioned  a  long  debate,  in  which  the  federalists  were 
universally  in  favor  of  the  motion.  Mr.  Barent  Gardenier  was 
among  the  most  ardent  eulogists  of  Mr.  Madison.  There  a[)- 
I)^'are(l  to  be  no  hounds  to  his  applause. 

"  This  tree,  from  which  we  expected  to  gather  only  the  fruit  of  bitternees  and 
forrow,  id  already  yielding  ns  fniit  far  ditforent — gladness  and  unspeakable  joy  — 
To  speak  in  the  language  of  the  resolution,  '  the  prmnptitude  ana  frankness  nilfi 
ivkicn  the  president  haa  met  the.  overtures  of  Great  Britain,''  while  they  receive  the 
applause  and  tlic  gratitude  of  the  uation,  call  uot  less  imperiously  for  an  unequiv- 
ocal expression  of  them  by  this  house. 

"  1  must  say  that  I  do  like  the  words  '  promptitnde  and  frankness.'    The  com 
idiment  they  convey  is  liighly  merited,  as  1  shall  endeavor  to  prove. 

"For  bringing  about  tliis  state  of  things,  rj^  I  yield  my  hearty  approbation 
to  the  president  of  the  United  States  ;  and  1  believe  that  when  none  oi'  us  could 
,  see  the  end  of  our  troubles,  the  president  was  secretly  conductiug  us  to  the  late 
iiappy  results. 

"  But  at  last  that  state  of  things,  ORIGINALLY  PROPOSED  BY  GREAT 
BRITAIN,  has  been  brought  about,  both  as  it  regards  the  equality  contended  for 
and  as  regards  the  assurance  of  resistance  desired.  The  proclamation  lieing  re- 
moved, a  fair  adjustment  could  meet  with  no  impediment  from  thvit  cause. — 
fj^  And  it  is  a  melancholy  fact,  in  this  respect  there  never  would  have  been  an 
ioipediment,  if  THIS  government  had  been  willing  to  do  originally  what  it  hai 
at  last  coMisented  to  do. 

"It  is  for  tlie  *  promptitude  and  frankness  with'  which  the  president  met  this 
overture,  that  I  thank  him  most  cordially  in  behalf  of  my  country.  I  approve  it 
utost  heartily. 

"  And  it  is  now  in  proof  before  us,  as  I  have  always  said  and  contended,  that 
f»^j=>  Nothing  was  wanting  but  a  proper  spirit  of  conciliation — nothing  but  fair  and 
itonorable  dealing  on  the  part  of  THIS  country,  to  bring  to  a  happy  issue  all  the 
fictitious  difTereiices  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  is  now  ac- 
knowledged to  be  true,  for  saying  which  I  have  been  so  raurii  censured— censur- 
ed, because  it  suited  the  purposes  of  some  people  to  attribute  to  me  a  confidence 
in  the  justice  of  the  British  governiaent,  which  d"d  uot  become  an  American  cili- 
aen. 

*'  The  president  very  properly  relying  on  the  assurances  of  the  British  minia- 
ter,  tiiat  the  edicts  of  Great  Britain  woult?  have  been  withdrawn  on  or  before 
the  twentieth  of  Juoe  then  next,  aulhcrised  a  renewal  of  intercourse  after  tliat 
day." 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  speech  to  the  le- 
gislature, unites  his  praises  with  those  of  Mr.  Gardenier — 

'*  We  have  great  reason  to  indulge  the  hope  of  realising  those  views  [ariiin? 
fiom  a  revival  of  commerce]  from  the  prompt  and  amicable  disposition  with 
which  it  is  unckratood  tlie  preseut  fetlcral  admioistraliou  met  the  coociliator" 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


181 


ovc:turei  of  Great  Britain— g^  a  disposition  which  is  entitled  to,  and  will  cer* 
tainly  receive,  the  hearty  appiobation  of  every  one  who  sincerely  loves  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  nalion.^* 

The  senate  and  house  of  representatives  re-echo  the  enco- 
miastic strain : 

"  The  jjresent  administration  of  the  general  government  has  QIt^  had  f.ie  wis- 
dom to  discern,  and  palriotisui  to  commence,  a  course  of  policy  respecting  our 
commerce  and  foreign  relations,  which  i-^  calculated  to  promote  the  pros^perity, 
and  to  secure  the  peace  and  independence  of  our  country  " 

'•The  prompt  acceptance  by  the  federal  administration  of  the  conciliatory 
overtures  of  Great  Britain,  which  opened  the  door  for  tiie  removal  of  tliose 

f;rievous  embarraFsmentu  by  which  the  industry  and  ijnterpiise  of  ourcitizens 
lave  so  lon^jbten  paralizod,  rj;;^  meets  the  approbation  and  will  ensure  the 
support  of  this  commonwealth." 

Messrs.  Wagner  and  Hanson  chimed  in  with  the  general 
strain  of  approbation,  which  was  carried  to  the  utmost  exlent> 
in  order,  by  the  contrast,  to  blacken  the  character  of  the  former 
administration. 

*'  Sophiitry  i^  busily  at  work  in  the  democratic  paper*  to  show  that  the  accom- 
modation with  Englatidi  s  the  result  of  democratic  plans that  is  to  say,  of  the 

embargo  and  non-interc(ourse  law.  If  this  could  be  made  to  appear,  it  would  so 
lar  absolve  thtir  authors  from  the  ruin  and  sulFerings  imposed  by  those  law»,  n« 
to  prove  that  they  fiad  some  effect.  But  the  common  sense  of  the  people  is  pro  if 
against  tlie  delusion  ;  who  are  persuaded  that  what  was  so  easily  etl'ected  in  April 
last,  might  have  been  done  long  before,  and  the  nation  been  thereby  saved  from  th« 
humiliation  of  retiring  from  the  exercise  of  itii  rights  upon  the  ocean,  as  well  as 
the  immer.be  loss  it  has  Buffered,  and  continues  to  sustain  in  the  decay  and  depre- 
ciation of  its  produce.  Every  reflecting  mind  feels  tliis  at  once  ;  nor  does  it  re- 
quire any  circuitous  argument  to  be  convinced,  that  Q^y"  a  persevering  and  ardent 
cppo.sition  to  these  democratic  juggles,  and  not  a  voluntary  abandonment  of  them, 
broke  the  embargo,  and  placed  France  and  Great  Britain  upon  that  equal  footing, 
which  the  LkTTEn  iniformi.y  declared  would  induce  her  to  compromise. 

*'  Sincere  and  general  as  has  been  the  joy  spread  by  the  return  of  a  good  under- 
standing with  Ensland,  will  be  the  indignation,  which  at  no  ,'li'^tant  day,  a  calm 
review  of  ti'P  sd  ires  which  have  been  laid  to  entrap  our  pe'^;e,  and  extinguish, 
cur  prosperity  will  unavoidably  inspire.  The  current  of  ti:t:;  i;'sr.pprobation  of 
tlils  conspiracy  is  not  at  a  sttvnd  U  has  much  greats  pr^i^jx'is  to  'lake;  njr 
will  it  stop  until  it  places  an  insuperable  bar  against  e  en  the  spivi'jg  par^v  which 
till  lately  ha*  lorded  it  witlioLtoppo-Mtion  over  the  state  of  Alaryland."' 

I  shall  add  to  these  extracts  the  sentinriitb  oi  Mr.  (;r«leman> 
editor  of  the  New-York  Evening  Post,wbijiiPa'c  as  strong  and 
dt'cisive  as  any  of  the  others. 

"  Look  at  f !ie  files  of  this  paper  for  a  twelvemonth.  Yon  will  find  it  in-^isted 
upon  that  rry=  Great  Britain  wished  for  an  adjustment  of  'differences,  and  would 
come  to  an  .;icommodatiou  the  moment  we  gave  her  a  chan::t  to  do  so,  by  placing 
her  on  jm  equal  footing  with  France.  Mr  Erskinn  very  promptly  begin.s,  by 
itating,  on  our  government's  placing  England  on  a  footing  with  France,  Fngland 
will  make  reparation — q^  just  preciselv  what  i  have  said  a  uuNr-".   o  times 

OVER  IN  THIS  PAPER,  SHE  -^'OULD  VEliY  GLADLY  DO, 

'  The  first  part  of  the  second  resolution  acompanying  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  foreign  relations,  contemplated  an  arrangement  by  which  t'<e  esT'ect- 
ive  belligerents  would  be  placed  in  a  state  ofer^nality  as  to  theexclasion  •!  ilHtiT 

♦federal  Re jublicau J  July  1,  1809, 


182 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


ships  of  war  from  our  harbors.  This  report  was  sent  to  England  ;  and  iinmeui- 
ately  the  British  minister  oirectko  Mr.  Erskineto  mal^e  the  propositions  nliich 
have  lately  been  acceded  to  and  published,  provided  any  ineasuie  was  adopted 
wiiicli  woyld  place  Great  Britain  in  a  state  of  equality  witli  her  enemies,  as  to 
the  adiuission  or  exclusion  of  her  ships  of  war  from  our  harbors.  Tiik  non-in- 
TEKcouiiSK  AtT  WAS  OK  Tffis  N.^TfuK.  Mr.  Erskinc  stated  the  intentions  of  his 
governuiciit,  and  an  agreement  has  been  made.^f 

*'  Well  may  the  merchants  of  Alexandria  rejoice  at  Mr.  Madison's  return  to 
the  good  old  principles  of  Fkderalism.  Let  the  crazy  professors  of  Jefeerso.n- 
16M  give  tlicraselves  up  to  weeping  and  wailing,  and  alt  the  atilicting  stings  ofjoal- 
ousy  and  mortification.  Tim  4't;derali»ts  WJLL  pay  homage  to  Mr.  Madison, 
while  he  continues  to  pursue  tlie  course  he  has  taken.''|^ 

Relying  on  thagood  faith  of  Great  Britain,  our  governmeut 
immediately  removed  all  the  restrictions  on  her  cominerce,  re- 
stored the  intercourse  between  the  two  nations  to  the  state  in 
which  it  had  been  previous  to  tlie  misunderstanding,  and  natu> 
rally  expected  to  be  met  on  the  same  fair  and  honorable  ground 
by  the  other  contracting  party.  But  fatally  other  counsels  pre- 
vailed at  St.  James'.  The  solemn  contract  made  by  its  minis- 
ter plenipotentiary  was  rejected  on  the  ground  of  his  having 
"  exceeded  his  instructions." 

Had  Mr.  Erskine  made  a  wanton  sacrifice  of  the  honor  and 
interests  of  his  country — the  rejection  of  his  arrangement  might 
be  palliated,  perhaj)s  justified.  But  no  man  who  has  any  re- 
gard to  his  character,  vvill  pretend  this  to  have  been  the  case. — 
Both  were  equally  secured.  And  to  prevent  any  difficulty  in 
the  adjustment  of  the  dispute,  to  evince  more  fully  Mr.  Madi- 
son's sincere  wish  for  harmony,  the  thorny  and  difficult  sub- 
ject of  imj>ressment  was  laid  aside  for  future  negociation. 

*'  But  Mr.  Erskine  exceeded  his  instructions."  Wliat  in  the 
name  of  heaven,  I  ask,  must  have  been  the  instructions  that 
did  not  warrant  an  envoy  extraordinary  to  projiose  or  ratify 
such  an  arrangement ;  so  plain,  so  simple,  so  fair,  and  so  hon- 
orable ? 

But  admitting  for  a  moment,  that  Mr.  Erskine  exceeded  liia 
instructions — or  let  us  even  suppose  that  he  had  made  this  ar- 
rangement of  his  own  mere  motion,  without  any  instructions 
whatever — what  reasonable  objection  could  be  made  to  it  ? — 
Could  the  most  partial  friend  of  England,  if  actuated  by  honor- 
able views,  require  better  terms  ? 

Let  us  analyse  the  arrangement — let  us  state  the  quid  pi'o 
quo — 

f  New-York  Evening  Post,  April  21 ,  1809.  '    «  ■    >  ' ' 

X  Federal  Republican. 

^  Those  extiaclB  are  chiefly  taken  from  "  Things  as  they  arc,'» 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


1B3 


To  America  it  off orded  ,.,.^    <^  -i 

1.  A  repeal  of  th#»  orders  in  council — 

2.  Atoneraeut  ior  the  outrage  on  the  Chesapeake. 

To  Emldumd 

^.  \  regtoration  to  all  the  smsaease  advantages  of  the  most 
v.'iluable  commerce  in  the  world — 

2.  A  continuation  of  the  suspension  of  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  France. 

1  freely  appeal  at  this  moment  to  George  Cabot,  James 
Lloyd,  Jim.  governor  Stronj;,  Timothy  Pickering,  Alexander 
Contee  Hanson,  or  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  to  decide  whether 
there  were  any  thins;  in  these  terms  that  could  wprrant  the  i^o'?- 
ernment  of  a  mighty  nation  to  break  the  faith  pledge«l  by  its 
minister — and  to  attach  sfiame,  disgrace,  and  dishonor  to  that 
minister  in  the  eyes  of  his  own  nation  and  of  the  whoi«  world? 
Neither  of  these  gentlemen  will  dare  to  aver  that  there  was. 

The  reader  who  has  perused  wUh  att*;jilion  the  Ers if  inc  ar- 
rangement, and  consi'Jered  the  advantageous  terms  it  ensured 
to  England,  will  be  struck  with  suquise.  He  will  naturally  ask, 
by  what  illstarred  and  fatal  counsels  were  the  British  ministry 
influenced  to  reject  this  measure  ?  This  is  a  question  not  easi- 
ly answered.     I  shall  attempt  a  solution 

A  recurrence  to  the  26th  chapter  of  this  work,  will  shew  the 
tumultuous,  disorganizin!,^,  and  Jacobinical  proceedinw-s  that  oc- 
curred in  Massachusetts  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1809. — 
Open  resistance  to  the  embargo  was  advocated  in  the  papers — 
\)reached  from  the  pulpit — plainly  menaced  in  the  legislative 
body — and  publicly  proclaimed  in  hiriammatory  resolutions  of 
town  meetings. 

Intelligence  of  these  disgraceful,  thes^^  Jacobinical  proceed- 
ings reached  England  contemporaneousJy  with  the  account  of 
Mr.  ErskineV  urangeraeut.  It  is  hit^Jdy  probable  that  the  Bri- 
tish ministry  deceived  themselves  into  the  opinion  that  our 
government  wouhl  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  restrictive  system 
altogether;  tlmt  ihey  would  then  be  able  to  enforce  the  orders 
in  council,  without  losing  the  advantages  of  our  trade  ;  and  that 
this  consideration  induced  them  to  reject  the  virrangement. 

This  I  ofier  merely  as  a  conjecture.  That  it  is  plausii*lc, 
cannot  be  denied.  But  in  our  day  there  will  probably  be  no 
opportunity  of  ascertaining  how  far  it  is  correct. 

Anoliier  reason  has  been  assigned.  It  is  said  that  George 
III.  wos  irritated  at  the  implied  censure  of  his  government  re- 
specting the  conduct  of  admiral  Be?  'cley,  which,  it  is  assorted, 
«o  fiir  wounded  hi?  feelings  as  to  iaUuce  him  to  reject  the  ar- 


^f;:-' 


^'^m^ 


Pi 


184 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


rangement.  Many  of  our  citizens  have  defended  the  rejection 
on  this  ground.  Let  us  calmly  and  boldly  investigate  the  af* 
(air. 

The  United  States  are  in  a  state  of  profound  peace.  One  of 
their  frigates  leaves  port.  She  expects  no  attack.  She  is  un- 
prepared tbr  resistance.  She  is  followed  by  a  vessel  of  superior 
force,  belonging  to  a  friendly  power.  This  vessel  has  just  en- 
joyed the  hospitalities  of  our  ports.  She  overtakes  our  frigate. 
She  imperiously  demands  four  seamen,  said  to  be  British. — 
British  or  Americans,  they  had  entered  voluntarily.  And  let 
it  be  borne  in  remembrance,  the  demand  is  made  by  a  nation 
^hich  holds  in  bondage,  thousands  of  our  citizens,  who,  in  the 
purs!iit  of  their  lawful  vocations,  have  been  seized  by  force  and 
violence,  and  often  with  bloodshed  ,and  desperate  wounds. — 
AnCt  ri,".'ljer  let  it  be  also  borne  in  remembrance,  the  demand 
IS  mviit  by  a  nation  which  has  proclaimed,  as  an  laRKvecA- 
BLK  Ij.  w  to  all  the  WORLD,  that  slic  mil  hold  at  every  hazard^ 
ihost  stamen,  natives  of  whatsoever  country  they  may  be^  who  en- 
ter h(i  service  voluntarily,*  The  demand  is  repelled.  Our 
Uhnte  is  attacked.  Our  unresisting  citizens  are  cruelly  mur- 
derei.' ' ; !  The  decks  of  the  vessel  flow  with  blood ! !  She  is 
take^i.  The  crew  is  overhauled.  Four  of  them  are  outrage- 
ously seized  and  made  prisoners.  One  is  ignominiously  hang- 
ed !  I  The  other  three,  fully  proved  to  be  impressed  Americans, 

are  held  in  bondage 1  can  go  no  farther My  pen  refuses 

its  office Does  not  this  blood  cry  to  heaven  for  vengeance 

on  the  murderer  ?  Can  the  foal  stain  be  effaced  but  with  blood  ? 
"  Whoso  sheddeth  man's  blood,  by  man  shall  his  blood  be  shed." 

But,  reader,  I  was  wrong-  My  feelings  led  me  astray. — 
The  atonement  w^s  vvorJhy  of  the  justice  of  the  monarch 
whose  subjects  penpetrated — worthy  of  the  nation  which  suf- 
fered— the  horrible  outrage.  For  Admiral  Berkley  "  was  recall- 
ed from  a  highiy  important  and  honmtrable  r.ommand,  as  a  mark 
efthe  king's  displeasure  //"t  But  let  it  be  added,  he  was  recalled 
to  be  placftd  on  a  better  station. — He  was  removed  from  Halifax 
to  be  stationed  at  Lisbon.1  And  this  wns  tlie  only  mark  of 
displeasure  he  ever  experienced.  In  1810,  he  was  promoted 
fVom  the  rank  of  vice-adnr^iral  to  that  ot  admiral.  He  is  now  lord 
high  admiral  of  Portugal. 

*  This  reason  has  been  repeatedly  assignee],  to  justify  a  refaaal  o'l  the  snrrcndrr 
ftf  natives  of  America,  held  in  bondage  on  board  British  vasseis  of  war,  when 
claimed  by  the  proper  agents  of  our  government. 

f  See  Mr.  Erskine's  Letter,  No.  h. 

i  The  oulrage  was  conauiitted  in  June.  He  did  not  leave  Halifax  till  Decem- 
ber, 


i^tS,^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


\6j 


lion 
taf- 

leof 
i  un- 
erior 
it  en- 
gate, 
sh. — 
idlct 
lation 
in  the 
;e  ami 
ids. — 
f?mand 

Msar(h 
vho  cn- 
Oar 
\y  mur- 
Sheis 
)utrage- 
y  hang- 
ericans, 
refuses 
igeance 
blood  ? 
e  shed." 
Istray.— 
.ionarch 
ich  suf- 
is  recall- 
a  mark 
recalled 
.  Halifax 
mark  of 
jromoted 

now  lord 


surrenclrr 
1  war,  wlitB 


I  till  Decetn- 


To  be  serious.   Every  man  of  a  correct  roind  and  sound  prin- 

riplcs  felt  that  his  Britannic  ms^esty  owed  it  to  himself  to  have 

f'lisplayed  his  disapprobation  of  the  foul  deed  in  some  other  and 

more  decisive  mode.  The  oflfender  ought  to  have  been  severely 

]iunished.     And  therefore  it  is  impossible  not  to  approve  the 

dignified  but  mild  style  in  which  the  president  treats  the  tranis- 

action : — 

"  I  am  aiitliorifscd  to  inform  you,  that  the  president  accept*  of  the  note  deliver- 
ed by  you,  in  tlic  name  and  by  the  order  of  liis  Britannic  rosgesty,  and  will  con- 
sifh  rthe  sanip,,  with  tlie  engagement  contained  therein,  when  fulfill*'d,  a$  asati$- 
fid'xmfoy  the,  bivilt  avd  injury  of  which  ht  has  complained.  But  I  liave  it  in  ex- 
l-rr.js  chargt'  from  the  president  to  state,  that  while  he  forbears  to  insist  on  a  fnr- 
tlior  punishment  of  the  offending  officer,  he  is  not  the  less  sensible  qfthejtutice  and 
vfUily  of  sndi  an  example,  nor  the  less  persuaded  that  itnouLibest  comport  nith 
u'"il  is  (luffrom  his  Jirilannic  majesty  to  his  own  Aonor," 

To  enable  us  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  this  transaction,  let  us 
suppose  that  Commodore  Barron  had  anchored  in  Portsmouth 
or  Plymouth — that  twenty  of  his  sailors  had  voluntarily  entered 
on  board  a  British  frigate — that  he  had  demanded  them — that 
he  had  followed  the  frigate  to  sea — had  attacked  her — had  kill- 
ed part  of  her  crew — had  seized  as  many  as  he  judged  proper — 
and,  finally,  to  cap  the  climax,  that  he  had  hanged  one  of  them. 
What  would  be  the  result  ?  Vengeance !  vengeance !  would 
have  been  the  cry  from  the  Orkney-s  to  the  Land's  End — ai^d 
nothing  would  appeaze  the  insulted  dignity  of  England,  but  Co- 
pe nhilgenizing  New-Yoik,  or  Baltimore,  or  Philadelphia,  or 
Charleston.      .    ,    - 

*'  My  dear  Sir,  one  of  my  oxen  has  gored  one  of  your  cows." 
••  Well,  to  be  sure,  you  T^^ill  make  reparation — you  will  send  me 
a  cow  in  the  place  of  the  one  I  have  lost.  To  that  you  cannot 
make  any  objection."  "  U  is  all  very  right.  But  hold,  I  mis- 
took. 1 1  is  al  I  the  other  way.  It  was  your  ox  that  gored  my  corv.''^ 
"  So,  so — well  see  about  it.  Call  some  other  time."  "  My  good 
Sir — this  is  not  very  correct.  The  business  would  have  been  soon 
settled^  had  you  been  as  willing  to  do  justice  to  othcrsy  as  to  reCeiv€ 
if  from  them. 

Since  the  abo^'^e  was  written,  I  have  constilted  Mr.  Canning's 
despatches  to  Mr.  Erskine,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  British 
government  calculated  on  Mr.  Erskine's  adjusting  the  dififerences 
between  the  two  nations  on  the  following  basis  : 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Canning,  Secretary,  to  thehon.  David  M.  Er- 
skine, dated  Foreign  office,  January  2S,  1809. 
•'  1.  That  the  American  government  is  prepared,  in  the  evrnt  of  his  majesty's 
consenting  to  withdraw  the  orders  in  council  of  January  and  November,  1807,  to 
withdraw  cotemppraneously  on  its  part  the  interdictioo  of  its  bailK)rs  to  ships  cf 

R 


I? 

fi 

m 


m 


«) 


186 


ri' 


TUE  OLIVE  BKANCH. 


t 

i! 


war,  and  all  non-intcrcourse  and  non-importation  acts  to  far  a$  respects  Great 
Britain  -,  leaving  tlK-m  in  force  witii  rt^specl  to  Fraoct;,  and  the  powerit  wiiicli  a- 
tlopt  or  act  under  iier  decrees. 

"2.  (VVlmt  is  of  tlie  utrno»t  importanre,  as  precluding  anew  source  of  mistin- 

\\\  derstanding  wliirh  might  arise  after  the  adjustment  of  the  otiier   nneptioiiii,) 

'  HT^IHAT  AMKRICA  IS  WILLING  TO  RENOUNCE,    Dl'RI.NO  THE 

fi  nlESENT  WAil,  THE  I'RE  PENSION  OF  CARRYING  ON,  IN  TIME 

OF  WAR,  ALL  TRADR  WVm  THE    ENEMIES'  COLONIES,  FROM 

WHICH  SHE  WAS  EXCLUDED  DURING  PEACE  !  !  J 

"  3.  Great  Britain,  for  the  jpurpose  of  securing  tlje  operation  of  the  embargo, 
iiiidof  the  &of(/7yi(2e  intention  or  America  to  prevent  her  citizens  from  trading;  Tvith 
i'Vance,  and  tlie  powers  adopting  and  acting  under  the  French  decrees,  rrpIS 
TO  BE  CONSIDERED  AS  BEING  AT  LIBERTY  TO  CAPTURE  ALL 
SUCH  AMERICAN  VESSELS  AS  MAY  BE  FOUND  AT  I  KMPl  ING  TO 
TRADE  WIIH  THE  PORTS  OF  ANY  OF  THESE  POWERS  ! !  !  without 
Tfliich  security  for  the  observance  of  the  embargo,  the  raii^ing  of  it  nominally  with 
.'  cspect  to  Great  Britain  alone,  would,  in  fact,  raise  it  witli  respect  to  all  the 
world, 

"  [I^On  thfse  conditionH  his  mnjriitif  nmild  consent  to  mthdraw  the  orders  i:i 
I  oundi  qf  Juniuiry  utid  Aovcmbcr,  lb07,  so  Jar  as  respects  Jmericu.''^ 

Let  us  examine  this  most  precious  document  ^vith  all  (he 
.ntteution  its  im|)ortance  ilcmands.  Let  us  weigh  ils  every  lino 
and  every  word.  Let  us  see  what. justice,  what  fair  dealing  it 
meted  out  to  this  injur.ed,  this  insulted,  this  plundered  nation. 
Let  us  see  how  far  the  advocates  of  English  liberality  and  Eng- 
lish Justice  are  borne  out  in  their  commendations  of  England, 
and  their  intemperate  abuse  of  their  own  government. 

The  orders  in  council,  existing  at  the  date  of  the  Erskinc 
arrangement,  blockaded  France,  Holland,  and  a  part  of  Italy  ; 
containing  a  population  of  about  fifty  miUions  of  people. 

By  Mr.  Canning's  instructions  to  Mr.  Erskine,  these  orders 
were  to  be  rescinded  on  three  conditions — 

1.  Taking  off  all  restrictions  from  the  English  commerce. 

2.  [I^  "  Renouncing  during  the  existing  war,  aU  trade  vilh 
the  enemies'  colonies  from  which  we  were  excluded  in  time  of 
peace  :"  in  other  words,  assenting  by  treaty  to  the  unjust  and 
•exploded  rule  of  1 75G. 

3.  Allowing  the  British  to  capture  our  vessels  bound  to  France 
and  her  dependencies;  which,  reader,  [CT^  is  neither  more 

NOR    l.ES£3,    THAN    WEAVING    THE    ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL     INTO   A 

TREATY — giving  our  own  solemn  sanction  to  the  extravagant 
pretensions  of  Gr«)at  Britain  to  limit  our  trade,  which  preten- 
sions we  had  steadrly  resisted. 

Stupendous  injustice  1 — Never  before  were  such  revolting 
propositions  made  to  any  BatioB,  not  absolutely  subjugated. 
What !  Make  a  treaty  by  which  we  let  loose  upon  our  defenceless 
commerce,  the  whole  host  of  the  thousand  public  ships  of  war, 
and  the  hundreds  of  privateers,  of  the  greatest  naval  power  in 
ihe  world  !  The  mind  is  lost  in  astonishment  at  such  an  unpar 
iaHe!ed  requisition. 


i 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


187 


Ipav- 


But  ^ross,  anil  insulting,  nnd  outrageous  as  was  this  proposition 
—destructive  as  its  acceptance  would  have  heen  to  the  vital 
interests  of  this  country — there  was  no  federal  [jvinter  from 
New-Hampshire  to  Georgia,  that  exprf  i'sed  a  single  word  of 
•  ensure  of  the  conduct  of  England  for  her  daring  and  insulting 
demands,  or  for  her  breach  of  the  contract.  No.  England  was 
uniformly  right — their  own  government  as  uniformly  wrong. — 
It  seemed  impossible  for  England  to  commit  any  act,  or  make 
any  demand  that  would  not  bejustified — 

lict  me  establish  these  allegations — 

"  It  liavinshfcn  shewn,  llmt  the  plen  of  ignorant-c  h  inadmi'sbible  i»  the  I'n'^c  of 
I'lc  Erskine  ar-angoinent ;  that  it  was  the  secretaiy's  duty  to  know  llic  power  of 
l!ie  minister  before  he  proceeded  to  act  upon  it;  that  to  act  ii^n  an  unknown 
power,  is  to  art  without  power  :  it  fol  own  that  onr  administration,  if  they  un- 
derstood their  business,  must  liave  been  aware  that  \]^!h( y  tvere  nei^ndnfin^nith 
an  nnuvlnorizcd  individual — unauthorized  quoad  iioc,  as  to  this  particular  •'uhjecl ; 
with  one  ivho  had  iketvn  na  authority/or  the  purpose.  Consequently  i\\ey  l»ad  n') 
reason  to  rely  on,  nor  to  expect,  a  fuKUment  of  the  compact  hy  tiio  Briti>*I»  gn\ 
trmuent,  kunnins  as  they  aid,  thiit  it  liad  been  agreed  upon  rrithout  mvj  ndcqualo 
:>'fotv.xaUon  of  the  terms  hating  hern  authorised  by  thit  govfrnmtnt.'^ 

Uuiled  States' Gazette,  December  II,  1809. 

Now,  my  dear  reader,  whoever  you  be,  that  have  come  thus 
far  with  me,  let  me  solenmly  invoke  you,  in  the  name  of  Iho 
God  of  Peace,  to  make  a  pause  here.  x%s  you  value  your 
beloved  country — as  you  prize  its  honor — its  happiness — your 
own  welfare — the  happiness,  the  welfare  of  your  posterity—' 
review  this  whole  subject.  I  must  once  more  bring  It  before 
your  ey<»s. 

A  British  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary 
informs  our  government  that  he  has  orders  to  propose  an  ar- 
rangement of  two  or  three  leading  points  of  ditference  between 
the  two  countries,  preparatory  to  a  treaty.  His  overtures 
are  accepted.  An  arrangement  is  made.  It  is  highly  advan- 
tageous  to  both  nations,  bat  more  particularly  to  that  of  the 
<»nvo3'.  There  is  not  the  slightest  sacritice  of  its  honor  or 
interest.  After  this  arrangement  is  completed,  we  are  assured 
ten  thousand  times  that  England  had  been  always  ready  to 
arrange  owr  differences  on  these  very  terms.  The  United  States 
Gazette  exj)ressly  states  that  "  she  had  requested  Mr.  Jefferson 
to  do  the  same  thing." — -And  yet,  when  the  arrangement  is  re- 
jected, this  same  United  States  Gazette  asserts  that  the  envoy 
extraordinary  had  no  power  to  make  the  convention — defends 
England  for  the  breach  of  her  engagement — and,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  transfers  the  odium  to  its  own  government  !  !  ! 
No  powers  of  language  arc  adequate  to  express  ray  astonish- 
ment. -    .' —  , 


1^1 


(;  ' 


188 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


' 


\ 


**Wo  ejfprM*ion  )ias  escaped  any  member  of  Ihe  British  cabinet,  eitli^v  in  par 
liameiit  or  elsewhere,  making  indecorous  intinuations  a((:;ii)st  the  Ui.>tcd  Si '^ta, 
maoifeKting  a  temper  unfriendly  to  conciliation  On  the  contrary  tliey  have  de- 
clared a  wish  to  rtnew  amicublt  negoeiation  y  have  named  a  minister  for  tliat  jnir- 
;'Oce;  and  with  nt  leant  apparent  sincerity  have  expresied  their  fears  that  this 
linfortuaate  error  of  M r.  krslcine  may  increase  the  difficulties  of  a  friendly  ar- 
rangement bettreen  the  countriea."  United  States^  Gazette,  Oct  5,  1U09. 

*'  By  letters  from  well-informed  men  in  England,  we  are  assured  that  thi  con- 
f^uct  tj  Mr.  Enkiiu  is  condemned  by  all  parties  in  that  country ;  that  the  tamper 
uf  the  public  is  far  beyond  that  of  the  ministry.  A  very  general  opinion  prevails 
-fhere,  that  it  will  he  very  difficult  to  keep  any  terms  nith  this  country  ;  Util  nt 
art.  govtrned  by  men  dtvottd  to  th*  interests  if  France^  n>Jio  are  determvud  U>  imist 
•7)  terms  from  England  nhich  never  can  be  obtained !  /  /" 

Boston  Palladium,  Aug.  II,  1809. 

•'  The  people  have  beenjlagrantly  deceived,  and  grossly  abused ! ! !  The  matter 
rests  bitneen  Mr.  Ershine  and  our  administration  !  !  !  wherever  the  blauie  i-hall 
^ttadt,  it  is  for  the  people  to  apply  or  origiiiate  the  rcniedy.*' 

Fed.  Republican,  July  31. 

"  In  shoftf  Mr.  Erskinc  surrendered  every  thing,  and  got  nothing  in  return  ! ! ." ' 

Ibid. 

•'  For  onr  nart,  nc  have  find  but  onf.  opinion  from  the  eommencemenl  if  this  mys- 
.'rrrous  affair — and  we  have  made  bold  to  express  it.  It  is,  that  Mr.  Erskinc  act- 
id  contrary  to  his  instructions !  ! ! — and  t/mt  secretary  Smith  knetv  iihut  these  inr- 
i.(riutions  were  ! ! .'"  Ibid. 

Before  I  offer  any  comment  on  the  three  last  articles,  1  ^vi^h 
to  state  to  the  reader,  that  I  have  extracted  them  from  a  pamphlet 
published  by  Mr.  Niles,  called  "  Things  as  they  are" — that  I 
iiave  had  no  opportunity  of  collating  them  with  the  originals — 
but  that  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Hanson,  one  of  the  editors  of  the 
Federal  Republicf^n,  to  correct  me  if  I  have  misquoted  his 
paper.  I  have  received  no  reply — and  therefore  it  is  to  be 
presumed  the  quotations  are  correct. 

Mr.  Hanson  states  that  ^^  Mr.  Ershine  surrendered  evert/ ihins^, 
and  got  nothing  in  return  /"  What  a  stupendous  disregard  of  fttcl 
is  embraced  in  these  few  words  !  it  is  impossible  to  exceed  it. 
What  did  he  surrender  ?  Merely  the  odious,  the  unjust  orders 
in  council !  And  did  he  receive  nothing  in  return  ?  Was  the 
immense  trade  of  the  United  States  nothing  ?  Was  it  nothini; 
to  perpetuate  the  non-intercourse  with  France,  till  she  rescinded 
her  piratical  decrees  ?  I  aver  in  the  face  of  this  nation,  and 
defy  Mr.  Hanson  to  controvert  the  fact,  that  England  gained 
immensely ;  and  that  she  surrendered  nothing  but  what  justice 
ought  to  have  induced  her  to  have  surrendered  long  before,  of 
her  own  accord. 


(( 


"  I  entreat  my  fellow  citizens  to  accompany  me  a  little  further  ia  the  examina- 
tion of  those  invectives  which  the  leaders  of  an  immense  party  in  this  country 
inceisantly  utter  against  Great  Britain  for  the  purpose  of  exasperating  us  into  wa».** 

U.  State;)  Gazttte,  Oi-,t.  I3>  1809. 


THE  OLIVL  IJUANCU. 


I  nig, 


lliing: 

k(\  it. 
irdeis 

tiic 
>thin^ 
(imktl 

ar.t'i 
taiued 
luslice 
ire,  of 


pcatnina- 
ccuntry 
lo  waf 


>i 


•  He  (Mr.  K.'ikine)  also  de''!,\rri  tlut  flip  Rrili<h  ?nv?mm.>nl  h  i%-s  iin.l  >.(St- 
»  Oly  a  ri<;nt  tn  disavow  Uiea^r«'unrnl ;  ;'..ul  fAi  .1;  Vne  //jn-;  «i'-,-.v  i.'iiv?  <''nt6cai<;ir 
an  hitv r^ihle  mt-om  to  pifvent  nil  cmifq%trncf%  arising  <o  lli»"  clLizcnii  of  tttis 
country  from  trusting  to  I'ae  terms  of  the  agrt-omnii  beinn;  fullUlcl." 

U.SutfsCimtte,  Oct.  5,  1809. 

'"  It  is  a  truth  which  the  wioct  and  host  p-xtr'K.U  of  Americi  hnve  long  and 
fiiM-iouily  deplored,  tliat  the  ptsl  udminislr<itlnn  had  furnuhed  no  stfmptom  qf 
i.npjrliality  bttnem  the  tvo  b'Ulgcrtnt.i,  previous  to  ihe  act  inhibiting  the  entrance 
o.'our  pt>rts  to  the  armed  vessels  of  t!ip  one  ati  wi'll  asof  iht* othtr.  In  that  spirit 
wliich  Mr.  Smith  ^till  retains,  and  now  hibors  lo  rtvivc  in  the  bosom  of  others, 
Aoi/i'iil.v  tu  En;;iini  und  fime  xabservluicif  to  Frnnce,  are  known  lo  have  bcfu  U» 
rharaclr.riillr.  fftluret !  !  !  The  facU  are  in  the  possession  of  every  man  ;  which 
prove  that  the  feelings  of  the  ^leal  body  of  the  t>coplc,  not  their  leadt-rs,  prescrvwl 
m  from  a  wur  in  wliicli  a  cuinplete  luccct*  vvou'.ti  have  1  iv  tiled  chains  on  oursclvefc." 

L.  S.  Gazelle,  October  13,  laO'J. 

"It  will  be  observed  that  iWn  thny  of  words,  and  these  negative  fttatcments. 
afte;  all,  by  the  pre?ident,  serve  onlv  to  inalie  the  lublic  believe,  that  he  hid 
no  reason  to  apprchmd  a  disavjival.  i  f»*  is  not  li:vrdy  ei)ou;;h  to  s.»y,  tiiat  uniki- 
the  circumitanccs  of  thn  ,caje,  ike  brillsh  f^inL'ii:n:nt  u  ir.  iound  to  abide  hjf 
ErtkineUact;  or  that  they  conducted  periidioiMly  ia  dijavowlng  it.  Yet  this 
aspersion,  one  of  the  most  injurious  a.id  provokiu  i>t  c.-.:i  be  thrown  upon  u 
imtion,  has  been  uttered,  and  inc^ss^intly  rcpeati  •  sevf  jmI  n.^onths,  in  eveiy 

democratic  paper  in  the  union."  iJuuJ,  Dcctalur  i:u,  iWiJ. 

**  Every  one  acknowledge?,  that  had  oar  exccLuvc  cou/l.id'id  the  arrangement 
of  April  last  with  Mr.  Erskinc,  knnvins  that  he  w.;i  a  iittltori^^d,  the  wtioK- 
1  esponslbility  for  the  consec^uonces,  howfvtr  joiiou".,  vo.ld  !iavo  rested  upon 
ihciDielves.  It  has  been  maintained  by  the  editor  c'  t'.is  Gazette,  and  is  now 
demonstrated  by  the  indubitable  authorities,  adduced  hy  Mr.  D.inn,  that  to  havt 
done  so  nithtut  knoning  that  he  nan  avifioristd,  ii-us  c^ualiy  unrvirrantable,  and 
l^  the  administration  no  grautul  on  n<hick  to  claim  a  ratificttti'in  qf  ike  proceeding 
bif  the  British  govtrnm'nt.  It  is  proved  beyond  a  doubt,  ihn\  the  goccrnmnit 
might,  nithjust  as  much  propriety,  have  cajoled  with  general  Smith,  w*  any  other 
individual ;  concluded  a  convention  ;  proceeded  to  cirry  it  i)do  executvin  on  thta 
part ;  and  then  railed  a  clamir  agtinst  the  government  0/  Great  Britain,  u,id 
accwed  tkem  qfperjidy  and  breach  of  faith  for  not  recogniAng  andfu'JiUing  the 
itipulations^  .    Idem,  Dec.  'A  J  809. 

"If,  as  asserted  by  Mr.  Ersline,  hit  powers  were  comma. ilcated  to  or.r  cabinet 
la  substance — if  the  heads  of  departments  did  early  co.nniunicate  to  the  leading 
luembers  of  both  branches  of  their  own  politics,  ihe  incompetenry  of  hii  pnvev:,, 
and  the  probability  <{fthe  rejection  qf  the  agreement  by  Great  Britain— then  tha! 
adjustment,  so  far  from  being  a  proof  of  a  disposition  to  mike  peace  and  sdlU  our 
(f^erencej,  IS  THE  STRONGEST  EVIDENCE  OF  A  HOSTILE  TEMPER: 
because  Mr.  Madison  knew,  that  the  revulsion  and  the  disappointment  occasioned 
hy  it  among  our  citizens,  would  excite  new  clamors,  and  would  break  to  pieces 
thaji  formidable  phalanx  of  men,  who,  during  our  embarrassments,  had  learned 
iorspeak  and  think  more  favorably,  and  of  course  more  justly,  of  Great  Britain." 

Idem,  December  9,  1309. 

"  If  sach  has  been  his  ftim  (and  perhaps  a  deeper  politician  does  not  exist) 
it  has  been  completely  attained.  His  own  party  are  again  roused  to  a  war  pitch. 
Even  some  federalists  are  open  in  their  censure  of  Great  Britain  for  DOING 
HBR  DUTY  TO*  HERSELF,  and  exercising  a  right  we  have  always  claimed 
and  received  ;  and  other  federalists  doubt,  and  are  in  favor  of  waiting  to  hear 
Mr.  Erskine's  explanations,  and  STILL  PROPOSE  TO  PLACE  AN  ILL 
DU^ERVED  CONFIDENCE  IN  MR.  MADISON."  Idem. 

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190 


THE  OLWE  BRANCH. 


On  this  last  paragraph  I  shall  miike  but  one  ebservnlion,  (o 
which  I  request  attention.  It  is,  that  according  to  the  United 
States  Gazette,  it  was,  in  December,  fi:7^"THE  duty'"  of 
England  "  to  herself,"  to  reject  an  arrangement  which  the 
same  Gazette  in  April  stated  d/^  sJic  had  rcpcatedly^  in  vain 
pressed  on  Mr.  Jefferson  ! ! ! 

To  facilitate  a  comparison  of  the  astonishing,  the  never- 
enough-to-be-lamented  contradictions  of  opinions  that  were 
promulgated  on  this  subject,  for  the  purpose  of  |)oisoning  the 
public  mind,  I  place  in  opposite  columns  some  of  the  srtatemeni3 
that  preceded,  and  those  that  followed  the  rejection  of  the  £r- 
skine  arrangement.  The  human  mind  cannot  conceive  any. 
thing  more  completely  inconaistent. 


"As  to  the  revocation  of  the  orders 
in  council,  it  is  merely  npcessary  to  ob- 
serve, that  the  terms  which  our  govern- 
nient  has  now  accepted  might  have  been 
obtained  at  any  time  past;  THEY 
WERE  ALWAYS  IN  OUR  POW- 
ER."      Federal  Republican,  May  3. 

"  Let  Mr.  Erskine's  oviTture  for  an 
aocouimodation  be  viewed  in  whatever 
light  it  may  suit  democratic  ingenuity 
to  place  it,  and  they  will  find  tiiat  tiie 
delusion  so  long  kq^t  up  is  effectually 

difsipated their  diabolical  schemea' 

completely  frustrated. 

"  Gi"cat  Britain,  in  the  true  spirit  qf 
amity,  u  willing  fe)  meet  us V    Idem. 

"  To  the  honor  of  England,  and  the 
confusion  of  French  spies  and  convict 
fugitives  from  the  British  dominions, 
her  ministry  seized  the  first  favorable 
moment  to  make  honorable  reparation 
for  the  insult  offered  our  flag,  and  to 
pegodate  a  commercial  treaty." 

Idem,  April  25. 
"  The  authority  vested  in  Mr.Erskine 
to  offer  the  terms  to  this  government 
which  have  been  acceded  to,  was  merely 
provisional,  and  was  not  to  be  exercised 
«inle»8  the  anticipated  change  in  our 
political  relations,  on  which  they  were 
predicated,    should  take  place.      Mr. 

;  Erskiue  hag  since  received  positive  in- 
structions from  his  government  to  make 
the  arrangement  alieady  concluded, — 

«,  These  new  instructions,  which  raaaifest 

^  the  earnest  desire  of  England  to  heal  the 
differences  between  the  twocwmtries, 

^-  are  occasioned  by  a  knowledge  that  the 
non-Intercourse  law  had  actually  passed, 
placing  the  belligerents  on  a  fair  footing 

>  of  in^artiality.    >  a  spite  of  all  the  tQ- 


"  What  was  but  a  few  days  ago  a 
doubtf'il  point,  is  now  fettled  by  the 
publication  of  Mr.  Erskine's  instruc- 
tions. Sufficient  information  has  been 
received  to  convince  all  candid  persons, 
that  the  rancor  with  which  the  Englirli 
cabinet  has  been  pursued,  and  the  vio- 
lent abuse  with  which  it  has  b.^n  assail- 
ed, was  undeserved.  We  do  notentcrtain 
a  doubt  when  all  the  circumstances 
shall  have  been  disclosed,  that  it  nili 
appear  that  secretary  Smith  actually  saw 
Erskine''s  instructions ;  and  that  the 
arrangement  was  made  merely  as  an 
eocperimenl.  We  feel  confident  that  the 
thing  will  he  put  upon  this  footing. — 
(Tys  If  then  the  United  States  will  re 
Ultimately  injured  by  this  act,  they  nill 
judge  where  the^blame  We»." 

Fed.  Rep,  July  27,  1809. 

'•  Our  cabinet,  certainly  not  a  littl*^ 

interested  in  strengthening  the  cau.se  of 

democracy,  have  prevailed  upon  Mr. 

Brskine  to  do  an  act  which  has  extricated 

their  party  from  the  most  embarrassing 

and  difficult  situation  that  it  was  possible 

for  them  to  be  placed  in,  which  they 

(the  cabinet)  knew  would  irot  He  ratified : 

they  at  a  single  dash  rid  themselves  of 

all  the  obnoxious  measures  which  broH 

so  much  ridicule  and  disgrace  upon  their 

party,  and  have  contrived  for  a  time, 

to  heap  odium  upon  England.    In  the 

next  place  by  seeming  to  improve  the 

first  opportunity  of  an  arrangement  witli 

England,  tliey  disproved  to  appearance 

the  charge  of  animosity  to  England  and 

partiality  for  France. 

'••  These  were  the  important  advanta- 
ges which  Mr  Secretary  Smith  flattered 
iiimself  would  be  the  fruit  of  bis  cu&oins* 


rv 


THE  OiaVK  BKANCn. 


lJ>i 


to 
led 

OF 

the 
vain 

ver- 
Bvere 

the 
ieni3 
BEr- 

any. 


ago  a 
by  the 
instruc- 
ts beet) 
)er8onE, 
EngU»!i 
the  vjo- 
n  assail- 
ntcrtain 
Qstanccfl 
t  t(  nili 
utlly  saw 
that   th.: 
y  05  an 
that  tlic 
loting.— 

rvill  f  c 

ey  n'M 

, 1809. 
[t  a  Uttl<^ 
cause  of 
j)on  Mr. 
fxtricatcd 
larrassins 
U  posBiblc 
lich  they 
.  ratified : 
^selves  of 
lich  bro]t 
tpontheiv 
jr  a  time, 
In  the 
»rove  the 
jent  witli 
jjpearance 
[gland  and 

.  advanta- 

|h  flattered 

icoooiOo' 


By  efTcctlng  an  arranffcmrnt  wliir'i  hr 
know  was  uiuuithnrigeil  on  tlio  part  cl' 
Mr.  Erikine,  am!  would  necossarily  be 
rejected  by  tlie  BFitMlwc;ovpniment ;  he. 
c.-;!culated  tlintthe  adniinistnitiou  would 
he  rendered  greatly  popular,  and  the 
rt^sentinent  of  the  peoine  proportionably 
augmented  againt^t  Enjland,  whenever 
tlie  disavowal  should  be  received. — 
Whenever  it  shall  be  ntjade  to  appear 
that  the  nation  has  been  deceived,  the 
trick  will  recoil  upon  the  Secretary  and 
his  party  with  tenfold  effect.  The 
American  people  cannot  hear  knavery 
and  imposition.  If  they  di«cover  that 
a  fraud'  has  been  practised  upon  them 
at  home,  t!ie  attempt  to  raise  a  clamor 
against  other^  will  he  foumi  but  a  poor 
protection  to  their  pnpularjty."  Idem. 
*' Thov'c  who  wt;e  mo«it  riolent  at 
first  i:)  c?.la7nniatin?£nj:;li»n(i,  are  nor/ 
willing  at  least  to  suspend  llieir  decision, 
if  not  to  admit  thnt  our  onn  cabinet  ia 
some  measure  will  participate  in  Mr, 
Erskine's  llame." 

.F<a. 


Rep, 


Ai'.^.:si  11, 


aiguei  and  derations  of  the  French 
party,  we  are  convinced  that  a  happy 
t'^rmination  will  be  put  to  our  disputes 
wit:i  England." 

Fed.  Rep.  .lune  17. 

"  It  was  the  policy  of  Mr.  JelTersion 
to  keep  alive  in  the  minds  of  our  people 
a  perpetual  irritation  against  the  gov- 
ernment oUirtal  Britain}  we  are  happy 
to  find  thatMr. Madison  has  more/tAeraZ 
views."  Fed.  Rep*;  June  10 

"  Peace  with  England The  Ttear 

parly  and  French  partisa7is  are  thrown 
ird}  compute,  confusion.     The  persever- 
ance of  ttie  Eastern  States,  aided  by 
the   returning  sense   of  a  formidable 
body  of  tlie  people  of  the  Southward, 
have  DRIVEN  ADMINISTRATION 
FROM  ITS  GROUND.      Since  Mr. 
Jefferson  lias  retired  in  disgrace  into 
private  life,  his  successor  has  been  com- 
])tlhd  to  abandon  the  ruinous  policy  \m- 
tkr  which  theconntry  has  solong  sifffered. 
tVith  the  magnanimity  and  frankness 
characteristic  of  a  great  and  enlightened 
nation,  England  nuule  a  second  atlempi- 
to  renew  th£  terms  of  amity  and  peaa  ■ 
between  the  two  natiortJ.      The  particu- 
lars of  the  correspondence  between  Mr. 
Erskine  and  the  secretary  of  stale  are 
given  in  this  day's  paper.     It  proves- 
what  me  have  so  often  repeated,  and 
which  has  ever  been  stubbornly  denied 
by  the  democrats,  that  Great  Britain 
ivas  always  ir^flutnced  by  a  sincere  desire- 
to  accommodate  her  ur^ortunate  differ- 
ences with  America.     The  preservation- 
of  the  country    has  grown  out  of  the 
efforts  of  the  minority  in  congress.'* 
Idem,  April  21. 

"Weshall  not  stop  to  enquire  whcth--  '*  -'.'•>     '  . 

prthe  spirited  and  vigorous  measures 

of  New-England their  determined 

public  declarations  that  they  would  not 
submit  to  an  unnecessary  and  destructive, 
irar,  have  induced  the  administration  to 
listen  to  fj^lhe  same  terms  which  Great 
Britain  has  always  been  ready  to  offkr^ 
mndto  which  we  have  uniformly  contend' 
ed  «he  was  sincerely  disposed^ 

Boston  Gaa.  April,  1809. 

IcotridfiU  a  folio  volame  with  these  frothy,  elaborate  aiHl 
anti- American  defences  of  the  British,  and  inculpations  of  the 
United  States'  government.  But  I  feel  satisfied  that  I  have 
done  enough ;  and  that  there  h  none  but  the  wilfully  blind  can 
deny,  that  no  cause  ever  could  boast  of  more  ardent,  more  zeal- 
ous>  or  more  iadustiioud  advocates,  than  the  cause  of  Great 


,W^»Vv.     ., 


"!".;;rc  *^: ::',:.  .'-ni. 


■W'i.:^     ■-■,.■ 


iU2 


THE  OLIVE  EKANCII. 


\ 


I) 


Britain  has  cxpprirnced  in  Boeton,  New  York,  and  Philadcl- 
jihia — and  that  (here  never  was  an  aduiinistration  pursued  uilh 
more  remoisdcss  virulence,  and  with  lees  semblance  of  jus  lice 
than  Mr.  IMndisoirs  has  been. 

After  the  reader  lias  carefully  perused  these  wretched  al- 
temptB  to  palliate  the  folly  and  madness  of  the  British  ministry 
in  tiie  rejection  of  such  an  advantageous  and  honorable  arrange- 
ment of  the  dilTerences  between  the  two  nations,  and  to  transfer 
from  that  ministry  the  odium  they  so  justly  deserved,  to  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  American  governmeut,  I  beg  he  will  atten- 
tively examine  the  foMouinc;  view  of  the  subject,  taken  from 
BelPs  Weekly  Messenger,  of  which  tlic  truth  and  candor  are  en- 
titled to  the  highest  a))pi'obatioti : — 

"  But  the  .point  of  fact  if,  tlrit  the  disavowal  of  Mr.  Er/icine'e  act,  Is  of  a  piece 
»vith  the  general  conduct  of  Gngland  towards  America.  V^'henever  circumstaBces 
have  ill  any  way  admitted  it,  our  tone  towards  America  has  always  been  in?ultinj;, 
and  our  conduct  every  tiling  but  friendly.  Every  new  hope  on  the  Continent ; 
every  ptraw  to  tlje  drowning  cxuectations  of  Europe,  has  but  aggravated  this 
unworthy  eentiment. — la  our  prosperity  we  liave  bdllied  America :  and  when 
tilings  are  not  so  well  with  us,  we  have  vented  our  strife  in  injurious  language  and 
unworthy  conduct  towards  her.  Whilst  there  were  any  hopes  in  Spain,  America 
could  get  nothing  direct  from  u.^.  Eut  disappointment  brought  ns  to  our  senses, 
and  the  negociiUion  was  renewed.  The  coailUou  war  on -the  Continent  has  since 
broke  out,  and  we  begin  to  repent  of  our  condescension. 

**  In  this  manner  has  the  American  negoclation  been  on  and  off,  during  some 
years.— Our  demands  rising  with  our  hopes  and  prosperity,  and  our  moderatiw 
co-existeot  with  our  disappointment'"* 


**♦.; 


ii 


,     ,         CHAPTER  XXXL 

Impressment  of  American  Seaitien.    Plea  of  James  Madison.     (Xf 
Johnduincy  Atlams.    OfWnuColhett,   Of  Weekly  Register, 

An  idea  is  very  prevalent  that  the  impressment  of  our  sea-> 
men  by  the  British  vessels  of  war  is  a  grievance  of  little  mo- 
ment, to  which  the  malice  entertained  by  our  administration 
against  England,  has  attached  an  importance  of  which  it  is  ut- 
terly undeserving.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  our  citizens  have 
been  duped  into  the  belief  that  this  item  of  grievance  was  crea- 
ted under  Mr.  Jefferson,  or  at  least  incalculably  exaggerated  by 
liim  and  his  successor.  Never  was  there  a  more  egr^ious  error. 
Never  wag  fraud  qiore  successful  in  propagating — never  was 

*  Thechief  part  of  the  extracts  in  this  chapter  are  taken  from  "Things  as 
they  are,^*  irrittea  and  published  by  Hezekiab  Niles,  editor  of  the  Weekly 
Eefister. 


fatuit 
frbra 
Mr 

and  V 

of  sec 

and  I 

^laimi 

none  < 

such  G 

that  E 

arrang 

«  i>ressiTi 

The 

of  the 

hostilK 

ma  (ion 

tlie  adn 

>'nder(l 

'fil,  ant 

ui  the 

callous 

and  frai 

to  perisl 

"Till 

in  any  t 

on  the  c 

I  Eubi 
Ide  pleai 
nny  thin 
i;pi*v  e  ihi 
brationg. 

i^rom  the  i 
Mon 

,  "Were 
lean  vesse 
of  their  allt 
is  hovveve 
an  Anieric 
speaking  a 
to  be  such, 
firmed,  lua 
Jiritain  tvo 
faer  own  su 


THE  OLIVfi  BRANCH. 


1Q3 


fatuitous  credulity  more  deceived  in  believing,  a  tale  as  foreiga 
(torn  the  truth  as  Erebus  is  from  Heaven. 

Air.  Madison  has  been  ten  thousand  times  cursed  for  his  folly 
and  wickedness  in  involving  this  country  in  war  for  tlw  purpose 
of  securing  a  few  seamen,  who  are  said  to  be  vagabond  English, 
and  Iriih,  and  Scotchmen,  the  scum  of  the  earth,  from  the 
rJaims  of  their  lawful  prince.  It  has  been  asserted  that  few  or 
none  of  the  natives  of  this  country  are  impressed — that  when 
such  an  accident  takes  places  redress  is  easily  had — and  further, 
thai  England  is,  and  has  at  all  times  been  ready  to  make  any 
arrangement  whereby  our  sailors  may  be  guarded  against  im- 
pressment, provided  she  can  be  secured  against  the  loss  of  hers. 

These  assertions  are  utterly  ful&e.  From  the  commencement 
of  the  war  of  the  French  revolution,  to  the  late  declaration  of 
hostilities,  this  has  been  a  constant,  unceasing  sul^ect  of  recla- 
mation and  complaint  to  the  British  government,  as  well  under 
the  administrations  of  General  Washington  and  Mr.  Adams,  as 
under  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison.  And  disgrace- 
ful, and  dishonorable,  and  infamous,  would  it  have  been  to  any 
uf  the  presidents,  had  they  been  deaf  to  the  com{)laint6,  and 
callous  to  the  sufferings,  of  the  American  slaves,  stolen  by  force 
and  fraud  from  their  families,  and  freedom,  and  favored  country, 
to  perish  fighting  the  battles  of  their  enslavers. 

"  The  practice  has  no  parallel,  either  for  atrocity  or  extent, 
in  any  thing  of  modern  times,  but  the  business  of  negro  stealing 
on  the  coasts  of  unfortunate  Africa."* 

I  submit  to  theTeader  the  following  eloquent  and  unanswera- 
)de  pleas  against  this  nefarious  practice.  They  so  far  transcend 
any  thing  I  could  myself  write  on  the  sul)Ject,  that  1  shall  de- 
serve thanks  for  sparing  my  own,  and  substituting  these  lucu- 
brations. 

J  Vo.vi  the  imtructions  of  James  Madison,  Esq.  Secretary  of  State,  to  James 
Monroe,  Esq.  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  the  Court  of  London, 

••  Were  it  allowable  that  British  subjects  slioii Id  be  taken  out  of  Amer- 
ican vessels  on  the  high  seas,  it  might  at  least  be  required  that  the  proof 
of  their  allegiance  should  lie  on  the  British  side.  This  obvious  and  just  rule 
is  however  reversed.  And  every  seaman  on  board,  though  going  from 
an  American  port,  sailing  under  an  American  flag,  and  sometimes  even 
speaking  an  idiom  proving  him  not  to  be  a  British  subject,  is  presumed 
to  be  such,  unless  proved  to  bean  American  citiBcn.  It  rady  be  safely  af- 
firmed, that  this  is  an  outrage  which  has  no  precedent,  and  which  Great 
Britain  would  be  among  the  last  nations  in  the  world  to  suffer,  if  pfiercd  to 
ber  own  subjects  aud  her  own  flag. 


m 


Ms'  ' 


I ) 


1D4 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


.1 


m 

in 


"  Great  Britain  has  the  less  to  say  on  the  subject,  as  it  is  in  direct  con- 
tradiclion  lo  the  principhi  on  uhich  she  proceeds  in  oilier  cases.  Wliilst  she 
claims  and  seizes  on  ihe  high  seas,  her  own  subjects  voluntarily  serving 
in  American  vessels,  «hc  has  constantly  given,  when  she  could  give,  as  a 
reason  for  not  discharging  from  her  service  American  citizens,  that  they 
had  voluntarily  engaged  in  it.  Nay  more,  uhilsl  she  impresses  her  oiva 
suhjecls/rom  the  American  sen  ice,  although  they  may  have  been  settled,  and 
murritd,  and  naturalised  in  the  United  States^  she  constantly  refuses  to  re- 
lease from  he  r^s,  j4merica:i  seamen  pressed  into  it  whenever  she  can  f^irefer 
a  reason,  that  tliey  are  either  settled  or  married  within  her  dominions.  Thua 
ivhm  Ihe  voluntary  consent  of  ihe  individual  favors  her  pretensions,  she 
pleads  the  validity  of  that  consent.  Whin  the  voluntary  consent  of  the  indi- 
cidual  stands  in  the  way  of  her  pretensions,  it  goes  for  nothing.  When  mar- 
riage er  residence  can  be  pleaded  in  her  favor,  she  avails  herself  of  the  plea. 
When  marriage,  residence,  and  naturalization  are  against  her,  no  respect 
whatever  is  paid  to  either.  She  takes,  by  force,  her  own  subjects  vobmlarily 
serving  in  our  vessels.  She  keeps  by  force  American  citizens  involuntarily 
serving  in  her^s.    JSlorejiagrant  inconsistencies  cannot  he  imaginedJ'^ 

Never  since  the  world  was  formed  was  there  a  stronger,  or 
more  irresistible  train  of  argument,  or  collection  of  facts,  than 
in  the  iireceding  paragraph.  Never  were  flagrant  injustice, 
outrage,  and  violence  more  completely  proved,  and  eternally 
shut  out  from  the  possibility  of  defence. 


From  a  kller  of  J.  Q.  Adamt^  Esq.  to  H.  G.  Oils,  Esq. 

"  The  impressed  American  citizens,  however,  upon  duly  authenticated 
proof  are  delivered  up.  Indeed!  how  unreasonable  then  were  complaint! 
how  effectual  a  remedy  for  the  wrong!  an  Amerian  vessel,  bound  to  an 
European  port,  has  two,  three,  or  four  native  Americans,  impressed  by 
a  British  man  of  war,  bound  to  the  East  or  West  Indies.  When  the  A- 
merican  captain  arrives  at  his  port  of  destination,  he  makes  his  protest, 
and  sends  it  to  the  nearest  American  Minister  or  consul.  When  he  re- 
turns home,  he  transmits  the  duplicate  of  his  protest  to  the  Secretary  of 
State.  In  process  of  time,  the  names  of  the  impressed  men,  and  of  the 
bhip  into  which  they  have  been  impressed,  are  received  by  the  agent  in 
London.  He  makes  his  demand  that  the  men  may  be  delivered  up — the 
lords  of  the  admiralty,  after  a  considerable  time  for  enquiry  and  advise- 
ment, return  for  answer,  that  the  ship  is  on  a  foreign  station,  and  thei- 
lordships  can  therefore  take  no  further  steps  in  the  matter — or,  that  the  ship 
has  been  taken,  and  that  the  men  have  been  received  in  exchange  for 
French  prisoners — or,  that  they  had  no  protections  (the  impressing  officers 
often  having  taken  them  from  the  men) — or,  that  the  men  were  probabbj 
British  subjects;  or,  that  they  had  entered,  and  taken  the  bounty;  (to 
which  the  officers  know  how  to  reduce  them) — or,  that  they  have  been 
married,  or  settled  in  England.  In  all  these  cases,  without  further  cere- 
mony, their  discharge  is  refused.  Sometimes,  their  lordbhips,  in  a  vein 
of  humor,  inform  the  agent  that  the  man  has  been  discharged  as  unsirvict' 
able.  Sometimes,  in  a  sterner  tone,  they  say  he  '\fi  an  impostor.  Or,  per- 
haps, by  way  of  consolation  to  his  relatives  and  friends,  they  report  the' 
fit  had  fallen  in  battle,  (tgaiyirt  nations  in  amity  with  his  country,    Scirf^- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


VJj 


titncs  they  coolly  return  that  there  is  no  such  man  on  board  the  skip  : 
(tnd  what  has  become  of  him,  the  agonies  of  a  wiTe  and  children  in  hifl 
native  land  may  he  left  to  coujccturc.  When  all  these  and  many  other 
Mich  apologies  tor  refusal  fail,  the  native  American  seamen  is  discharged  ; 
Mild  when  by  the  charitable  aid  of  hisi  government  he  has  found  his  way 
home,  he  comes  to  be  informed,  that  all  is  as  it  should  bt — that  the  man' 
her  o/hisftllow-sujfercrs  is  sfnall — that  it  was  impossible  lo  distinguish  him 
from  an  Englishman — and  (hat  he  was  delivered  t«2>,  en  duly  aiillienticalcd 

proof  I"  .  V-  T  ,r-: 

Extract  from  Cobbell^s  Register.  ' 

"  Our  sliips  of  war,  when  they  meet  an  American  vessel  at  5ca, 
board  her,  and  take  out  of  her  by  force,  any  seamen  whom  our  ofHcers 
assert  to  be  British  subjects.  There  is  no  rule  by  tvhich  they  are  bound — 
Thei/  ncl  at  discretion  :  and  the  consequence  is,  that  great  numbers  ofnc' 
five  Americans  have  been  thus  impressed,  and  great  numbers  of  them  are  now 
in  our  vrtvy.  The  total  number  so  held  at  any  one  time  cannot,  perhaps, 
be  ascertained  ;  hut  from  a  statement  published  in  ^4merica  it  appears, 
that  Mr.  Lyman,  the  late  consul  here,  stated  the  number,  about  two  years 
ago,  at  FOURTEEN  THOUSAND.  That  many  of  these  men  have  di- 
ed on  board  of  our  ships — that  many  have  been  wounded — that  many  hare 
br.p.n  killed  in  action — and  that  many  have  been  worn  out  in  the  service,  there 
ran  be  no  doubt.  Some  obtain  their  release  through  the  application  of  the 
American  consul  here :  and  of  these  the  sutfcrings  have  in  many  instanc« 
(^s  been  very  great.  There  have  been  instances  where  men  have  thus 
got  free  after  having  been  flogged  through  the  fleet  for  desertion. 

'■'■  But  it  has  been  asked  whether  we  are  not  to  take  our  sailors  where 
we  find  them?  To  which  America  answers,  yes;  but  take  only  your 
own;  " /fl/ce,"  said  Mr.  Lyman,  ^^  your  whole  pound  of  flesh?  but  take 
not  a  drop  ofblood.^*  She  says  that  she  wishes  not  to  have  in  her  ships 
any  British  sailors :  and  she  is  willing  to  give  them  up,  whenever  the 
fact  of  t'leir  being  British  sailors  can  be  proved.  Let  them,  she  says,  be 
brought  before  any  magistrate,  or  any  public  civil  authority,  in  anyone 
of  your  own  ports,  at  home  or  abroad  ;  and  she  is  willing  to  abide  by  the 
decision.  But  let  not  men  be  seized  in  her  ships  upon  the  high  seas  (and 
sometimes  at  the  mouths  of  her  own  rivers)  where  there  is  nobody  to 
judge  between  the  parties,  and  where  the  British  officer  going  on  board  is 
a/  once  ACCUSER,  WITNESS,  JUDGE,  and  CAPTOR !» 

From  Niles^  Weekly  Register,  vol.  3,  page  303.  '  '  * 

"  If  t!ie  most  dignified  officer  in  the  naval  service  of  our  enemy  were  to 
plunder  neutral  vessels  of  a  box  of  cod-fish  or  a  bale  of  cotton,  on  suspicion 
that  it  was  even  tnemy^s  property,  it  might  cost  him  his  whole  fortune, 
with  an  ignominious  dismissal.  The  law  of  nations  allows  him  to  send 
in  the  vessels  for  adjudication  :  and  it  becomes  him  to  prove  the  fact  he 
suspected.  If  he  fail  in  this,  he  is  often  mulcted  in  heavy  damages  by  the 
courts  of  law  of  his  own  country.  But  in  ilie  business  of  mar^•stealing, 
hehimself  is  judge  and  jury — he  takes  when  and  uiiere  he  pleases,  and  is 
irresponsible  for  his  conduct.  If  complaint  is  made,  he  silences  it  by  the 
broad  plea,  "  that  his  majesty  wanted  men*^ — and,  if  the  man  stolen  is 
restored  to  liberty  after  years  of  dangers  and  servitude,  without  one  cent 
for  his  hazards  and  toils,  there  are  knavet  who  produce  his  case  in  evidence 
of  "  British  magnanimity  P* 


'  n 


iOO 


TliE  OLIVE  BRANCir. 


After  (lie  rc.i(U;r  hna  carefully  peruseil  the  pvecetiing  argu- 
nirnl?,  I  request  lie  \\\\\  read  aiui  cumparc  (lie  sentimenta  ot* 
.Ur.  I'icknin;;  on  the  r?iil>ject  of  impressment  at  two  dilTerent 
period?,  the  first  when  he  was  secretary  of  State,  and  the  sec- 
ond vibvn  he  was  senator  of  the  United  States. 


"  fCT'  ^^^  J^rifi'h  naval  qfftcrrs  often 
imprtm  Swedes,  Danes,  and  other  for- 
p.igntrs,  from  the  vessels  of  the  United 
Slates.  Thtjj  have  even  sometimes  im- 
/trased  Frenchmen  !  !  If  there  should 
.'je  time  to  make  out  the  copy  of  a  pro- 
test lately  received,  it  shall  be  enclosed, 
ilc3cribing  rj^  the  impress  of  a  Dane 
and  a  Portuguese.  This  surely  is  an 
abuse  easy  to  correct.  ^JO^They  cannot 
vretend  an  inability  to  distinguish  these 
foreigners  from  their  onn  subjects.  They 
■tnay  m'lh  as  muck  reason  rob  American 
tnssels  of  the  property  or  merchandize  of 
Swedes,  Danes,  or  Portuguese,  as  seize 
and  detain  in  their  service  the  subjects  of 
those  nations  found  on  board  American 
vessels.  The  president  ia  extremely 
'anxious  to  have  this  business  of  impress 
placed  on  a  reasonable  footing."* 


"  rj;;j=>  It  18  perfectly  well  known  that; 
riREAT  Britain    desires    to   obtain 

ONLY    HER   OWN    SUBJECTS. f 

*'  The  evil  we  complain  of  rj^  arises 
from  the  impossibility  of  alnuys  distin- 
guishing the  pcr.sons  qf  trvo  nations  wlio 
a  few  years  since  were  one  people,  who 
exhibit  the  same  manners,  speak  the 
$ame  language,  and  possess  similar  fea- 
tures. J 

"  The  British  ships  of  war,  agreeably 
to  a  right  claimed  and  exercised  for  ages, 
— a  fight  claimed  and  exercised  during 
the  whole  of  the  administrations  of 
Washington,  of  Adams,  and  of  Jefferson, 
continue  to  take  q;^  some  qfthe  British 
seamen  found  on  board  our  merchant 
vessels,  and  with  them  a  small  NnMBER 
of  ouri,   from  thk  impossibility  of 

DISTINGUISHING  EngLISHMKN  FROM  CIT- 
IZENS OF  THE  United  States."!! 


I 


I  cannot  allow  these  extracts  to  pass  T\'ithout  beseeching,  and 
imploring  the  reader  to  ponder  well  on  their  contents — to  com- 
pare them  together  carefully.  The  history  of  the  human  race, 
from  the  earliest  records  of  time,  furnishes  no  stronger  instance 
ef  contradiction,  or  inconsistency.  Mr.  Pickering,  when  his 
station  as  Secretary  of  State  rendered  it  a  duty  to  defehd  the 
lights  of  his  country,  clearly  &  explicitly  asserts, that  the  British 
impressed  Swedes,  Danes,  Portuguese,  and  even  Frenchmen, 
IVom  on  board  our  vessels.  Afterwanis,  to  ansi^er  the  purposes 
of  party,  he  states  that  they  impressed  Americans  merely  through 
"  the  impossibility  of  distinguishing"  them  from  their  own  sub° 
Jects  !  What  an  awful  perversion  of  facts ! 

*•  Letter  from  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Rufus  King,  Esq. 
minister  at  the  court  of  London,  dated  Oct.  26,  1796. 

f  Letter  from  Timothy  Pickering,  to  the  hoD.  James  Sullivan,  governor  cf 
Massachusetts,  Feb.  16,  1808— page  9. 

t  Ibid. 

fl  Prom  the  same  to  the  same— Feb.  13, 1808,  page  13. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


107 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


hnpressnunl  tlurijig  the  adtninistration  of  General  Ifashington.'-' 
Letter  from  T.  Jefferson  to  T.  Pinkney.  From  Mr,  Jay  to 
Lord  Grenville.  Frmn  T.  Pickering  to  Rufus  King.  Prom 
Rufus  King  to  Lord  Grenville. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  T.Jefferson,  Esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Thomas 
Pinkney^  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  London. 

Department  of  State,  June  11, 1792. 

"  The  peculiar  custom  in  England  of  impressing  seamen  on  every  appparancfs 
vf  war,  will  occasionally  exposo  our  seamen  to  peculiar  oppressiont  and  vexations. 
it  will  be  expedient  that  yon  take  proper  opportiinitieH,  in  the  mean  time,  of 
tonferring  with  the  minister  on  this  subject,  in  order  to  form  some  arranfl;ement 
for  the  protection  of  our  seamen  on  tliose  occasions.  We  entirely  reject  tlie  mode 
which  was  the  subject  of  conversation  between  Mr.  Morrris  and  him  ;  whicli  was, 
(hat  our  seamen  should  always  carry  about  them  certificates  of  their  citizensliip. 
This  is  a  condition  never  yet  submitted  to  by  any  nation  ;  one  with  which  seamen 
would  never  have  the  precaution  to  comply — the  casualties  of  their  calling  would 
expose  them  to  the  constant  destruction  or  loss  of  this  paper  evidence ;  and  thus  the 
British  government  mould  be  armed  rvith  legal  authority  to  impress  the  whole  (four 
seamen.  The  simplest  rule  will  be,  that  the  vessel  being  American,  shall  be  ev- 
idence that  the  seamen  on  board  of  her  are  such.  If  they  apprehend  that  our 
vessels  might  thus  become  asylums  for  the  fugitives  of  their  own  nation  from  im- 
press gangs,  the  number  of  men  to  be  protected  by  a  vessel  may  be  limited  by  her 
tonnage ;  and  one  or  two  officers  only  be  permitted  to  enter  the  vessel  in  order  to 
examine  the  number ;  but  no  prefsgang  should  be  aUorved  ever  logo  on  board  an  Amer- 
ican vessel,  till  qfter  it  shall  befound  that  there  are  more  than  the  stipulated  num- 
ber on  hoard,  nor  till  after  the  master  i^hall  have  refused  to  deliver  the  supernu- 
meraries (to  be  named  by  himself)  to  the  press  officer  who  has  come  on  ooard 
for  that  purpose ;  and  even  then  the  American  consul  shall  be  called  in.  In 
order  to  urge  a  settlement  of  this  poiut  before  a  new  occasion  may  arise,  it  may 
not  be  amiss  to  draw  their  attention  to  '^^  '^teculiar  irritation  excited  on  the  last 
occasion^  and  the  difficulty  of  avoiding  -jy  making  immediate  reprisals  on  their 
sejimen  here.  Your  will  be  so  good  as  to  ;  /mmunicale  to  me  what  shall  pass  on 
thi?  subject,  and  it  may  be  made  an  article  of  convention  to  be  entered  into 
either  there  or  here." 


i 


.  From  the  same  to  the  same. 

del.  12,  1792. 

*'  I  enclose  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Blow  and  Melhaddo,  merchants, 
of  Virginia,  complaining  of  the  taking  away  of  their  sailors,  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
by  the  commander  of  a  British  armed  vessel.  So  many  instances  qf  this  kind 
have  happennd.  that  it  is  quite  necessary  their  government  should  explain  them- 
selves on  the  subject,  and  be  led  to  disarow  and  punish  such  conduct,  I  leave  t© 
your  discretion  to  endeavor  to  obtain  this  satisfaction  by  such  friendly  discussions 
as  may  be  most  likely  to  produce  the  desired  effect,  and  secure  to  our  commerce 
that  protection  against  British  violence,  which  it  has  never  experienced  from  any 
other  nation.  No  law  forbids  the  seaman  of  any  nation,  to  engage  in  time  of 
peace,  on  board  a  foreign  vessel :  no  law  authorizes  such  seaman  to  break  his 
contract,  nor  the  armed  vessels  of  his  nation  to  iaterpose  force  for  his  rescue." 


..^         ■ 


m 


108 


THE  OLIVE  BnANCK. 


From  the  same  to  the  same. 

Nov.  6,  179S. 

"  I  enclose  you  now  the  ropy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pint<ird.  our  consul  at 
TVIjideira,  cxlnbitins  anollicr  attempt  at  the  practice  on  wliiili  1  wrote  to  you  in 
my  last,  nwdc  hy  Capt.  Har^ood,  of  tiie  British  frigate  ilyat>n;i,  to  take  neainen 
from  on  board  nn  American  vessel  hound  to  the  Hast  lndie.<i.  It  is  unneceaHiiry 
to  develope  to  you  the  inconveniences  of  this  conduct,  and  tlie  impossibility  of 
letting  it  go  on.  /  haptyou  will  be.  able  to  make  the  Brilish  ministry  tejuibU  of 
the  nectsiily  nf  punishing  the  past  and  preventing  the/uture.''* 

Kxtract  of  a  note  from  Mr.  Jay,  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  pleni' 
jiotcntiary  of  the  United  States  at  London,  to  lord  Grenville,  secretary 
.of  foreign  affairs,  dated 

London,  JulyCtO,  1793. 

*'  The  undersigned  finds  it  also  to  be  his  duty  to  present,  that  the  irregularities 
iicfore  mentioned  extend  not  only  to  the  capture  and  condemnatioti  of  .\merican 
•«  essels  and  property,  and  to  unusual  perstmal  severifics,  but  rjj^  even  to  the 
impressment  of  Amtriean  fi7i5«n.5,  to  serve  on  board  of  armed  vesselsf  Jlefjrbears 
In  dwell  on  the  injuries  dime  to  those  unfortunate  individunh,  or  on  the  emstions 
nhich  they  must  naturally  excite,  either  in  the  bnusts  nf  the  nation  tj  which  they 
belong,  or  qf  the  just  and  humane  t^  ever y  country.  IJis  reliance  on  the  justice 
and  benevolence  of  his  majesty,  leads  him  to  indulge  a  pleading  expedition,  that 
Orders  ^ill  be  given,  that  Americans  so  circumstanced  be  immediately  liberated, 
nnd  that  persons  honored  vi'iih  his  majei;ty's  commissions  do  in  future  abstain  from 
similar  violences. 

'•  It  is  with  cordial  satisfaction  that  the  undersigned  reflects  on  the  impressions 
Tvhich  such  an  equitable  and  conciliatory  measure  would  make  on  the  people  cf 
the  United  States,  and  how  naturally  tliey  would  inspire  and  cherish  those  senti- 
Uients  and  dispo.aitions  which  never  fail  to  preserve  as  well  as  to  pro<luce  respect, 
esteem  and  friendship." 

Tlxlract  from  the  instructions  given  by  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary 
of  stale,  to  Jiufus  King,  Esq.  minister  at  the  court  of  London. 

June,  8,  1796. 

:rrr>  The  long  but  fruitless  aVcmpts  that  have  been  made  to  protect  American 
\Mirnnfrom  British  impresses,  prove  that  the  subject  is  in  its  nature  difficult. 

*'  The  simplest  rule  would  be,  that  the  vessel  being  American,  should  be. 
fvidencc  that  the  seamen  are  surh.  But  it  will  be  an  important  point  gained,  if, 
Qn  the  high  seas,  our  flag  can  protect  those  of  n  hatever  nation  who  sail  under  it. 
And  for  this,  humanity,  as  well  as  interest,  powerfully  plead.  Merchant  vessels 
r.arry  no  more  hands  than  their  sqfety  renders  necessary.  To  withdraw  any  of 
litem  on  the  ocean,  is  to  expose  both  lives  and  property  to  destruction.  We  have  a 
right  then  to  expect  that  the  British  government  will  make  uo  difficulty  io  acceding 
to  this  very  interesting  provision.  And  the  same  motives  sliould  operate  with 
nearly  equal  force,  to  procure  for  us  the  like  exception  in  all  the  British  colonies, 
})Ut  especially  in  the  West  indies.  In  the  latter  the  consequence  of  an  impress  'A 
nj»  the  detention  qf  the  vessel.  By  the  detention,  the  vetsel  is  ir\jured  or  destroyed 
hythe  wwvM,  and  the  remrmnt  of  the  crem  exposed  to  tftefatal  diseases  ^the  climate. 
Hence  a  longer  detention  ensues.  The  voyaee  becomes  unproSt«ble  to  the 
jnerchant :  and  Q;^  humanity  deplores  the  loss  cfmany  valuable  lives.  But  there 
is  another  cogent  reason  for  an  exemption  from  impresses  in  the  British  colonies — 
that  THE  PRACTICE  WILL  BE,  AS  IT  HAS  ALWAYS  BEEN,  SUB- 
JECT TO  MONSTROUS  AFUSES.  and  the  supreme  power  is  so  remote,  that 
THE  EVILS  BECOME  IRREMEDIABLE,  BEFORE  REDRESS  CAN 
EVEN  BE  SOUGHT  FOR 

*'  Tq^gnard  against  abuses  on  the  part  of  American  citizens,  every  master  of  a 
vessel,  on  His  arrival  in  any  port  of  tne  British  colonies,  may  be  required  to  report 
iia  crew  at  the  proper  office.  If,  afterwards,  any  addition  be  made  to  them  by 
British  subjects,  these  may  be  taieo  awajr.    In  the  ports  of  Great  Britain  soil 


i. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


i;^a 


lielai"',  llie  impress  of  Briliih  fuhjrdx,  found  on  boai d  of  our  vrsfirW,  nuint 
doubtless  be  admitted.  But  this  nitould  he  cuntrult  d  by  regulations  to  prevent 
iiuuitg  and  injuries,  and  to  adniini«ter  prompt  relief  jr^nA^rf  Jmerian  citi:t)ti 
[nhich  nill  aasurullii  happen)  ihall  be  niixtakfn/nr  hntishitihjtcU. 

•*  There  are  three  ciisses  of  men,  a-iuf  ruing  nJioin  there  urn  be  no  d{ffituH\. 
1.  IValive  American citizcna .  rj-T^  2.  Amtrican  citisens,  jvhetever  born,  nh')  mre 
such  at  Ute  dejinitive  treaty  nfpuiu.  Q^-'.  Fortignen,  othiw  than  Briluh  su'ijedi,, 
miling  in  American  vetseli,  and  nihuiit  persons  oiis^ht  to  be  us  sacrid,  as  it  respects 
the  Britisli,  us  thote  »/ tuttite  citizens.  The  4th  class  consists  of  Hritisili  born 
subjects,  but  who,  or  many  of  whuiu,  may  have  become  citizens  subseat^ent  tolliu 
treaty  of  peace,  or  who  hereafter  may  be  admitted  to  the  riglits  of  citiistna  K 
is  thii  class  alone,  about  which  any  preteuce  of  t\f^\ii  to  impress  can  be  made. 
With  regard  to  these,  it  may  be  attempted  to  protect  tiiein,  as  well  in  time  of 
war  as  of  peace,  in  the  foil  owinj^  casts  :  First,  rj;ya»when  thry  shall  iuive  siived 
in  American  veMels,  public  or  private,  for  tlie  same  term  in  wliicli  forei^nci') 
rerving  in  British  vesiteU  woula  acquire  the  rights  of  British  subjects,  which  it 
understood  to  be  three  years  :  or  secondly,  if  so  much  cannot  be  obtaiurd, 
when  those  persons,  originally  Britibh  subjects,  shall  have  resided  f.ve  years  in 
the  United  States,  and  been  formally  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizL-uii,  according 
to  our  laws. 

"  It  must  often  happen  that  sailors  will  lose  their  certificates  :  provision  slioul  J 
therefofe  be  made  for  the  admission  of  other  reasonable  proof  of  their  citisenxhi^, 
such  as  their  own  oaths,  with  those  of  the  masters,  mates,  or  other  creditable 
witnesses.  The  rolls  of  the  crews  or  shipping  papers,  may  uUo  bt*  autheiilic.ited 
by  the  collectors  of  the  customs :  and  then  they  ought  to  be  admitted  as  uf  K:<\wi.\- 
validity  with  the  individual  certificates."  ^,    .   ' 

From  the  same  to  the  same. 

Sept.  10,  170C. 

"I  enclose  a  letter  from  Francis  S.  Taylor,  deputy  collector  of  Norfolk,  re- 
specting four  impressed  seamen.  It  appears  to  be  written  with  candor,  and  mer- 
its attention.  If,  as  the  captain  of  the  Pre voy ante  [Wemyss]  says,  the  dignity 
of  the  British  government  will  not  permit  an  enquiry  on  board  their  ships  for  A- 
merican  seamen,  their  doom  is Jixedjor  tkervar:  and  tfius  THE  RIGHTS  OF 
AN  INDEPENDENT  NATION  ARE  TO  BE  SACRIFICED  TO  BRITISH 
DIGNITY.  Justice  requires  that  such  enquiries  and  examination  be  made;  be- 
cause otherwise  the  liberation  of  our  seamen  will  be  impossible.  For  the  Britisft 
government^  then,  to  make  prof tssions  qf  respect  to  the  rights  of  our  citisens,  and 
wllingness  to  release  them,  and  y^t  deny  the  only  means  of  ascertaining  those  right^t 
is  an  insulting  tantalism. 

^^  If  the  British  government  have  any  regard  to  our  rights,  any  respect  for  our 
nation^  and  place  any  value  on  our  friendship,  they  nill  even  facilitate  to  us  (he 
means  of  releasing  our  oppprtssd  citiscTU.  The  subject  of  our  impressed  seameu 
makes  a  part  of  your  instructions ;  but  the  president  now  renews  his  desire  that 
their  relief  may  engage  your  special  atteatioo.'* 


m 


owes— 
SUB- 

te,  that 
CAN 

er  of  a 

report 

lem  by 

lin  aow 


CHAPTER  XXXiri. 

Impressment  during  the  Admimstratitm  of  Mr.  Adams*  Letter 
from  Rujus  King.  From  Silas  Talbot.  From  Timothy  Pick- 
cring.    Instructions  qf  Judge  Marshall  toRufus  King. 

I  NOW  proceed  in  chronological  order  to  state  i\ttyf^v>'3  <»£ 
otir  government  upou-^the  remonstrances  o£our  public  officem. 


t 


^i 


^','^-m 


200 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Againtit — and  (lie  redress  nffbrded  or  reruaed  in — (he  odious  at- 
fair  of  impreetsment,  during  (lie  adminiii(ra(ion  of  Mr.  Adams. 

I  begin  wilii  Rufus  King,  esq.  whose  name,  Horn  (he  ground 
he  now  takes  in  politics,  Is  a  tower  of  strength  on  (his  subject. 

From  Rufus  King,  Esq.  to  Timothy  Pickering,  secretary  of  stale. 

London,  April  13, 1797. 

•'  The  subjt-ct  [of  imprfssment]  in  uU  its  details,  htiB  come  under  n\y  obiervn- 
lion  ;  nnd  it!*  importance,  I  cnnfrRs,  is  much  Kreater  than  I  had  suppOHed  it.  In- 
xtead  (fufetv,  mul  thtxr  in  mnnii  inslancea  equi coral  cases,  I  have,  since  Iht  month 
if  Jul})  lait,  rruide  application  for  tht  discharge  from  British  mentfnar,  if  271 
seamtn,  who,  stating  them8elv»;s  to  f>e  Aincricaiis,  liave  claimed  my  interference  . 
ui  this  number  8(5  have  by  the  admlraliy  been  ordered  to  bt*  diiichurged  :  H7  more 
ii.tve  been  detained  as  British  (subjects,  or  an  American  volunteers,  or  for  want 
of  proof  that  they  are  Americans :  and  to  my  applications  for  the  discharge  qfthe 
rtnkdning  143,  1  fwu  rraivfd  no  anintr ;  the  ships  on  bonrd  qf  which  Viese  sea- 
men mere  detained,  having,  in  many  i/utances,  suiltd  b^fure  an  examinalion  was 
~:uide,  in  consc'picnce  of  my  appUcatiuns. 

"  It  is  certain,  that  some  of  those  who  have  applied  to  me,  are  not  Amerlr.  in 
Citizens,  BUT  THE  EXCEPTIONS  ARE  IN  MY  OPINION  FEW  :  and  ti>e 
♦•vldence,  exclusive  of  certificates,  has  been  such  as  in  most  cases  to  satisfy  me 
?h?.t  THE  APPLICANTS  WEKE  REAL  AMERICANS,  wlio  l»ad  been  forced 
ifi'.othe  Biitinh  <!orvice;  -and  who  with  singular  constancy  have  generally  persevcr- 
el  in  rfjming  pay  and  6ou/(^^  though  in  mxny  instanca  they  Aavc  been  in  service 
*rijrf.  than  tivo  ytars.^^ 

'^Vo  (Ids  document,  I  most  earncsdy  invi(e  and  invoke  the  at- 
feution  of  the  American  nation,  and  the  whole  people  of  Chris- 
T(?ndom.  it  affords  the  most  conclusive  defence  of  the  strong 
:>;round  taken  on  (his  subject  by  (he  adminis(ration ;  and  sets 
the  seal  of  eternal  contradiction  on  the  assertion,  so  often  re- 
peated, that  the  poor,  miserable,  enslaved,  and  by-his -country- 
abandoned  sailor — the  pride — the  glory — the  bulwark  of  that 
imgrateful  country — is  readily  surrendered  when  impressed  by 
mistake.  Let  no  man  ever  dare  again  to  make  the  assertion.  It 
is  not  true.     It  never  was  true. 

Mr.  King  tells  us  a  plain  story.  He  applied  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  271  American  slaves,  forced  to  fight  for  their  enslav- 
ers. Not  quite  a  third  mere  discharged — and  more  than  one  half' 
of  the  whole  number  were  debarred  of  any  chance  of  redress y  by  a 
plain  and  simple  process  ;  the  vessels,  onboard  of  which  they 
were,  having  "  in  many  instances  sailed  before  an  examinatio)! 
was  had  in  consequence  of  his  application,''^ 

« 

From  Silas  Talbot,  Esq.  agent  for  the  relief  of  impressed  seamen,  to  Timoth\i 
Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  testate. 

Kingi/on,  Jw/y  4, 1797. 

»♦  Admiral  Sir  Hyde  having  gained  information,  that  my  application  to  tlir 
civil  authority  of  this  island,  to  obtain  the  release  of  such  American  citizens  n* 
w«re  found  to  be  detained  on  hoard  his  m^esty^s  ships  of  war,  had  been  pttendod 
with  some  success,  he  immediately  issued  a  general  order  to  all  captains  and 
cohmiatiders  of  ibips  and  veasels  of  war,  directing  them  Jiot  t9  obey  an^'  nrit  r ' 


THE  Or.lVE  BRANCH. 


201 


habeas  t^rpuji,nor  ivffer  any  men  h  Ihtir  leavr.  ship*  in  comrqutnct  qfany  mch  nrit. 
.Mnc e  the  above  inentioprd  ord«T  wh»  isiiicd,  writ*  Imvc  been  obtained  aRiiinsl 
Taptain  Elphinstone,  of  the.  I'ai  lar  rri((ate,  to  produce  tbrec  Americani,  named 
in  the  writ,  btfore  tlie  ciiif-l' jiiNtice  ;  and  axaiuit  Cimtain  FobKt,  of  the  Albicure, 
to  produce  four  ,  and  al»o,  against  Cai)lain  Otway,  otthe  Ceres  friziite,  to  produce 
iwtnty  Americuns,  In  like  manner  btlore  tiu*  ciiief  justice.  All  tnose  writs  were 
itTvtd,  but  none  of  tlieni  wai  obeyed.  AttacSimenti  against  the  said  captaiiin 
iiave  been  orden  d  by  the  court ;  and  a  writ  of  attaclinjent  against  Captain  Otway 
was  takf  n  out  Tiftten  days  since.  But  the  maralinl  has  not  beeu  able,  as  he  taya, 
to  serve  it  on  Captain  Otway  :  and  from  all  that  I  can  learn,  there  is  not  any 
prohnh.lity  that  he  will  <ierve  the  writ ;  so  that  the  Im  in  this  island^  it  ietmx, 
cmnot  br.  udminintertd  for  the  reliff  0/  Jmtriean  citizens,  nihoareheldin  British 
ilvvtrv  ;  rr7=*  mf'ny  i/nhnm,  na  they  writt  to  me  from  on  i'^rd  Captain  Otnay^a 

siiip,  H\vt;  bei:n  brought  to  the  gangw  ay,  andwhipi^eu, 

FOR  WRiriNG  TO  IHEIR  AGENT  TO  GET  THEM  DISCHARGED!" 


HI 


jinothij 

m. 

lothf 
kens  a* 
Itendcil 

)s  and 
\vrit  of' 


Here  again  we  find  what  redress  the  American  slave  had  to 
expect.  He  was  brought  to  the  gangway,  and  ignumimioubly 
ecoracED  for  daring  to  try  to  have  his  case  taken  into  the 
cognizance  of  the  American  agent  for  the  relief  of  impressed 
seamen ! ! ! 

From  Timothy  Pickerings  Esq.  teeretary  qf  stute^  to  Silas  Talbot ,  Esq. 

Jtugutt  i5y  1797.     . 

"  If  any  naval  officer  sliall  have  commlttpd  puch  an  outra];e  on  any  American 
seamen,  as  to  BRING  THEM  TO  THEG\NGWAY.  as  you  mention,  or  to 
inflict  any  kind  of  punishment  on  them,  especially  for  xeeVing  opportunities  to  in- 
form you  of  their  situation,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  just  relief  to  which 
they  are  entitled,  pray  endeavor  to  get  proofs  of  the  fact,  that  I  may  make  it 
tlie  subject  of  a  special  representation  to  the  British  government." 

From  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  of  state,  tj  Rufut  King,  Esq. 

Trentony  October  3, 1797. 

"  Lord  Grenville's  observations  on  the  act  0/  congress  for  the  relief  and  protec- 
tion of  American  seamen,  present  difficulties  ^vhicb  demand  consideration  at  thv 
ensuing  (session.  Bnt  your  reasoning  in  your  letter  to  his  lordship  of  the  30th  of 
last  November,  is  conclusive  against  the  British  pretences  to  retain  real  Americart 
seamen  who  are  married  in  their  dominions,  or  who  have  voluntarily  entered  on 
hoard  British  vessels.  It  behoves  the  honor  and  faith  nf  Uie  British  government, 
to  adhere  to  their  principle  on  natural  allegiance  wholly,  or  to  renounce  it 
nholly  :  And  an  answer  on  this  point,  would  have  become  Us  lordshipV 
candor. 

*'  I  consider  Col.  Talbot's  agency  in  the  West  Indies  to  be  no  longer  very  im- 
portant. The  rigid  conduct  of  Admiral  Sir  Hyde  Parker  (who  from  the  beginning 
nas  thrown  obstacles  in  the  way)  leaves  but  little  room  to  get  our  seanien  released. 
The  opposition  of  the  officers  in  general,  induced  Colonel  Talbot  to  take  out  writ» 
of  habeas  corpus  at  Jamaica,  by  which,  directly  or  in  their  consequences,  ^jy^  ht 
obtained  the  discharge  of  nearly  fifty  ieamen.  But  Admiral  Parker  has  for  some 
time  past,/or6wWcn  his  officers  to  pay  any  attention  to  such  tvrits ;  and  Col.  Talbot 
informed  me  that  some  (f  our  seamen  have  been  punished  for  attempting  to  send 
letters  to  him  to  inform  of  their  situation. 

*'  Mr.  Listou  assured  me  that  the  British  officers  have  ordersnot  to  impr«>«> 
any  Ameriacn  seamen,  and  of  course  not  to  retain  against  their  will  any  already* 
impressed  :  but  if  they  persist  in  obstructing  every  channel  of  irformation  ok^ 
ff»f  qfthwr  dtigenship,  sxich  yrdtrs  are,  and  nill  continue,  deceptive'^ 

S    2 


»''nl 


K 


Flif -til; 


h 


\ 


m 


ni 


202 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


'11^ 


Exlraet  of  a  letter  from  RvfusKing,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  Unitcu 

Slates^  to  the  secretary  of  stale. 

London,  March  15,  1799. 

"  I  fcentioned  our  dissatiBfaction  with  the  contiouatioa  of  the  practice  of  takiof 
oet  of  our  shijpa,  met  on  ihc  main  ocean,  such  of  their  crews  as  did  not  possess 
certificates  or  American  citizenship  ;  denying,  as  I  had  often  done,  in  former 
conferences,  upon  the  same  subject,  any  right  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  upon 
which  the  practice  could  be  founded  }  and  suggesting  that  f|^  our  ships  of  war, 
by  permission  of  our  government,  might,  with  equal  rigol,  pursue  the  same 
practice  towards  their  merchantmen. 

''That  not  only  seamen  who  spoke  the  English  language,  nnd  who  were  cvi- 
ilently  English  or  American  eubjccts,  but  also  ALL  DANISH,  SWEDISH, 
AND  OTHER  FOREIGN  SEAMEN,  WHO  COULD  NOT  RECEIVE 
AMERICAN  PROTECTIONS,  WERE  INDISCRIMINATELY  TAKEN 
FROM  THEIR  VOLiJNTARY  SERVICE  IN  OUR  NEUTRAL  EMPLOY, 
and  forced  into  the  war  in  the  naval  service  of  Great  Britain. 

"  That  on  this  subject  WE  HAD  AGAIN  AND  AGAIN  OFFERED  TO 
CONCUR  IN  A  CONVENTION,  WHICH  WE  THOUGHT  PRACTICA- 
BLE TO  BE  FORMED,  AND  WHICH  SHOULD  SETTLE  THESE 
QUESTIONS  IN  A  MANNER  THAT  WOULD  BE  SAflSFACTORY 
FOR  ENGLAND  AND  SAFE  FOR  US.         , 

"  That  to  decline  such  a  convention,  and  to  persist  in  a  practice  which  we  were 
Versuaded  rould  not  be  vindicated,  especially  to  the  extent  it  was  carried,  seemed 
>s«  equitable  and  moderate  than  we  had  a  right  to  expect. 

'*  Lord  Grenville  stated  no  precise  principle  upon  which  he  supposed  thi« 
practice  could  be  justified ;  and  the  conversation  upon  this  point,  like  many 
others  upon  the  same  subject,  ended  without  a  prospect  of.4Batisfactios.  The 
French  and  Spaniards,  and  every  other  nation,  might  pursue  the  same  conduct 
as  rightfully  as  Great  Britain  does.  Witli  respect  to  foreign  seamen  in  our 
employ,  this  government  has,  if  I  recollect,  yielded  the  point,  though  their  onn 
"fflcers  coTitinue  the  practice.  We  are  assured  all  Americans  shall  be  discharged 
on  application  for  that  purpose,  and  that  orders  to  this  e.Tect  have  been  given  lo 
heir  naval  commanders  ;  bnt  this  is  far  short  qf  satisfaction — indeed,  TO  A&- 
aUlESCE  IN  IT,  IS  TO  GIVE  UP  THE  RIGHT." 

I  beg  the  reader  will  most  carefully  and  attentively  peruse 
the  second  nnd  third  paragraphs  of  the  preceding  document. 

The  second  confirms  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Pickering, 
when  he  was  secretary,  that  [CF  DaneSt  Swedes  and  othtr  for- 
eigners were  impressed  out  rf  our  vessels — and  utterly  contradicts 
and  disproves  his  recent  declaration — that  [C?'  the  impressment 
of  our  seamen  arose  from  the  difficuUy  of  discrimineUing  between 
an  Englishman  and  an  American.  What  a  farcical  procedure 
it  would  be,  to  seize  by  mistake  upon  Danes,  and  Swedes,  and 
Portuguese,  as  Englishmen  ! 

But  the  fact  established  by  the  third  paragraph  is  si  ill  more 
important.  It  is,  that  this  country  T7*  "  had  again  and  again 
offered  to  settle  these  questions  in  a  manner  that  would  be  satisfac- 
tory for  Em  land  and  safe  for  the  United  States."  And  further, 
that  "England  had  declined  such  a  convention."  And  yet 
Mr.  Pickering  hag  confidently  fl^ited  the  contrary,  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  fact,  and  to  lits  own  knowledge  and  experi 
ence.— 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


203 


"  Oijr  Ruvernment  well  know,  that  Great  Britain  u  pej/e<:%  mllins  to  adopt 
any  arrangement  that  can  be  devised  that  will  secure  to  her  service  the  seamen  who 
are  hf,r  ovm  subjects,  and  at  the  same  time,  exempt  ours  from  tm/»reijf/icnt."* 

*'  A')  man  who  regards  the  truth  will  question  the  disposition  qf  the  BHtish  gov- 
rrnment  to  adopt  any  arrangement  that  will  secure  to  Great  Britain  tlie  service  qf 
her  onn  subjects/*^ f 

These  facts  scorn  the  aid  of  a  comment.  The  dullest  and 
moat  Boaetian  reader  must  be  struck  with  the  astonishing  con- 
tradiction and  inconsistency  they  display. 

With  Mr.  Pickering  I  am  almost  wholly  unacquainted.  He 
is  far  advanced  in  years — and  has  held  the  highest  and  most 
confidential  offices.  He  has  been  honored  with  the  regard  and 
esteem  of  the  party  to  which  he  belongs,  of  whom  he  is  consid- 
ered as  one  of  the  leaders.     He  has  asserted  of  himself, 

"  I  may  claim  some  share  of  attention  and  credit — that  share  which  is  due4o 
tlte  man  who  dofie';  the  world  to  point,  in  the  whole  course  of  a  long  and  publir 
life,  at  one  instance  of  deception — at  a  single  departure  from  truth."| 

I  call  on  him  and  his  friends,  to  reconcile  the  above  state- 
ments with  the  facts  of  the  case.  It  will  give  me  pleasure  if  he 
can,  at  the  close  of  his  long  career,  justify  himself  on  this  point 
to  his  own  conscience,  and  to  his  country,  before  whose  bar  I 
(bus  solemnly  cite  bini. 

One  other  observation,  and  I  dismiss  this  letter. — Mr.  King 
explicitly  states,  and  with  perfect  justice,  that  to  acquiesce  in 
the  surrender  of  our  seamen  being  a  satisfaction  for  the  injury, 
is  to  admit  the  right  of  impressment,  against  which  he  most  zeal- 
ously and  patriotically  contended. 

Extract  from  a  report  ofTtmoihy  Pickeringy  esq.  seeretary  of  slate^  to  Con- 
gresn.  Dec.  9, 1799. 

**  Admiral  Parker  paid  no  attention  to  the  agent's  application  on  behalf  of  oar 
impret; '<>d  seamen ;  tne  admiral  having  determined,  and  informed  the  agent  of 
the  determination,  that  no  proofs  would  be  regarded  by  him,  unless  specially 
presented  by  the  American  government  through  the  British  minister ;  nor  then 
but  ia  the  single  case  of  native  Americans.  Under  tliis  determination  there  will 
be  detained,  not  only  the  subjects  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  naturalized  since  the 
peace  of  1783 ;  but  all  who,  bom  elsewhere,  wt>re  then  resident  in,  and  had  be- 
come citizen's  of  the  United  States ;  also,  all  foreigners,  as  Germans,  Swedes, 
Danes,  Portuguese,  and  Italians,  who  voluntarily  serve  in  thf  vesseb  of  the  United 
Slates.  Anditisafact  that  SUCH  FOREIGNERS  HWE  FREQUENT- 
LY BEEN  IMPRESSED  ;  althouzb  their  languages  and  oth>  r  circumstances 
demonstrate  that  THEY  WERE  NOT  BRITISH  SUBJECTS.'' 

Here  again  we  have  Timothy  Pickering,  secretary  of  state, 
versus  Timothy  Pickering,  senator  of  the  United  States.  As 
secretary,  he  bears  the  strongest  testimony  on  the  subject  of  the 
latitudinarian  principles  on  which  impressment  is  conducted. 

*  Letter  of  the  hon.  Timoihy  Pickering,  to  his  excellency  James  Sulliraa, 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  page  13. 

f  Idem,  page  8.  Idem,  page:?. 


•';*!' 


204 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


*. 


The  sulgect  strikes  me  in  a  new  point  of  light.  An  Ameri- 
can vessel  is  met  at  sea  by  a  British  frigate. — Tlie  crew  are 
brou};ht  trembling  before,  that  right  reverend  and  worshipful 
magistrate,  the  boatswain's  mate.  All  who  cannot  speak  plain 
English  are  seized  ; — as,  being  French,  Germans,  Danes,  Ital- 
ians, or  Hottentots,  they  cannot  he  natives  ojtlie  United  States, 
and  are  not  therefore  entitled  to  protection  from  our  flag.  This 
scrutiny  is  soon  over.  Another  then  takes  place.  And  of 
those  who  speak  plain  English,  he  seises  as  many  as  he  supposes, 
or  pretends  to  suppose,  to  be  British  subjects ! ! !  And  yet  we 
have  men  in  high  stations  who  defend  this  practice!  Would  to 
God  that  ei}ery  man  who  is  an  advocate  for  impressment,  were 
himself  impressed  and  enslaved  on  board  a  British  man  of  war, 
with  a  cat-o'-uine  tails  to  his  back,  to  punish  his  refractory  spi- 
rit, in  case  he  dared  to  complain ! 

Exiraci  of  a  letter  from  John  Marshall,  Eaq.  secretary  of  state,  to  Rnfus 
King,  Esq.  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  London,  dated 

Department  of  State,  Sept.  20,  1800. 

"  The  impressment  of  our  seamen  is  an  injury  (f  very  serious  magnitude,  which 
deeply  njfuls  the  feelings  and  the  honor  of  the  nation. 

"  Tliis  valuable  class  of  men  is  composed  of  natives  and  foreigners,  who  engage 
voluntarily  in  our  service. 

'  *'  No  right  has  been  asserted  to  impres.«i  the  natives  of  America.  Yet  they  are 
impressed  ;  they  are  dragged  on  board  of  British  ships  of  war,  with  evidence  qf  dti- 
stnship  in  their  hands,  and  forced  by  violence  there  to  serBe,unlil  conclusive  toft'mo- 
nials  of  their  birth  can  be  obtained.  These  must  most  (renerally  be  sought  for  on 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  n^  In  the  mean  time,  ACKNOWLEDGED  VIO- 
LENCE IS  PRACTISED  ON  A  CITIZEN  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
BY  COMPELLING  HIM  TO  ENGAGE  AND  CONTINUE  IN  FOREIGN 
SERVICE  Although  the  lords  of  the  adaiiralty  uniformly  direct  their  discharge 
on  the  production  of  this  testimony ;  YET  MANY  MUST  PERISH  UNRE- 
LIEVED, AND  ALL  ARE  DETAINED  A  CONSIDERABLE  TIME,  IN 
LAWLESS  AND  INJURIOUS  CONFINEMENT. 

"  It  is  the  duty,  ae  well  as  the  rights  of  a  friendly  nation,  to  require  that  meas- 
ures be  taken  by  the  British  goV<emment  to  prevent  the  continued  repetition  of 
such  violence  by  its  agents.  This  can  only  be  done  by  punisliing  and  frowning  on 
those  who  perpetrate  it.  THE  MERE  RELEASE  OP  THE  INJURED,  \F- 
TER  A  LONG  COURSE  OP  SERVING  AND  SUFFERING.  IS  NO  COM- 
PENSATION FOR  THE  PAST,  AND  NO  SECURITY  FOR  THE  FU- 
TURE. It  is  impossible  jiot  to  believe  that  the  decisive  interference  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  this  respect,  would  prevent  a  practice,  Qjy*  the  continuance  of  which 
must  inevitably  produce  discord  between  two  nations,  which  ought  to  be  the 
friends  of  each  other. 

"  Those  seamen  who  were  bom  in  a  foreign  country,  and  have  been  adopted 
by  this,  were  either  the  subjects  of  Brita'.i  or  some  other  power.  > 

"  The  right  to  impress  those  who  were  British  subjects  has  been  asserted ;  an* 
the  right  to  impress  those  of  eveiy  other  nation  has  not  been  disclaimed. 

'*  Neither  tlje  one  practice  nor  the  other  can  be  justified. 

*'WiMi  the  naturalization  of  foreigners,  no  other  nation  can  interfere;  further 
than  the  riglits  of  that  other  are  affected.  The  rights  of  Britain  are  certainly  not 
affected  by  the  naturalization  of  other  than  British  subjects  Consequently  those 
persons,  who^  according  to  our  laws,  are  citizens,  must  be  so  considered  by  Britain, 
ahd  every  other  power  not  having  a  coaflictios  claim  to  the  person. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


20> 


"THE  UMTED  STATES,  THEREFORE  REQUIRE,  POSITIVELY, 
TH\T  THEIR  SEAMEN  WHO  .ARE  NOT  BRITISH  SUBJECTS, 
AVHETHER  BORN  IN  AMERICA,  OR  ELSEWHERE,  SHALL  BE 
EXEMPT  FROM  IMPRESSMENT. 

"■  The  case  of  British  subjects,  whether  naturalized  or  not,  is  more  quebtionable; 
g^biit  the  right  even  to  impress  them  is  denied.  The  practice  of  the  British 
government  itself,  may  certamly,  in  a  controversy  with  that  government,  be  relied 
on.  The  privileges  it  claims  and  exercises,  may  certainly  be  ceded  to  others , 
U^  To  deny  tliis  would  be  to  deny  the  equality  of  nations,  and  to  make  it  ;* 
question  of  power  and  not  of  right. 

"  If  the  practice  of  the  British  government  may  be  quoted,  that  practice  is  to 
maintain  and  defend  in  their  sea-service  all  those,  of  any  nation,  who  ^ave 
voluntarily  engaged  in  it,  or  who,  according  to  their  laws,  bave  become  !3ritish 
subjects. 

"  Alien  seamen,  not  British  subjects,  engaged  in  our  merchant  service,  ought 
*b  be  eqtially  exempt  with  citizens  from  impressments :  we  have  a  right  to  engage 
tlicm,  and  have  a  right  to,  and  interest  in,  their  persons,  to  the  extent  of  the 
service  contracted  to  be  performed,  n^  Britain  has  no  pretext  of  right  to  their 
persons  or  to  th.?ir  service.  TO  TE\R  THEM,  THEN,  FROM  OUR 
POSSESSION,  13  AT  THE  SAME  TIxME  AN  INSULT  AND  AN  IN- 
JURY. IT  IS  AN  ACT  OF  VIOLENCE  FOR  WHICH  THERE  EXISTS 
NO  PALLIATIVE. 

'*  We  know  well  that  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  native  Americans 
and  British  subjects,  has  been  used  with  respect  to  natives,  as  an  apology  for  the 
injuries  complained  of.  It  is  not  pretended  that  this  apoloey  can  be  extended  to 
the  case  of  foreigners ;  and,  with  respect  to  natives,  we  doubt  the  existence  of  the 
difficulty  alledged.  We  know  well  that  among  that  class  of  people  called  seamen, 
we  can  readily  distinguish  between  a  dative  American,  and  a  person  raised  to 
manhood  in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland  ;  and  we  do  not  perceive  any  reason  whj^ 
the  capacity  of  making  this  distiDction  ithould  nOt  be  possfttoed  In  the  game  degree 
by  one  nation  as  by  the  other. 

*'  If  therefore  60  regulattbh  «an  t)6  fomed  ^hith  shall  effeefu«illy  i^nte  ^\l 
seamen  on  board  American  merchantmen,  tr^  we  have  a  right  to  ex^et  froA 
the  justice  of  the  British  government,  from  iu  regard  for  the  friendship  of  the 
United  States,  and  its  own  honor,  that  it  will  manifest  the  sincerity  of  its  wishes 
to  redress  this  otfence,  by  punishing  those  wlio  commit  it. 

"  We  hope,  however,  that  an  agreement  may  be  entered  into,  satisfafitbfy  and 
beneficial  to  both  parties.  The  article  which  appears  to  have  been  tr£msmitte4 
by  my  predecessor,  while  it  satisfies  this  country,  will  probably  restore  to  th& 
naval  Service  of  Great  Britain  a  greater  number  of  seamen  than  will  be  lost  by  it. 
Should  we  even  be  mistaken  in  this  calculation,  yet  the  difference  canfiot  be  put 
in  competition  with  the  mischief  which  may  result  from  the  irritation  justly  excited 
by  this  practice,  throughout  the  United  States.  The  extent  and  justice  of  thg 
resentment  it  pt-oduces,  taay  be  estimated  in  Britain  by  enquiring  n^  what 
im|>re88ion8  would  be  made  on  them  by  similar  conduct  on  the  part  ortnis  gov- 
ernment. 

"  rrja  Should  we  impress  fropi  the  merchant  service  of  Britain  not  only  Ameri- 
cans, nut  foreigners,  and  even  British  subjects,  how  long  would  such  a  course 
of  injury  unredressed  he  permitted  to  pass  unrevenged  V  How  long  would  the 
government  be  content  with  uhsuccessfut  remonstrance  ?  I  believe,  sir,  that  only 
the  most  prompt  correction  of,  or  compensation  for,  the  abuse,  would  be  admitted 
as  satisfaction  m  such  a  case. 

*Mf  the  principles  of  this  government  forbid  it  to  retaliate  by  impressments, 
there  is  yet  anotner  mode  which  might  be  resorted  to  We  might  authorise  our 
ships  of  war,  though  not  to  impress,  yet  to  recruit  sailors  on  board  British  mer- 
chantmen. Such  are  the  inducements  to  enter  into  our  naval  service,  that  wc 
believe  even  this  practice  would  very  seriously  affect  the  navigation  of  Britain. — 
How,  sir,  would  it  he  received  by  the  British  nation  ? 

"  Is  it  not  more  advisable  to  desist  from  and  to  take  effectual  measures  to  prevent 
an  acknowledged  wronc,  than  by  perseverance  io  that  wrong  (j^  to  excite  agains'^ 


I 


»i'^ 


\^ 


206 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


themselves  the  well-fouDded  resentment  of  America,  and  force  our  governtuent 
into  measures  wiilc!)  may  very  posiiibly  terminate  io  open  rupture  p** 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Rufus  King,  Esq.  to  the  secretary  of  state^  dated 

London,  February^,  1801. 

"  The  progress  which  had  been  made  in  our  negociation  with  thia  government, 
was  such  as  must  have  brought  it  to  a  speedy  conclusion,  had  not  a  change  taken 
place  in  the  department  of  foreign  affairs ;  that  the  result  would  in  the  main  have 
been  satisfactory,  is  more  than  I  am  authorised  to  say,  although  I  flattered 
myself  with  the  hope  that  it  would  be  so.  Lord  Hawksbury  assures  me  that  he 
will  give  to  the  several  subjects,  which  have  been  pretty  fully  discussed,  an  early 
and  impartial  consideration  :  and  1  am  in  hope  that  lordSt.  Vincent  will  likewise 
be  inclined  to  attend  to  our  reiterated  remonstrances  against  the  impressment  of 
our  seamen,  and  the  vexations  of  our  trade." 


m 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


«'%.«. 


Mr,  lAstoiCs  projd  of  a  Convention  respecting  Deserters,  Objected 
to  hy  Mr.  Pickerinj^,  Mr,  Stoddard,  Mr,  IVolcott,  and  Mr, 
MHcnry,    Rejected, 

In  the  year  1800,  Mr.  Liston,  the  British  mioister,  submHted 
to  Mr.  Adams,  president  of  the  United  States,  a  projet  of  a  treaty 
for  the  mutual  delivery  of  deserters,  of  which  I  annex  the  sev- 
enth and  ninth  articles,  being  those  which  alone  bear  on  this 
subject  ;  4 

7.  "  It  is,  however,  understood,  that  this  stipulation  is  not  to  extend  to  author- 
ise sither  of  the  parties  to  demand  the  delivery  of  any  sailors,  flubjects,or  citizens, 
belonging  to  the  other  party,  who  have  been  employed  on  board  the  vessels  of 
either  of  the  respective  nations,  and  who  have,  in  time  of  war  or  threatensd 
hostility,  voluntarily  entered  into  the  service  of  their  own  sovereign  or  nation, 
or  have  been  compelled  to  enter  therein,  according  to  the  laws  and  practice 
prevailing  in  the  two  countries  respectively. 

9.  **  It  is,  however,  understood,  that  no  stipulation  in  this  additional  article 
shall  be  construed  to  empower  the  civil  or  military  officers  of  either  of  the 
contracting  parties  forcibly  to  enter  into  the  ptiblic  ships  qfivar;  or  into  the  forts, 
garrisons  or 'posts  of  the  other  party  ;  or  to  use  violence  to  the  persons  of  the  land 
or  sea  officers  of  the  respective  nations,  with  a  view  to  compel  the  delivery  of 
siich  persons  as  may  have  deserted  from  the  naval  or  military  service  of  eithei' 
party  as  aforesaid." 

This  projet  was  submitted  to  the  heads  of  departments,  and 
to  the  Attorney  General,  for  their  opinions,  which  I  subjoin. 

From  Timothy  Pickerir^,  Esq.  secretary  of  state,  to  President  Adams, 

February^,  1800. 

"  The  secretary  has  the  lionor  to  lay  before  the  president  Mr.  Liston^s  note 
of  the  4th  February,  together  with  his  projet  of  a  treaty  for  the  reciprocal 
delivery  of  deserters  ;  rry*  which  appears  to  the  secretary  utterly  inadmissible, 
UNLESS  IT  WOULOTUT  AN  END  TO  IMPRESSMENTS— which  Mr. 
Liston  seemed  to  imagine — while  the  seventh  paragra^^oi  of  his  projet  expressly 
recognizes  the  right  of  impreMiog  BritiiM  Mibjects,  aoicoBsequeotlF  Americaa> 
citizcaa  as  at  preeeot. 


"Tlies* 
«xcepi  ths 
C'mand  th^ 
employed  i 
nes,  volun 
herein,  , 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


207 


article- 

Uftbe 

ie  forts, 

le land 

irery  of 

either 

and 
nn. 

tms. 

I 

5  note 

fciprocal 

aissiblff* 

ch  Mr. 

presslf 


B.  Stoddard,  Esq.  stcretary  of  the  navy,  to  the  President. 

February  ^6,  1800. 

'«'  The  secretary  of  the  navy  ia  clearly  of  opinion,  that  rj^  it  is  better  to  have 
on  article,  and  meet  all  consequences,  than  not  to  enumei  ute  mcrclinnt  vegsels  on 
the  lii^h  seas,  among  th    tilings  not  to  he  forcibly  entered  in  search  of  deserters.'^ 

Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq.  secretary  cf  the  treasury,  to  the  President. 

April  n,  1800. 

"The  projetof  a  treaty  proposed  hy  the  minister  of  liis  Britannic  majesty, 
for  the  reciprocal  delivery  of  deserters  tiom  the  land  and  naval  service,  rr7=»iloej» 
not  snfficieutly  provide  against  the  impressment  of  American  seamen  j  and  is  there- 
fare  deemed  inadmissible." 

As  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Liston's  first  article,  Mr.  Pickering 
proposed  the  following : 

•'  It  is,  however  nndemtood  that  nothing  in  these  stipulations  shall  be  construed 
•"o  empower  the  civil,  military  or  naval  officers  of  either  of  the  contracting  parties, 
forcibly  to  enter  into  the  territoiy,  forts:,  posts,  oh  vessels  of  the  other  pahtt 
— or  to  use  violence  to  the  persons  of  the  commanders  or  the  officers  of  the  forts, 
posts,  or  vessels  of  the  other  party,  with  a  view  to  compel  the  delivery  of  buch 
persons  as  shall  desert  as  aforesaid  " 

This  article  was  intended  fully  to  secure,  from  impressment, 
even  in  our  private  as  well  as  public  vessels,  not  merely  our 
own  citizens,  but  also  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  ;  in  a  word, 
to  put  an  end  entirely  to  the  practice  of  impressment  on  board 
our  vessels. 

Mr.  Wolcott,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  proposed  a  substitute 
for  the  article  objected  to,  still  more  clearly  and  explicitly  an- 
nihilating the  pretensions  of  England  to  impress  seamen  of  any 
description  on  board  our  vessels. 

"  It  is,  however  understood,  that  nothing  in  the  foregoing  stipulations  shall  be 
construed  to  empower  the  civil  or  any  other  officers,  of  either  party,  forcibly  to 
enter  the  forts,  posts,  or  any  other  place  within  or  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
ether  party ;  nor  to  empower  the  naval  commanders  or  other  officers  of  eitlier  par- 
ty forcibly  to  sktir  ant  pubiic  or  private  vessels  of  the  other  party,  on 
the  l«gh  seas,  with  a  view  to  compel  the  delivery  of  any  person  whatever  :  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  expressly  declarea  to  be  the  understanding  of  the  contracting  par- 
lies, that  the  mutual  restitutions  of  persons  claimed  as  deserters,  shall  only  be 
made  by  the  free  and  voluntary  consent  of  the  military  officers  employed  in  the 
land  service,  or  the  commanders  of  the  public  or  private  ships  or  vessels  of  the 
two  parties,  or  in  pursuance  of  the  decisions  of  the  courts,  judges  or  other  compe- 
tent civil  officers  of  the  two  nations,  in  all  cases  arising  within  their  respective  ju< 
risdictions." 

O   WOLCOTT. 

James  M'Henry,  Secretary  at  War,  to  the  President. 

*' The  secretary  thinks  the  projet  of  Mr  Liston  maybe  substantially  accepted, 
except  th«  7th  article,  which  seems  to  provide  that  tbe^  United  States  shall  not 
demand  th«  delivery  of  any  sailors,  although  their  citizens,  if  they  have  beeu- 
employed  in  British  vessels,  and  who  have,  in  time  of  war  or  threatened  hostili- 
ties, voluntarily  entered  into  the  British  service,  or  have  been  compelled  to  enter 
therein,  accordjug  to  the  law  aad  practice  prevailing  ia  Great  Bntaia.  Tbiiar- 


Wm 

^'^n 


I 


I 


208 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


, 


tide  IB  very  inaccurately  expressed ;  for  it  says,  "employed  or  entered  into  ttjo 
service  of  tlicir  own  sovereign  or  nation,  or  have  been  conopelled  to  enter  therein," 
Ire.  If  thifl  article  means,  what  it  is  appreliended  it  does,  it  is  wholly  inndinisii- 
ble.  It  establiiihes  a  principle  reprobated  by  this  country.  The  cniiiiter  pro- 
jet  of  the  secretary  or  state,  in  substance  meets  the  secretary's  approbation  ;  hut 
it  is  submitted,  whether  the  adoption  of  part  of  the  draft  by  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  will  not  improve  it. 

All  which  is  respectfully  submitted, 

JAMES  M'HENRY. 
War  deparlmentj  April  18,  1800. 

'*  The  attorney  general  having  read  and  considered  the  letter  of  tlic 
secretaiy  of  state,  and  the  projet  of  an  article  drawn  by  the  secretary  of  th« 
treasury,  on  the  subject  of  deserters,  ^hichare  proposed  to  be  sent  to  the  Britisii 
iniriistepiiere,  expresses  bia  entire  approbation  of  the  sauie.^* 


jiprilSO,  1800. 


CHARLES  LEE. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 


Horrors  of  Impressment^  as  submitted  to  Congress  by  Timothy 
Pickering,  Secretary  of  Stale* 

To  afford  a  specimen  of  the  treatment  of  some  of  the  impress- 
ed American  seamen,  whose  cases  it  has  become  fashionable  to 
treat  with  indifference,  I  submit  extracts  from  authentic  docu- 
ments on  the  subject.  It  will  incontrovertibly  appear,  that  the 
horrors  of  this  odious  and  execrable  business  of  impressment 
have  been  quintupled  by  the  odious  and  execrable  manner  in 
which  it  has  been  conducted. 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Eliphaht  Ladd,  second  mate  on  board  the 
Thomas  and  Sarah,  of  Philadelphia,  and  a  native  of  Exeter,  New-Hamp- 
shire, annexed  to  a  report  to  congress  of  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secre- 
tary of  state. 

Kingston,  June  19, 1799. 

**  Ellphalet  Ladd  maketh  oath,  that  on  Wednesday,  the  12th  inst.  he  caiue 
•n  ibore  with  two  seamen  belonging  to  said  ship,  named  John  Ecles  and 
Israel  Ranitol,  in  order  to  land  a  boat  load  of  staves :  thai  a  press-gaij?  c.itm'. 
up  and  laid  hold  of  John  Edes — that  one  of  the  press-gang  named  Moodv. 
WITH  A  BROAD  SWORD  CUT  THIS  DRPONE.NT  ON  THE 
FOREHEAD,  AND  MADE  \  WOUND  OP  THREE  INCHES!  !  !  They 
then  took  depoaent,  together  with  Edes  and  conducted  them  in  dlfF.^reat  boitx 
on  board  the  Brunswick  man  of  war ;  that  the  boat  on  boird  of  which  Edes  was, 
made  the  ship  some  little  time  before  the  deponent  was  in  -.  and  on  the  deponent's 
nearing  the  ship,  be  heard  the  cries  of  a  man  flogging ! ! !  and  on  goin^  up  tlie 
side  of  the  Brunswick,  he  perceived  Edes,  who  was  crying ;  and  addressing  liim- 
self  to  the  first  lieutenant,  a  Mr.  Harris,  saying,  here  is  a  man  who  can  attest  t» 
what  I  hare  told  you.  The  lieutenant  then  laving  hold  of  deponent  by  tlie  arm, 
said,  GO  ALONG  ON  THE  QUARTER  DECK,  YOU  D4MNED  RAS- 
CAL YOU!!!  which  deponent  accordingly  did;  that  all  the  impressed  men 
were  then  eraoiioed,  and*  a^erwardi  (Kc4ered  l?]^  the  Ueut^aat  into  the  waist; 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


£09 


t!iat  when  they  got  there,  Edes  pulled  off  his  shirt,  and  SHOWED  DRPO- 
NEIVTHIS  BACK,  WHICH  WAS  BRUISED  FROM  HIS  SHOULDER? 

TO  MIS  HIPS  !!  !  He  then  informed  he  hadjuat  been  nhipped  ivitk  ropc''s  ends  .'.' 
as  deponent  was  >;oing  up  the  ship's  sides,  hy  the  boatswain  nnd  \\h  mates,  hy 
orders  of  the  lieutenant ;  that  deponent  remained  on  hoard  tlic  Brunswick  all 
that  day  and  the  next  night,  during  whichno  surgical  or  mcjliriU  assistance  was 
ijfi'cn  to  the  nmind  he  had  received  on  his  head,  nor  io  the.  hruiici  nf  the  said  Edes^ 
who,  during  the  night  called  out  sr.veral  times  from  extreme  pains,  nnd  the  next 
minning  nns  barely  able  to  move  himself ;  that  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  the 
Ticxt  morning,  the  whole  of  the  impressed  men  were  again  ordered  on  the  quartef 
deck,  and  stationed,  except  deponent  and  Edes  ;  that  while  tlie  examination  was 
going  on.  the  captain  of  the  1  hoinas  and  Sarah  was  coming  on  hoard  ;  hut  wnu 
prevented  by  the  lieutenant.  wl)o  ordered  the  centinel  to  keep  him  oil' :  that  at 
about  eleven  o'clcck  the  captain  of  the  Brtiinswick  came  ou  board,  and  at  three 
o'clock  deponent  was  discharged,  but  Edes  retained. 

ELIPHALET  LADD." 
Sworn  before 

William  Savage,  Justice  of  the  peace,  &c. 

Further  extract  from  the  preceding  report  of  Timothy  Pickeiing,  Esq.  secretary 

of  state,  to  Cmgress. 
Richard  Carter,  of  the  Pomona,  of  Portsmouth,  impresied  at  tlie  same  time 
with  Ladd  and  Edes,  among  other  item-  of  his  deposition,  swore — "  he  w  is  vio- 
lently forced  info  a  boat,  and  STRUCK  TWICE  WITH  A  DRAWN  CUT- 
LASS by  one  of  the  officers  of  the  press  gang;  and  two  men  with  pistols  placed 
over  this  deponent,  who  loaded  their  pistols  in  the  presence  of  this  deponent,  and 
threatened  to  blow  out  his  brains  if  he.  attempted  to  move  or  speak  :  and  then  they 
carried  this  deponent,  and  John  Edes,  one  of  the  seamen  of  the  ship  Thomas  and 
Sarah,  an  American  citizen,  whom  they  had  also  seized,  on  board  the  said  ship 
of  war,  the  Brunswick  ;  and  thii  depenent  saith,  on  getting  on  board  the  Brunr- 
wick,  tills  deponent  and  the  said  John  Edes  were  ordered  to  go  on  the  quarter 
deck,  where  Mr.  Harris,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  said  ship  abused  this  dep&« 
nent  and  said  John  Edes ;  and  gave  ihem  in  charge  to  the  master  of  said  ship, 
wlilp  he  went  to  look  for  the  boatswain's  mate  ;  and  soon  after  returned  with 
the  boatswain's  mate,  whom  he  ordered  to  take  tliis  deponent  and  the  said  John 
Edes.  and  to  heat  them ;  in  obedience  to  which  orders,  the  said  John  Edes  and 
this  deponent  were  severely  beaten.,  particularly  this  deponent,  the  said  boatswain's 
mate  doubled  a  rope  of  about  three  inches  and  a  half  thick,  and  BEATING  THIS 
DEPONENT  WITH  GREAT  VIOLENCE  OVER  THE  HEAD,  FACE, 
NECK  SHOULDERS,  BACK  AND  STOMACH,  UNTIL  HE  HAD 
TIRED  HIMSFjLF  !  !  !  and  then  he  gave  the  same  rope  to  one  of  the  mariners  of 
the  said  ship  Brunswick  ;  and  he  also  severely  beat  this  deponent  in  the  same  man" 
ner  !  !  and  this  deponent  saith.  he  received  upwards  of  a  hundred  blows  !  !  and 
was  thereby  grently  bruised,  and  his  face  cut,  and  his  stomach,  as  well  internally 
as  externally  injured,  so  that  this  deponent  brought  up  a  quantity  cf  blood  for  sev- 
eral days.  Sworn  before  me, 

WILLIAM  SAVAGE. 

To  .ivoid  prolixity,  I  have  omitted  the  residue  of  this  depo- 
sition.    The  deponent  was  liberated  by  habeas  corpus. 

Annexed  to  this  deposition  is  that  of  the  physician,  who  at- 
tended Richard  Carter,  who  declared,  that 

"  From  the  situation  in  which  he  found  the  said  Carter,  he  verily  believed  he 
ha)  Hr en  very  severely  beaten  some  days  pn  vious,  his  hiood  being  very  much 
exliava^ated  :  and  from  the  appearance  of  the  bruises,  it  must  have  been  d  ne 
witli  a  thick  rope." 

I  knmv  not  in  what  terms  to  pour  o'lt  my  al>horrence  and  in- 
fUgaatioa  at  the  aboiniuable  sceaes  depicted  in  the  preceding 

T 


H«J 


^:^^. 


M'f-^^, 


I'ia 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


'♦lepositions  ami  narratives.  Language  fails  in  Ihe  attempt.— 
Shame,  disgrace,  dishonor,  and  inlamy,  will  attend  the  counc'  - 
and  counsellors  cf  America,  fur  the  Imse  suhmisaion  to  such 
monslro»js  cruelly.  The  outrage  ought  to  have  heen  met  at  Ihe 
threshold. — Atonement  to  the  sufltrers  ought  to  have  heeii 
made  at  the  public  expense,  that  is,  as  far  as  such  horrihle  inju- 
ries can  he  atoned  for — and  a  demand  for  the  re-payment  of  the 
money  thus  emplojed.  If  not  ctjmpiied  \\ith,  full  and  cum- 
j)Iele  ictalialiou  ought  to  have  talien  place. 


CHAPTER  XXXVL 

lmprc^::^mcnt  during  the  adniinistralion  of  Mr.  JeJj\rson.  LtlUr 
from  Kiifus  Kini;.  Jrramretncnt  rith  Lord  St.  Vincent  rc- 
Icclidhif  Mr.  Kmir.  Memorials  from  Salem,  New-Yorky  Phi- 
ladelphiay  Ballimorc,  and  N cm-Haven.  Mitnkr  of  Captain 
Pearce.     Proceedings  ef  Federal  Republicans  of  New-York. 

r; ;     ,       From  Jiv/us  Kirg,  Esq.  to  the  secretary  f/ state. 

JVen-York,  July,  ]^03. 

"  Sir — As  soon  as  llie  war  appeared  to  me  unavoidable,  1  thought  it  advisable 
■to  renew  the  alleinpt  to  form  an  arrangement  with  tlie  British  fioverjiinpnt  for  the 
^irotecfion  of  our  seamen.  With  tliis  view^  I  had  several  coiiftrences,  botli  witii 
lord  Hawk esbury  and  JVfr.  Addington,  wUo  avowed  a  sincere  disposition  to  do 
whatever  might  be  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  dissatisfaction  on  this  subject, 
that  bad  so  frequently  manifested  itself  during  the  late  war;  nith  very  cniutid 
prr/tstions,  I.  honevcr,  found  several  objections,  in  discussing  the  project  with  the 
first  lord  of  the  -aduiirulty.  Lord  Hawkesbury  having  promised  to  sign  any  a- 
greement  upon  the  subject  that  i  should  conclude  with  lord  St.  Vineent.  J  endear. 
ored  to  qualify  and  remove  the  objections  he  offered  to  our  project  :  and 
f.nally,  the  da^^  before  1  left  London,  lord  St.  Vincent  consented  to  the  following' 
regulations — 

*'  I.  No  seaman  or  seafaring  person  shall,  upon  the  high  seas,  and  ntlhont  the 
jurisdiction  of  either  party,  be  demanded  or  taken  cut  of  any  ship  or  vessel  be- 
lon-i.i  to  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  one  of  the  parties,  by  the  public  or  privah 
Qrrn  f^  ships  or  men  'ftvcr,  belonging  to  or  in  tJie  service  of  the  other  psw'ty ;  and 
.strict  orders  shall  be  given  for  the  due  observance  of  this  engagement 

"  2.     Each  party  will  prohibit  its  citizens  or  subjects  from  clandestinely  con- 
cealiug  or  carrying  away  from  the  territories  or  colonial  possessions  of  the  other, 
any  seamen  belonging  to  the  other  party. 
'    ♦'  3.     These  regulation*  ahall  be  in  force  for  five  years,  and  no  longer. 

*'  On  parting  with  his  lordship.  I  engaged  to  draw  up,  in  the  form  of  a  conven- 
tion, and  send  him  these  articles,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  who  premised  to 
forward  them,  with  his  approbation,  to  lord  Hawkeshury.  I  accordingly  prepar- 
ed and  scftit  the  draft  to  his  lordship,  who  sent  me  a  letter  in  the  course  of  the 
night,  stating  that  on  further  reflection  he  was  of  opinion,  that  the  narrow  seas 
should  be  expressly  egccepled,  they  having  been,  as  his  lordship  remarked,  inime- 
niorially  considered  to  be  within  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain  ;  that  witli  thi^ 
correction  he  had  sent  tlie  proposed  convention  to  lord  Hawkesbury,  who,  bis 
lordship  presumed,  would  not  sign  it  before  he  should  have  cooeultcd  the  judge 
of  the  high  co^rt  of  admiralty,  Syir  William  Scott. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


211 


'*  Ar  I  liiul  diipposed,  from  tlip  tenor  of  my  cnnffrenccs  wit'.i  lord  Si.  Vincent. 
Iliat  the  doctrine  of  the  mare.  chnL%um  would  not  he  revived  agaiu^t  us  on  thU 
occasion,  hut  that  Englam!  would  be  content  with  the  limited  jiirifidiction  or  do- 
•.ninion  over  the  neas,  adjacent  to  her  territories,  which  is  rtsnitjiicd  by  the  I  iw  of 
nations  to  other  states,  1  was  not  a  little  di^tappointed  on  receiving  this  comuiuni- 
cition  ;  and  after  weighing  well  the  nature  of  the  prii)ci;)|e,  nnd  the  disa(lvantago*» 
of  its  admission,  /  roncluded  to  abandon  tf  l  ntgoliatim  rather  than  trt  ac'uiesce  in 
Ike  doctrine  it  proposed  to  estnbUsk. 

*'  I  regret,  not  to  have  been  able  to  put  tlil*  husin"^?  on  a  satisfactory  fooling, 
knowing,  at  I  do,  its  very  great  importance  to  both  pirtics.  But  I  (.'alter  niysell 
that  I  have  not  misjudged  the  intereots  of  our  cotiutr^-,  i«  refwili^g  '"  sfinrtinv 
n  pritici pie  that  might  be  productive  nf  more  edcnsive  evils  than  those  it  n\Ts  ouv 
aim  to  prevents* 

This  is  a  most  important  document,  and  must  never  for  an 
Instant  be  overlooked  in  forming  a  decision  on  tiie  question  oC 
impressment.  Mr.  King  was  united  with,  and  a  leader  among 
tiiose  men  wiio  were  lately  hunting  down  Mr.  Madison,  and 
preparing  the  way  for  anarchy  and  civil  war  :  and  the  clilcf  pre- 
tence was  the  stand  Mr.  Madison  made  against  impressment. 
Nevertheless,  we  find  that  he  took  the  same  ground  himself — 
and  that  it  is  indisputably  true,  that  more  than  one  half  of  the 
miseries  of  our  poor,  oppressed,  and  enslaved  seamen  are  charge- 
able to  his  account.  And  whatever  may  be  the  maledictions* 
ivhich  his  friends  are  showering  down  upon  Mr.  Madison,  a 
double  portion  of  them  has  been  oichly  earned  by  Mr.  King. — 
For  it  appears,  that  had  he  been  so  disposed,  he  might  have 
rescued  our  sailors  from  the  horrors  of  slavery,  every  where  but 
on  the  narrow  seas,  which  would  have  greatly  abridged  tiieir 
sufferings,  as  well  as  our  complaints  against  Great  Britain.—* 
And  yet  lately  with  a  most  wonderful  and  hideous  degree  of  in- 
consistency, he  was,  as  I  have  stated,  persecuting  and  trying  to' 
enish  Mr.  Madison  for  the  attempt  to  protect  our  seamen,  in 
whose  favor  he  formerly  displayed  such  a  high  degree  of  soli- 
citude ! 


t 
^ 


To  evince  how  universal  has  been  the  indignation  of  oUr 
mercantile  citizens  against  the  oppression  of,  and  the  cruelties 
perpetrated  upon,  our  seamen,  I  annex  impressive  extracts  from, 
documents  on  the  subject. 

Extract  from  a    Memoritd  to  Congress  of  the  inhabitants  qf  Salem,  Januarjf ' 

20,  1806. 

*'  Your  memorialists  are  sorry,  that  other  instances  of  hostile  conduct  have 
been  manifested  by  Great  Britain,  less  direct  in  their  nature,  but  not  less  deroga- 
tory from  our  sovereignty  than  those  enumerated.  THE  IMPRESSMRNl'' 
OF  OUR  SBA.M£N,  notwithstanding  dear  proof s  of  citizenship,  the  vto1atio» 
of  our  jurisdiction  by  captures  at  the  mouths  of  our  harbors,  and  insulting  trea  t » 
«ient  of  our  ehipa  on  tbe  ocean,  are  subjects  vorthy  of  the  serious  considerat  ioni- 


c 


i 


i 


212 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


ofour  nationul  councilg ;  and  will,  we  have  no  doubt,  receive  an  early,  prompl, 
nnd  decisive  attention." 
Signed  in  belialf  of  tlie  inhahitanta,  by  their  authority, 

John  Hathorne,  Benjamin  Crowninihield,  junr. 

Jostpii  Spragiie,  Joseph  White,  juur. 

Jonathan  Maton,  Joneph  Story. 

Extract  from  a  Memorial  qf  a  general  meeting  nf  merchants  qf  New- York,  Dec 

26,  WiOi. 

"  But  it  is  not  on  account  of  our  pecuniary  Ioskcis  alone  that  we  complain. — 
The  constancy  and  valor  qf  the  seamen  qf  the  United  States  are  justly  themes  ol' 
patriotic  exaltation.  From  their  connexion  with  us,  ne  consider  their  cause  as 
o\ir  cause  ;  their  rights  as  our  rights ;  their  interests  as  our  interests.  Our  /eel- 
in/j5  are  irulignant  at  the  redtal  qf  their  nrongs.** 

This  beautiful  and  sublime  piece  of  composition,  ^hichdocB 
equal  lienor  to  the  head  and  heart  of  the  writer,  is  signed  by  a 
committee  of  forty-nine  persons,  wliose  names  may  be  seen, 
page  80  of  this  work.  Many  of  these  gentlemen  have  betray- 
« d  their  honor.  They  have  not  redeemed  the  solemn  pledge 
that  accompanied  this  morceau.  They  have  most  indubitably 
done  ail  in  their  power  to  fasten  the  horrors  of  impressment, 
with  adamantine  chains,  on  those  illustrious  men,  '■'■  whose 
cause — whose  rights — whose  interests — they  considered  as  their 
own  cause — their  own  rights — their  own  interests."  For  no 
man  beyond  the  rank  of  an  ideot,  can  doubt  that  every  step  ta- 
ken to  cripple  the  goverment— which  game  they  lately  played 
on  a  large  scale—was  a  step  towards  laying  the  nation,  tied 
neck  and  heels,  at  the  feet  of  England,  to  prescribe  what  terms 
she  pleased,  and  of  course  to  perpetuate  the  miseries  of  impress- 
ment. 

Extract/rom  tfie  Memorial  nf  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  to  Congress,  Decem- 
ber, 1805. 

•♦  That  our  seamen  sfiould  be  expmd  to  the  MEANEST  INSULTS,  AND 
MOST  WANTON  CRUELTIES,  and  the  fruits  of  our  industiy  and  enter- 
prize,  fall  a  prey  to  the  profligate,  cannot  but  excite  both  feeling  aud  indignation , 
and  call  loudly  for  the  aid  and  protection  of  government." 

Some  of  the  gentlemen  who  signed  this  petition,  stand  in 
precisely  the  same  situation  as  some  of  the  signers  of  New- 
York.  The  observations  made  on  these — of  course  apply  to 
those. 

Extract/rom  the  Memorial  of  the  merchants  qf  Baltimore,  dated  January  21 » 

1806. 

"  Your  memorialists  will  not  trespass  upon  your  time  with  a  recital  of  the  va- 
rious acts  by  which  our  coasts  and  even  otir  ports  and  harbors  have  been  con- 
verted into  scenes  of  violence  and  depredation — and  our  gallant  countrymen  op- 
pressed and  persecuted.^* 

Extract/rom  a  Memorial  to  Congress  qfthe  merchants  qfNeivhaven,  agreed  to  Feb' 

ruary7,  1806. 

«*  In  regard  to  THE  IMPRESSMENT  OP  AMERICAM  SEAMEN,  your 
memorialists /eel  in  common  with  their/eliow  citizeris,  a  lively  indignation  ai  th 


THE  OLIVE  UAANCU. 


I'U 


fibit^is  <if  p'Httr  <ifUn  txercisfd  btj  Drithh  nffirtn  upnn  Amiririnrithtnt.     H'f 
h:ivi'  full  coiiHtJoiice  tli'.it  the  i^overnmtnl  t\ftkt  UniUd  StiKi-.s  mil  rnhpt  and  jmr 
lur  such  meamren/Dr  reslraininj  thene  it\jurious  procndinss  as  the  honor  awl  in- 
terest if  the  United  States  may  rcquirt..** 

Afler  the  murder  of  Captain  Pearce,  entering  the  port  of 
New-York,  by  Ca|>tain  WhitUy,  of  the  Leander,  \Yithin  the 
Jurisdiction  of  the  United  States^  there  Mere  meetings  held  in 
various  part^  of  Ihe  country,  to  express  tlieir  abhorrence  of  the 
outrage.  On  tiie  2Gth  of  April,  1800,  at  the  Tontine  Coffee 
House  in  New-Yerk,  there  was  a  numerous  and  very  respecta- 
ble meeting  of  federalists^  who  appointed  Rufu.s  Kinij^y  Elienc- 
Ber  Stevens,  Oliver  Wolcolt,  William  W.  Woolsey,  and  Will- 
iam Henderson,  to  draw  up  and  report  a  set  of  resolutions  for 
the  occasion.  In  their  report,  which  was  unanimously  agreed 
to,  was  the  following  phillippic  against  the  administration  for 
permitting  IMPRESBJMENT,  among  other  grievances. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  eiifTi'iinj;  foroi^^n  armed  ships  to  rtalion  themselvps  off 
our  harbour,  and  there  to  stoji,  search,  and  capture  our  vebsels— to  IMPRESS, 
WOUND,  AND  MURDER  OUR  CmZENS,  is  a  gross  and  criminal  neg- 
lect of  l!»e  hijiliost  duties  of  government ;  and  tliat  an  ndmini>tration  which  pa- 
tJiMJtly  [jermits  the  same,  i„  uui  entitled  to  the  coufiJmce  0/  a  brave  and  fnc 
people.^* 

'*  Resolved.  Thattlie  murder  of  John  Pearce,  o»:e  of  our  fellow  citizen'', hy  a 
shot  from  a  British  ship  of  war,  r.t  the  entrance  of  our  harhtnir.  and  within  half 
a  mile  of  the  siiore,  while  he  Teas  engaged  in  pearaah'.y  navi;faUtig  a  coasting  vea- 
fiel,  laden  with  provisions  for  our  market,  was  an  act  that  excites  our  detestation 
and  abhorrence  ;  and  calls  upjn  our  government  jnr  the  ndvption  of  prompt  and 
vigorous  measures  to  prevent  a  repetition  qf  such  nanton  a7id  iiihuman  conduct^  and 
so  flagrant  a  violation  of  our  savcs-eignty.^^ 

Some  of  my  readers  may  not  know — but  it  is  perfectly  prop- 
er thiit  all  should  know,  that  Captain  Whitby  was  brought  to 
trial  in  England,  and  lionourahly  acquitted.  For  the  murder  of 
Pearcs,  no  atonement  his  been  mude.  It  Etill  crias  sh  iflle  amJ 
disgrace  ou  his  countrymen. 


Vl^ 


V    , 


I' 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 


^ 


Documcnis  on  Impressment  continued,  .j>,^ .;.  - 

^Deposition  if  Isaac  Clark. 

"  r,  Isaac  Clark,  of  Salem,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  and  commonwealth  of  Mag- 
jachusetts,  on  solemn  oath  declare, -that  I  was  born  in  the  town  of  Randolph,  in 
the  county  of  Norfolk  ;  have  sailedoutof  Saleui  aforesaid,  about  seven  years  ; 
that  on  the  14th  of  June,  1B09,  f  was  impressed  and  forcibly  taken  from  the  ship 
Jane,  of  Norfolk,  by  the  sailini;  master  (hiit  Dame  was  Car^  of  his  majesty^s  ship 
Porcupine.  Robert  Elliott,  commander  i  had  a  protection  from  the  custom- 
house 10  Salem,  which  I  showed  to  captain  Elliott :  ke  snore  that  I  was  an  Eng- 
Kshman  ;  tore  my  proledion  to  pieces  b^ore  my  eyes,  and  threw  it  overboard,  and 
<ordercdatetogoto  work'    1  told  him  I  did  not  beloDg  to  bis  flag,  aad  I  wjould 

T2 


,^a':S 


'^'  ^'t.' 


214 


Tin:  OLIVE  IJIIANCH. 


do  no  work  iiiidrr  if.  Ho  llii'ii  ordnftl  my  I tif%  lo  he  /tut  In  ir.vs,  /in/V1Hl' 
A'KXT  MOKM,\G  OKI)i:ru:i)  THK  .Vi\SH:K  AT  AK.MS  TO  T\M: 
MK  ON  DECK,  ANU  CilVK  MV.  TWO  IK)ZKN  LASHKS  ;  j.lteri.r.iv 
inj?  thrni,  Up  oid^rrd  tiiiii  to  keop  im*  in  iron.i.  Hiid  jiv*  ni»*  on^  Kinruit  an<l  iiii«- 
pint  of  WHtttr  for  121  l)Oiirs.  Aft.-r  Li-r^tiiix  uii' iu  t'ii>i  hitiittion  oni*  wpi-k,  I  vns 
uroij(?lit  on  (lei'l,,  nn«l  askod  hy  rnut  tin  Klliott,  if  I  would  go  to  my  duly.  On 
my  rpfu'inn,  ''«  ordered  iiie  to  strip,  tied  mc  vp  a  itroud  timf,  anil  gave  mf  Ino 
doten  more,  und  kept  iri«  on  tlie  hhih^  allowuiicn  atiothpr  week — llieu  ordi-rrd  me 
oil  deck  ii^ain,  Hxkrd  nic  if  I  would  go  \o  work  I  still  per^inttd  that  i  «vas  an 
Ainrricnii ;  and  that  lit  had  no  rif ht  lo  lomnia-id  my  cei  vices,  and  I  would  do 
no  work  on  hoard  hit*  Hhip.  He  told  lue  he  would  piiiiii«li  me  niilil  I  wnn  willing 
to  work  ;  and  gave  me  the  third  Imt  doten  Inihfs,  ordered  a  rrrji  hravx)  rhtiin  jmt 
round  my  nerk,  {such  as  they  had  med  to  slinfi  the  Imer  tjar4)Jiistaird  lu  it  ring 
6o//in  M« /fecfc,  and  tiiat  no  person,  r«cept  the  mastf-r  at  ariin,  nlioiiI<l  sprak  to 
»ne,  or  give  me  j>ny  thing  to  eat  «r  drink,  but  one  hinruit  and  pint  of  water  for 
'•'I  hours,  until  I  would  fi^o  to  work.  I  was  kept  in  this  silaition  for  nint)  wi.-ekK, 
■vlien  being  exhausted  by  huufif.r  and  thirst,  I  wan  ohligtHl  to  yitM.  AUrv  Iu-Imr 
«>n  hoard  tlw  sliip  more  tir.in  two  y«»arR  and  a  half,  and  hi-iiig  rrmindfd  in  an  t\r- 
Hon  nilh  a  Frtmh/rigate^  I  wa»  fent  to  the  boKpital.  When  piirtiallv  n  coveied, 
I  was  sent  on  board  Uie  Jnipregnable,  flO  gun  ship.  My  nninds  f^Amng  none, 
I  tms  returned  to  the  hospital,  w  hen  the  .\nicrican  roiisiil  rci-eived  a  ropy  of  my 
^■rotertion  from  Salem,  and  procured  my  discharge  on  llie  2Jtth  day  of  April  last. 
There  were  seven  impressed  Aiuericaus  on  board  the  rorcupine,  thiro  of  whom 
iiad  entered."  ISAAC  CLARK. 


Esifx,  Si.  Dec.  23.  1812, 
**  Then  Isaac  Clark  personally  appeared,  and  made  solemn  oath  that  the  ficls 
In  the  foregoing  deelaratiun,  by  him  ujade  and  pabstribed,  wore  true  in  all  their 
.^a^ta— before 

JOHN  PUNCHARD,^  Junicesof  the   Peace, 
M.  TOWNSEND.       i        and  of  the  (luorura. 


From.  Com,  Rnigers  to  the  Seerehrtf  of  the  Nary. 

U.  S.  Frigate  President,  Boston,  Jan.  14,  1813. 

*'  Sir — Herewith  ypu  will  receive  two  muster  books,  of  his  Britannic  majesty's 
veasels,  Moselle  antl  Sappho,  fosind  on  board  the  British  packet  Swallow. 

"  .4s  the  British  have  altvaijs  denied  that  they  ^detained  on  hoard  their  shrps  of 
'!var,  American  citisens,  knowing  them  to  be  such,  I  stnd  you  the  enclosed,  as  a 
•fiublic  documetU  qf  their  om^i,  to  prove  hom  ill  such  an  assertion  accords  nith  tkeir 
practice. 

"  It  will  appear  by  these  two  muster  books  that  so  late  a?  August  last,  about 
■an  eighth  part  of  the  Moselle  and  Sappho's  crews  were  Americans  ;  consequrutl y, 
if  there  is  only  a  quarter  part  of   thai  proportion  onboard  their  other  vessel-, 
that  they  have  an  infinitely  greater  tiuiaber  of  Americans  in  their  service  than 
any  American  has  yet  had  an  idea  of. 

•'  Any  further  comment  of  mine  on  this  subject,  I  cpnMder  unnecessary  j  n? 
Die  documents  speak  too  plain  for  thcuiselves      I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c 


^  The  lion.  Paul  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 


JNQ.  RODGERS. 


Extract  of  a  letter  from  Cominodare  Porter  to  M.  Gary,  dated 

Washington,  July  13,1315. 

**  After  closing  my  letter  of  this  morning,  I  received  yours  of  yesterday  ;  and 
as  the  only  means  of  procuring  tlie  information'  required,  have  consulted  Com- 
modore Rodgers,  who  informs  me  that  there  appeared  on  the  muster  books  of  the 
Moselle  and  Sapp'io,  the  names  of  from  thirty  five  to  forty  men,  who  were  re- 
ported to  the  admiralty  office,  as  impressed  American  seamen.  The  places  of 
their  nativity  are  alsODOted.  The  complement  of  men  for  each  of  ihese  vessels 
uras  about  160.  With  resect,  ^.  DAVID  PORTER, 


•-rr 


THK  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


2\l> 


'•  I.  Bi  t'liniii  Vff  I'lnnk  HofTiiiui,  of  tli«  town  of  Potj;"ikpopii,»,  do  rfrlily, 
1  i^l  I  .uii  .t  li(iil(  ii.tiit  ill  llic  Ciiilfti  St.'tfN  navy  ;  lliut  I  w.x  a  lii'utniunt  oit 
boiird  *li)' C'oiithtuuoii  ill  tin- actiot)  siud  rupture  of  tlir  J. iv.i  ;  ntid  \\n«  !««-iil  m 
Ito.uilthut  vesiL'l  J  uii'J,  ul'lci  tin  cfL'w  were  iciiioved,  »fi  liei  on  lire,   and  blew 

'^'' An'"'^tI.ccrt.woril.c  ^^v^,  TIIIKTr'll.N  IMPRKSSED  AMKKICAPf 
f-l'XlNIl-.'  ^v«Te  fttiiiid,  tiirof  ol  wlioiii  li.ul  cut.  ird  llii?  13iiti«li  hcrviro,  itiid  wtre 
kfl ;  tiu' ulluT  Icri  ncrc  libniiitt-d  as  \meric;\iib." 

B.  V.  HOFIWlAN. 
Puiii^iiUi  i"t%  April  1»5    ISJ3. 


»»  Ric!  ird  Tliomj  "H,  being  sworn,  5.iith  lliat  lie  ix  a  nativp  of  New  Pall:;;,  cji- 
piii'ilf  pDu  :'ii.tM;p  i.'i  till!  iio  s.tilpd  from  ^^'iln:in!Itf;rl  abnni  ti.n  'JIUli  of  Arni!, 
Ii;i0,  on  budid  tfi'- brijE  Warrfii,  Wm  K»  !ly  c  )>l,iiii.  forCmk  On  the  lidiiif - 
.v.uil  1'  i-'''»ii"i  'II  ^:  pti-niljiT  followin;:,  !  v  w  i«  iiiiprossod  and  liliOn  o:i  heard  the 
I'l  .no  k,  a  Biill-li  nIoo|)  of  w.:r,  and  i'Oiiip»>l'p'!  to  do  liii<  diitj  ;  tlu;t  uiiilt;  on 
(),,  I  I  tint  V('r.-fl,  lie  nude  m.inv  ijn<n.i'f-sful  ittt'inpti  to  wiite  lo  liis  fiifntU,  to 
mt'i.nn  tlu-m  of  his  sitixtioii.  Jlf  fi/rtSei  m  t!i,  llitil  i.f'pr  Ii  •  Ii.id  lit  ird  of  the 
\v\r.  hiiiisidrand  two  other  imi>r«'e>ied  Anifticiin  «nriim  v  ho  wore  on  bviiid  Iha 
iV.icock,  winl  alLlo  the  Ciiptairi  ;  c'ainifd  lo  bo  coiisidcred  iw  Aineilcau  pvitou- 
cn  ot  war  ;  and  refuM'd  to  do  duty  any  longer. 

"  We  w»TO  ordired  oH'tiie  quarter  drck,  and  llie  captain  cnUfd  for  llio  lyAslpr 
at  ariu«,  and  ordi-rrd  uh  to  be  put  in  iiou-j.  W  «•  were  thrn  kept  iti  irons  nbont 
iwonty-fovir  bniiiF,  when  we  w«"rf>   taken  out,   hrouclit  to  the  ji.inuway,   8TUIP- 

pj:i)  or  oua  cloiiiks,  tied  \nd  whippku.  each  one  doz- 
en AND  A  UM.V  lASHES,   AND  PUT  TO  DUTV 

♦' lli!  f'.irtluTsalth,  tiiat  he  was  krrl  on  board  the  Peacock,  and  did  duty  till 
thn  action  with  tho  Hornet.  After  tfie  Hornet  hoisted  Aniericnn  colours,  h«'  iHid 
tlie  other  jinnressed  Americans  again  went  to  the  eaptain  of  ti;r  Peai-ock,  ask«  d 
to  be  sent  below  ;  said  it  was  an  American  ship  ;  and  that  tlity  did  not  \vi>ih  to 
tiilit  aRjai'ist  their  couiitiy.  The  captain  oranred  u^  to  our  quarters;  called 
■iidshij)ni;ui  SlonP  to  do  his  duty  ;  and  if  we  did  not  dooi:r  {'i;1y,  TO  KLOW 
OUR  BRAINS  OUT;  "  aye,  aye  !"  was  answered  by  bloiu  ,  who  fhrn  held  n 
'pistol  at  m;i  breast,  and  ordered  us  to  our  place.*.  We  then  fonlinued  at  our  pla- 
ces, .:n  I  were  compelled  to  (l^hi  till  the  Pcacocl:  struck  ;  and  we  were  liberated 
jftcr  about  two  ycai-i  and  eight  uioulha." 

h'lB 

RICHARD  •.   THOMPSON. 

luurk. 
rou^hkcepjie,  April  17,    1813. 

Read  over  mdn'iined}  JOSEPH  HNRRIS, 
inpresmceqjr      \  JOHN  b.  Fill  AH. 

Extract  from  the  log  hook  of  an  officer  on  board  hit  inajalyh  &ltij}  Giur- 
rierCf  in  the  action  witk  (he  Constitution. 

"  The  Guerrlere  was  a  fri)?ate  of  1080  tone  burden,  taken  from  the  French  in 
JoO(3 ;  and  had  302  men  and  boye  belonjiinjj  to  her.  There  were  ttn  American 
.lairdcnon  63ari,  who  Irad  bnlonged  to  her  for  some  years. —  I'irt  as  the  declara- 
tion of  war  a:;un8t  Great  Britain  was  not  known  when  she  sailed,  there  had  been 
no  opportunity  of  discharging  them  ;  and  captain  Dacres  considiiing  it  as  unju»t 
lo  compel  a  native  of  the  United  States  to  tight  against  his  coontryuien,  granted 
Ihciu  permission  to  quit  their  quarters  and  ftO  below." 

Captain  Dacres,  in  his  adilress  to  the  court  martial  by  which 
he  WAS  tried,  atates  this  fact  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  What  nmiderably  iveakenci  my  q\uirters,  was  permitting  the  Americans  It- 
lon.'jing  to  the  s.Vp,  to  quit  tkeir  quarters  on  the  enemy  hoi»ting  the  colours  of  thai 
tijtion,  whiih,  though  it  deprived  me  of  the  mea,  1  thought  it  wasm/  duty." 


V. 


f4 


hi 


3li 


216 


THE  OLIVK  BRANCH. 


^. »%  >• 


Boslon,  Ftb.  G,  iii'ij. 

"  Died  at  Boslon,  on  the  3d  instant,  on  board  the  fri^ale  Tirsidf  nt,  Codfrcv 
II>«!r,  seaman,  aged  47.  'J  he  deceased  wa»  a  native  of  Rlinde-lKlniid,  and  w.i 
one  of  theriunieroiis  instance?  of  impressment,  which  havobetn  the  r.iii-e  of  coni- 
f  laint  ag-citist  the  English.  He  was  taken  on  board  an  American  merchant  siilj-, 
and  though  he  never  volcuitarily  entered  their  service,  he  was  detained  from  Jiit, 
tountry  and  his  (rieud^/ourtetn  years,  during  whicli  time  he  was  prt-seiit  at  seven- 
teen engasjements,  and  gained  the  reputation  ol  a  good  seaman  and  a  brave 
man. 

"He  at  length  found  means  to  escape  ;  and  on  his  return  to  the  United  State?, 
)ie  immediately  shipped  on  board  the  PreHident,  where  he  continued  until  i)ii, 
decease— his  conduct  receiving  the  marked  approbation  of  his  commandfr  and 
the  other  officers  of  the  frigate.  He  was  interrid  on  Thuri'day  last  at  Charlts- 
town— his  funeral  was  ultendc-d  by  a  lieutenant,  eight  midshipmen,  ail  the  petty 
fffioers,  and  fifty  seamen  of  the  ship  :  and  the  ceremonies  were  peiformtd  i)y  the 
chaplain  in  a  manner  iiighly  solfmu  a;id  impressive." 

From  the  Boston  Patriot. 

"My  brother,  JohnCand.  of^Voo.wich  in  tlie  District  of  Maine, was  prest  on  hoar<i 
iiis  majesty's  frigate  Mace  Ionian,  on  the  lUtlj  of  June,  1810,  from  tnc  siiip  JVlounJ, 
ilope,  of  Wiscasset,  and  was  killeJ  on  board  the  Macedonian,^  in  the  battle  with 
the  United  States,  Commodore  Dvcitur  A  disconsolate  wife  and  chiid  are  in 
mourning  and  in  sorrow,  for  the  lo.-s  of  a  husband  and  parent,  on  whom  they  were 
dependant  "  JOSEPH  CAWD. 

The  following  narrative  of  an  impressed  American,  will 

show    not  only  the  disgraceful    manner  in  which    American 

"sailors  have  been  forcibly  dragged  into  a  foreign  service,  but 

the  treatment  they  receive  in  consequence  of  refusing  to  fight 

against  their  counlrj'. 

*'  I,  John  Nichols,  e  native  of  Durham,  state  of  Massachusetts,  relate  and  say, 
that  1  Failed  from  Porthind  in  the  ship  Pranklin,  commanded  by  James  Maiks 
as  chief  male,  bound  to  Liverpool,  where  we  arrived  the  seventh  day  of  Februa- 
ry, 1809.  The  Fame  day  I  was  taken  hy  a  press  gang,  comiitg  from  my  boarding; 
liouse  to  the  ship,  and  carried  by  them  to  the  rendezvous,  Cooper's  Row,  and 
detained  one  night.  The  next  morning  I  gave  the  lieutenant  my  protection,  and 
at  the  same  time  stated  to  them  I  was  chief  mate  of  the  ship;  also  captain  Marks 
and  Mr.  Porter,  supercargo,  came  and  were  refused  admittanoe. 

"  I  tiien  asked  the  lieutenant  for  my  protection  ;  he  answered,  *'■  I nill  give  it 
to  you  nith  a  hell  to  it ,"  and  immediately  tore  it  up  be/ore  my/ace,  and  sent  me 
on  board  the  guard  ship  Princess,  where  I  remained  one  week,  and  was  then  sent 
round  to  Plymouth  on  l)0'^rd  tlie  Salvador  guard  ship;  remained  there  one 
month,  aflei'  which  I  was  drafted  on  board  tlie  Afaoukir  74,  where  I  remained 
three  years  and  fourteen  days. 

"  When  the  war  broke  out,  I  determined  to  give  mytfelf  up  a  prisoner  of  war, 
let  the  consequence  be  what  it  would.  Consequently  on  the  28th  of  October,  1 
went  to  the  captain  and  gave  myself  up  as  w  prisoner  of  war,  and  refused  to  do 
any  more  duty.  Then  he  told  me  I  was  an  Englishman,  and  if  I  would  not  do 
my  du<y.  he  w(>uld  flog  me  ;  and  ordered  me  in  irons,  and  kept  me  in  irons  24 
hours,  after  which  I  was  tnken  to  the  gangway,  and  received  one  dozen  rvith  ike 
cat  on  my  bare  back. 

"  The  captain  then  atked  me  if  !  would  go  to  duty.  I  told  him  no  :  I  would 
sooner  die- first.  He  then  put  me  in  irons  again  for  24  hours,  and  once  more 
brought  me  to  the  gangway,  and  received  as  before  with  the  same  quegtions,  and 
answer  as  preceded  ;  and  the  same  was  repeated  four  days  successively,  and  /  re- 
aeivtdfour  dozen  on  my  naked  bark. 

*'  After  the  fourth  day  1  was  a  prisoner  at  large.     The  26th  day  of  December 
was  sept  to  prison  without  my  clothes,  tb^  being  refuged  me  by  tUe  captai:^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


217 


U  give  it 
Iseul  me 

len  sent 
Kre  one 
imaiued 

of  war, 
ilober,  1 
Jed  to  do 

I  not  do 
J  irons  21 
liviih  ike, 

1  would 
ice  mort 
Jns,  and 
iod  J  re- 

December 
captaii* 


'after  abusing  me  in  the  most  insulting  manner:  and  all  I  received  for  my  servl 


tudo  was    fourteen  pouudf. 
deavours  to  escape." 

WitnesSy  Jeduthan  Upton. 


During   iuipressment,    I 


have  used  my   besteo- 
JOHN  NICHOLS. 


From  the  Salem  Jiegister,  July,  1813. 

"  Captain  Upton  has  furnished  us  witl)  a  list  of  123  American  seamen,  who  ha«I 
been  impressed  on  board  British  ships  of  war,  and  delivered  up  as  prisoners  of 
war,  witli  the  places  of  their  nativity,  tlie  ships  they  were  discharged  from,  the 
time  they  have  served,  and  the  number  of  Americans  left  on  board  the  different 
sliipt!  at  the  time  of  their  discliarge.  These  were  on  board  one  prison  ship,  the 
San  A.ntonia.  Besides  these,  there  were  on  hoard  the  Chatham  prison  ship,  .'^20 
men  nho  have,  been  delivered  up  in  similar  circumstances.  Many  of  these  poor 
fellows  had  been  detained  more  than  15  year^,  and  about  40  of  the  123  on  board 
the  San  Antouio  belong  to  this  state." 

To  the  Editors  of  the  National  Intelligencer. 

"  In  the  month  of  February,  1797,  I  belonged  to  the  ship  Fidelity,  captain 
Cliarles  Weems,  lying  in  the  harbour  of  St.  Pierre's.  Martinique.  About  one 
o'clock  Sunday  morning,  I  was  anaked  by  a  noise  on  the  deck,  and  on  going  up, 
found  the  ship  in  possession  of  a  press  gang.  In  a  few  minutes  all  hands  were 
forced  out,  and  ordered  into  their  boat,  and  in  a  heavy  shower  of  rain  conv».'yed 
on  board  tlie  Ceres  frigate.  We  were  ordered  on  the  gun  deck  until  day  light, 
hy  vfhidi  time,  about  SO  Americans  nere  collected. 

"  Soon  after  sunrise,  the  ship's  crew  w«re  ordered  into  the  cabin  to  be  over- 
hauled. Each  was  questioned  as  to  his  name,  &c.  when  I  was  called  on  for  my 
place  of  birth,  and  answered  Nervcastle^  Delanare.  The  captain  affected  not  to 
hear  the  last ;  but  said,  "  aycj  Nencastle  ;  he*s  a  collier ;  the  very  man.  1  war- 
rant him  a  sailor.  Send  him  down  to  the  doctor."  Upon  which  a  petty  officer, 
■whom  I  recognised  as  one  of  the  press  gang,  made  answer,  "  «V,  /  knofn  this  /el- 
low.  He  is  a  schoolmate  of  mine^  and  his  name  is  Kelly.  He  nas  bvm  in  Bet- 
fast.  Jndf  Tom,  you  know  well  enough,  so  donH  shamyankee  anymore."  'I 
thought,"  says  the  captain, "  he  was  a  countryman  of  wy  own  ;  [J;;y'but  an  Irish- 
man's all  one — la,ke  him  away." 

"  The  next  was  a  Prussian,  who  had  shipped  in  Hamburgh,  as  a  carpenter  of 
the  Fidelity  in  September,  1796. — He  affected,  when  questioned,  not  to  under- 
stand English,  but  answered  in  Dutch.  Upon  which  the  captain  laughed,  and 
said,  ''  This  is  no  yanket.  Send  him  down,  and  let  Vie  quarter-master  put  him  in 
the  mess  with  the  other  Dutchmen  ;  they  nnUunderstand  him,  and  the  boatswain 
mil  learn  him  to  talk  English,"    He  was  a^PJirdingly  kept. 

"  1  was  afterwards  discharged  by  an  order  from  Admiral  Harvey,  on  the  ap- 
plication of  Mr.  Craig,  at  that  time  American  agent  or  vice-consul  I  further 
observed  that  rr-pfullone  tiiird  of  the  crew  were  impressed  Americans  " 

JOHN  DAVIS,  of  Abel. 

Navy  Yard,  Oct.  12, 1813. 

,1 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  Commodore  Decatur  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy. 
U.  S.  ship  United  States,  Neiv-Lendon,  March  18, 1814. 

"  Sir — I  have  the  honor  to  forward  to  you  enclosed,  a  despatch  received  by  me 
from  captain  Capel,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  British  squadron  before  this- 
port,  written  in  reply  to  an  application  of  mine,  for  the  release  of  an  American 
seaman,  detrtined  against  his  will  on  board  the  frigate  Statira. 

"  Hiram  Thayer,  born  in  the  town  of  Greenwich,  in  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts,  was  impressed  into  the  naval  service  of  Great  Britain,  in  the 
month  of  August,  1803,  and  detained  ever  since. 

"  About  six  years  ago,  when  the  Statira  was  put  in  commission,  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  her  ;  and  has  been  constantly  on  board  her  to  this  day. 

"  1  am  informed,  and  in  fact  it  was  stated  by  captain  Stickpole  to  lieutenant 
Hamilton,  who  was  charged  with  the  flag,  tliat  the  late  general  Lyman,  our  ecu- 


^i 


218 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Iiis  sobriety,  industry,  and  seamao- 
nnd  is  now  serving  in  that  capacity 
liim  from  the  British  government  a- 
lie  has  also  assured  his  father  that 


wjI  at  London,  in.ide  »pp1Icat!oD  to  tlie  lords  commissioners  for  the  discharge  6^ 
Thayer  :  but  they  were  not  satisfied  with  the  evidence  of  his  nativity. 

"  Jo!)n  Thayer,  the  father  of  Hiram,  assures  me  tliat  tlje  certificate  of  the  se- 
lectmen, the  town  clerk,  and  the  minister  of  Greenwich,  were  forwarded  some 
time  ago  to  Mr.  Mitchell,  the  resident  agent  for  American  prisoners  of  war  at 
Halifax  ;  but  does  not  know  why  he  was  not  released  then. 

*'  The  son  has  written  to  his  fatlicr,  and  informed  him  that  on  repreienting  his 
case  to  captain  Stackpole,  he  told  him  [TT'"  if  they  fell  in  with  an  Ameri^nn 
man  of  war,  and  he  did  not  do  his  diity,1lE  SHOULD  BE  TIED  TO  THE 
MAST,  AND  SHOT  AT  LIKE  A  DOG." 

•'  On  Monday  the  1 4th  inst.  John  Thayer  requested  me  to  allow  him  a  flag,  to 
poofF  to  the  enemy,  and  ask  for  the  release  of  his  son.  This  I  granted  at  once, 
and  addressed  a  note  to  captain  Capel,  statin?  that  I  felt  persnnded  that  the  tp- 
plication  of  tlie  father,  furnished  as  he  was  with  conclusive  evidence  of  the  nativi- 
ty and  identity  of  the  son,  would  induce  an  immediate  order  for  his  discharge. 

'*  The  reply  is  enclosed.  The  eon  descried  his  father  at  a  distance  in  the 
boat,  and  told  the  lieutenant  of  the  Statira  that  it  was  his  fatlier  ;  and  1  under- 
stand the  feeling!!  mnnifested  by  the  old  man,  on  receiving  the  hand  of  his  son, 
proved  beyond  all  other  evidence,  the  property  he  had  in  him  There  was  not 
a  doubt  left  on  tlie  mind  of  a  single  British  officer,  of  Hiram  Thayer's  being  au 
American  citizen  And  yet  he  is  detained,  not  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  but  COM- 
J'EIiLED,  UNDER  THE  MOST  CRUEL  THREATS,  TO  SERVE  THE 
ENEMIES  OF  HIS  COUNTRY. 

"  Thayer  has  so  recommended  himself  by 
ship,  as  to  be  appointed  a  boatswain's  mate, 
in  the  Statira  :  and  he  says  there  is  due  to 
bout  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  sterling. 
he  has  always  refused  to  receive  any  bounty  or  advance,  lest  he  might  afford 
some  pretext  for  denying  him  his  discharge  whenever  a  proper  application  should 
be  made  for  it.  1  am,  sir,  with  the  highest  consideration,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant.'* 

STEPHEN  DECATUR. 

Extract  from  captain  CapeVs  letter^  enclosed. 
Ori  hoard  his  B.  M.  ship  La  ITogwc,  off  N.  London^  March  14, 181t. 

*'Sir — I  regret  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  comply  with  your  request  in  or- 
dering the  son  of  Mr.  John  Thayer  to  be  discharged  from  his  maj.esty's  ship  Sta- 
tira.    But  I  will  forward  your  application   to  the  commander  in  chief,  by  the 
earliest  opportunity,  and  I  have  nq||bubt  he  will  order  his  immediate  discharge.'* 
I  am,&c.        ^         THOM\S  CAPEL,  Captain,  &c. 

•    Extract  of  a  letter  from  Commodore  Decatur  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

New-London,  May  17, 1814. 

"  The  enclosed,  No.  2,  is  the  copy  of  a  note  I  addressed  to  captain  Capel  of 
bis  B.  M.  ship  La  Hogue,  on  the  subject  of  Barnard  O'Brien,  a  native  citizen  of 
the  United  States.  In  the  boat  that  bore  the  flag  of  truce  to  the  La  Hogue,  the 
father  of  tlie  man  in  question  went. 

"  Captain  Capel  would  not  permit  him  to  see  his  son.  He  directed  my  officer 
to  inform  me  that  he  would  answer  my  despatch  thtfnext  day,  since  when  I  have 
not  heard  from  him." 

Letter  to  Captain  Cdpel. 

"  Sir— At  the  solicitation  of  Mr.  Barnard  O'Brien,  whose  son  is  now  on  board 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  ship  La  Hogue  under  your  command,  I  have  granted  a 
flag  of  truce,  conducted  by  lieutenant  Hamilton,  with  per"!ii8Bion  for  Mr.  O'Brieri 
to  attend  it.  His  object  is  to  efTect  the  liberation  of  his  son,  a  native  citizen  ol! 
the  United  States.  He  bears  with  him  a  copy  of  the  record  of  the  town  of  Gro- 
ton  in  the  £tate  of  Connecticut,  signed  by  the  town  clerk  and  select  men,  as  als« 


Witi 

ofM 

New- 

'M 

ican  h 
LMth( 
vou  ) 
Mr.  C 
ct)nsid 


P.  S 
iii.i  wif'< 


-A.'" 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


21u 


accrtificate  from  a  number  of  respectable  meu  iu  Groton,  proving  liis  nativity. — 
Witli  these  documents  1  cannot  doubt  that  ho  will  effect  the  purpose  of  his  visit." 
(Signed)  STEPHEN  DECATI:R. 

(I  gjr — Wetl  enndersigntd  take  the  liberty  to  solicit  your  a^jsi^tanoe  in  behalf 
of  Mr.  O'Brien,  in  obtaining  his  sou's  release  fruin  the  British  ship  L:\  Hogue  olF 
New- London 

*'  We  are  well  acquainted  with  the  young  man,  and  know  him  to  be  an  Amer 
ican  born  citizen,  iiis  letter  to  his  father,  d.it^-d  on  board  the  La  Hogue,  the 
2Un  of  March,  is  sufiirient  piooi  of  his  being  on  board  (which  letter  will  be  sliewu 
vou  )  If  you  can  give  any  a-si'tance  in  obtaining  ids  r»?iease,  either  by  letting 
Mr.  O'Brien  go  to  the  ship  by  a  flag  of  truce,  or  in  uny  other  way,  it  will  be 
ft)nsidcred  a  particular  favor  conferred  on,  sir,  your  most  ohedient  servants.*' 

Gerard  Galley,  C«eQ.  A.  Suilenian, 

Nath   Kimball,  Ro.  S    Avery, 

Jos.  Tuttle,  Ernstus  T.  Smith. 

P.  S  The  young  man's  name  is  Barnard  O'Brien,  son  of  Barnard  O'Brien,  and 
j)is  wife  EliaabelU  O'Brien.     He  was  born  in  the  tcwn  of  Groton,  January  2Utlj, 

i73J. 

Exiract  from  the  records  cf  Iht  town  «f  Groton. 

A  true  copy,  certified  per  Amos  A.  Niles,  Town  Clerk. 

"  I  certify  that  Adjos  A.  Niles  is  town  clerk  for  Groton,  and  that  I  believe  th<^ 
ibove  certificate  to  be  a  true  and  correct  record  of  Barnard  O'Brien's  birth.— t 
Jo  als'1  ccrt.rv  that  I  have  known  the  said  Barnard  O'Brien  from  his  youth. 
Dated  Groton,  April  7, 1814. 

N0VE3  BARBER,  Selectman/or  Groton. 


il 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Subject  of  Impressment  concluded. 

I  HAVE  now,  as  nearly  in  chroaoIos;ical  order  as  possible, 
brought  this  odious,  this  detestable  subject,  to  the  last  act  of  the 
tlram(u 

Some  of  the  actors  who  stood  on  high  ground  in  the  open- 
ing of  the  piece,  sink  far  below  par  in  this  act.  They  stand 
in  conspicuous  stations,  an<l  possess  great  influence  on  our  des- 
tinies and  those  of  our  posterity.  I  regard  it  therefore  as  an 
imperious  duty  to  canvass  their  conduct  fully  and  completelj'-, 
and  to  cite  them  to  the  bar  of  the  public,  which  I  thus  do  in 
the  most  solemn  manner. 

Two  of  the  gentlemen  to  whom  I  refer,  are  Timothy  Pick- 
ering and  Rufus  King,  Esqrs.  whose  opinions  and  conduct  on 
this  important  topic,  have  been,  at  different  periods,  in  as  di- 
rect hostility  to  each  other,  as  day  and  night — truth  and  false- 
hood. 

The  reader  has  seen  how  laudably,  how  zealously,  how  pat- 
riotically both  these  fljentlemen  on  the  subject  of  imjiressment, 
formerly  contended  for  and  defended  the  rights  of  their  countrjr 


220 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


•—as  well  as  opposed  and  struggled  against  Ihe  exorbitant  and 
inadmissiUle  claims  of  England. 

They  were  lately  united   with  the  Otises,  the  Blakes,   the 
Hansons,  and  the  Websters,  who  appeared  determined  to  '•  put 
down" — yes,  reader,  "  put  down"  is  the  word — it  is  stnmg, 
significant,  and  unequivocal — 1  say,  "  to  put  down  the  adminis- 
tration''^ for  strenuously  insisting  on  those  rights, — for  attempt- 
ing to  shield  the  seaman  from  the  iron  grasp  of  his  enslaver. 

This  is  a  cletu*  case.  I  state  it  in  brief.  Either  Messrs. 
Pickering  and  King  were  extravagant  in  their  demands  former- 
ly, and  endangered  the  peace  of  their  country  l^y  preferring 
exorbitant  and  unjust  claims  on  a  nation,  "  thebidwark  oj  our 
holy  rcligion,^^ — "  struggling  for  her  salvation  ' — and  fighting 
the  battles  of  Christendom  against  Antichrist  and  his  hvsC"^ — or 
they  were  faithless  to  that  country  of  late,  and  were  using  their 
best  endeavors,  for  tactions  purposes,  to  defeat  her  in  the  efibrt 
to  procure  simple  justice.  There  is  no  other  alternative.  Let 
them  choose  for  themselves.  Let  the  public  ratify  or  reject 
the  choice.     I  merely  state  the  case. 

Never  was  there  a  more  striking  or  revolting  instance  of  the 
deleterious  spirit  of  faction — and  of  its  power  to  deaden  all  the 
flner  and  more  honourable  feelings  of  human  nature,  than  this 
question  exhibits.     It  is  disgraceful  and  humiliating  to  the  hu- 
man species.     High-minded   American  merchants — possessed 
of  immense  fortunes — eiyoying  in  profusion  all  the  luxuries  and 
delicacies  this  world  affords — and  owing  all  these   manifold 
blessings  to  the  labours,  the  skill,   and  the  industry  of  our  sail- 
ors— but  ungratefully  regardless  of  the   agents  by    whom  they 
procure  them,  and  blinded  by   party  spirit,  regard  with  calm 
and  stone-hearted  apathy  the  miseries  of  impressment.     They 
are  not  merely  indifferent  to  the  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate 
seamen,  "  purloined  by  inen-stealcrs,''^  from  all  their  humble  bles- 
sings, and  dragging  out  a  miserable  existence  in  slavery  of  the 
most  galling  kind,  with  a  rope's  end  ready  to  punish  them  for 
murmuring  out  their  sorrows.     No.     They  are  not,  I  repeat, 
merely  indifferent.     They  throw  themselves  into   the  scale  of 
their  enemies.     They  deride  the  idea  of  struggling  for  the  se- 
curity of  a  few  sailors,  whom,  in  the  face  of  heaven   and  earth, 
they  falsely  call  vagabonds  from  England,   Ireland,  and  Scot- 
land, whom  our  government  is  wickedly  protecting  at   the  haz- 
ard of  the  ruin  of  their  country  !     Almighty  father !    To  what 
an  ebb  is  man  capable  of  descending  !    Let  us  suppose  for  a 
moment  that  the  illustrious  Hull,  Jones,  Per-y,  Porter,  Decatur. 
M'Donough,  or  any  other  of  th-it  constel)  iiion  of  her^ps,  ^he 
have  bound  their  country's  brows  with  a  vvreath  of  imperisha- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


221 


I! 


.f  the 
11  the 
1  this 

^e  hu- 
essed 
s  and 
nifold 
r  sail- 
Ihey 
calm 
They 
ivmate 
bles- 
|of  the 
ino  for 
speat, 
ale  of 
Ithe  se- 
earlh, 
Scot- 
le  haz- 
what 
for  a 
catur, 
^ho 
erisha- 


ble  glory,  had  been  pressed  by  a  Cockburn,  thei(  proud  spirits 
subjected  to  his  tender  mercies,  and  crushed  by  the  galling 
chain  and  the  rope's  end!  What  a  scene  for  a  painter — what 
a  suhject  for  contemplation — what  a  never-dying  disgrace  to 
those  whose  councils  would  persuade  the  nation  to  submit  to 
such  degradation ! 

There  is  one  strong  and  striking  point  of  view  in  which  the 
suhject  of  impressment  may  be  considered,  and  which  really 
renders  the  tame  acquiescence  in  it,  which  is  now  contended 
for,  pregnant  with  awful  results.  ]Xj^  Ent^land  has  impressed 
from  our  ships,  Danes,  Swedes,  and  Italians,  as  well  as  native 
Americans,  WE  HAVE  SUBMITTED  TO  IT.  [C^  And 
Mr.  Pickmn^,  Mr.  King,  Governor  Strong,  H.  G.  Otis,  ttr, 
plead  in  favor  of  sulmiissien.  It  this  be  just,  what  right,  1  de- 
mand, have  we  to  prevent  all  belligerents  whitever,  and  at  all 
timers,  from  copying  the  exam;)le  ?  017='  Suppose  France,  Spain, 
and  Italy,  at  war.  Are  not  the  cruisers  of  each  nation  justi- 
fied in  searching  our  vessels  for  the  subjects  of  the  [)owers  to 
which  they  respectively  belong,  and  as  fully  entitled  {Tj-'to 
enslave  the  Danes,  Portuguese,  Swedes,  and  Englishmen  on  board, 
[n:/^  as  the  British  cruisers  are  to  enslave  Frenchmen,  Spaniards, 
Dan^s,  and  Portuguese  ?  This  is  a  horrible  view  of  the  subject, 
and  curdles  the  blood  in  my  veins.  There  is  no  calculating 
the  extent  or  the  enormity  of  the  evil. 

I  must  resume  this  tojdc.  It  is  too  important  to  be  dismiss- 
ed in  a, single  paragraph.  It  deserves  volumes.  Would  to 
Heaven  an  abler  pen  were  engaged  in  the  discussion. 

That  British  cruisers  have  been  in  the  constant  habit  of  im- 
pressing, without  any  scruple,  and  that  they  regard  it  as  their 
rigjht  to  impress,  Danes,  Portuguese,  Frenchmen,  Italians,  and 
all  other  foreigners  found  on  board  our  vessels,  is  true,  or  Tim- 
othy Pickering,  Ilufns  Kins;,  and  Judge  Marshall,  have  disgrac- 
ed and  dishonoured  M»f^mselves  by  asserting  most  awful  false- 
hoods. To  their  eviftence  on  the  subject,  which  is  detailed  a- 
bove,  I  refer  the  reader. 

If  Grent  Britain  has  a  ri«;htto  impress  Frenchmen,  or  Span- 
iards, or  Dutchmen,  on  board  our  vessels,  France,  Sjjain,  and 
Holland,  have  an  equal  right  to  impress  Englishmen.  Nothing 
can  be  more  clear.     T^et  us  proceed. 

The  British  captains  assert  that  they  find  it  ditTjcult  or  im- 
possible to  discriminate  between  Englishmen  and  Americans. 
It  must  be  far  more  difficult  for  French  captains.  And  they 
will  be  still  more  exc  usable  for  any  mistakes — and  forensl  tving 
Americans  instead  of  Englishmen.  What  a  frii'^btful  fate  has 
<\\ction  prepared  for  our  ill-starred  sea-faring  citizens  1 

U 


S'* 


■31 


222 


THE  OLIVE  BRAN(5H. 


I  have  staletl  ihat  Messrs.  Pickering,  King,  Strong,  &c» 
"  contend  for  submission  to  impressment."  This  requires  ex- 
planation. They  do  not,  it  is  true,  in  words^  contend  for  im« 
pressment.  But  this  was  the  inevituble  result  of  their  late 
course  of  proceedings  ;  for  as  I  have  already  stated,  and  beg 
to  repeat,  they  labored  most  indefatigably  to  destroy  the  pre- 
sent administration,  principally  for  the  stand  made  to  put  an 
end  to  impressment;  and  the  consequence  of  the  violent  o|»po- 
leitioo  made  to  the  government  on  the  subject,  has  been  to 
oblige  it  to  postpone  the  discussion  of  that  important  question. 

A  committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachupetts  was  ap- 
pointed, at  a  late  session,  to  enq/iire  into  the  affair  of  impress- 
ment. The  object  of  the  appointment  was  to  damn  the  char- 
acter of  the  administration,  liy  diminishing  the  enormity  of  this 
high-lianded  offence,  against  which  the  Levilical  law  pronounc- 
ed sentence  of  death  : — 

"  He  that  steakth  a  man — and  sellcth  kirn — or  if  he  be  found 
in  his  hand^  he  shall  be  put  to  death.'" 

It  is  painful  to  state — but  it  is  my  duty  to  state  to  the  world 
— that  this  committee  by  no  means  did  justice  to  the  sutiject. — 
They  acted  with  most  palpable  partiality.  They  reported — 
wonderful  to  tell — impossible  to  believe — that  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  the  number  of  impressed  Americans  belon^ng 
to  the  great  commercial  state  of  Massachusetts,  on  board  Brit- 
ish vessels  of  war,  was  "  only  eleven !!  /"* — Yes — reader  ; — it 
is  really  eleven — 1  have  read  it  six  times  over,  to  convince  my- 
self that  I  was  not  mistaken.  But  it  is  absolutely  true,  that  a 
committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  did  report  to  that 
body,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  ffj'' THERE 
WERE  BUT  «  ELEVEN"  IMPRESSED  MASSACHU- 
SETTS SAILORS  on  board  the  vijssels  of  his  Britannic  ma 
Jest/. 

Now,  reader,  let  me  request  you  to  consult  the  preceding 
documents  carefully — and  observe 

1.  Tiiat  there  were  ttj^  ten  Americans  on  board  the  Guerriere, 
at  the  time  of  her  engagement  with  the  Constitution.  This  is 
established  by  the  log  book  of  one  of  her  officers.f 

2.  That  jJ7='  there  were  thirteen  Americans  on  board  the  Java^ 
Tvheii  she  was  captured  by  Bainbridge.|| 

3.  That  there  were  on  boa»'t*  tie  Moselle  and  Sappho,  as 

*  Road  to  Ruin,  No  IV.  f  See  page  214.  \  See  lieutenant  Hoffman's  certifi- 
cate, page  215. 

II  It '-ouldbe  unfair  and  uncandid  not  to  state,  fhat  Commodorp  Bainhridgc 
deposed  on  the  20th  of  February,  1813,  before  a  committee  of  ths  House  of  Rep- 
>reaeDtatives  of  the  state  of  Massashuselts,  that  there  was  but  one  impressed  A- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


22;^ 


appears  by  the  muster-books  of  those  vessels,  at  least  thirty  Jive 
impressed  Americans.^ 

4.  That  these  plain  facts  stand  on  such  ground  as  neither 
Timothy  Pickering,  Rufus  King,  Governor  Strong,  George 
Cabot,  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  Daniel  Webster,  or  A.  C.  Hanson 
will  dare  to  dispute.  I  hereby  publicly  challenge  them  to  a 
denial. 

5.  That  I  have  thus  clearly  and  indisputably  established, 
that  on  board  of  four  vessels  there  were  10,  and  1 3,  and  35  A- 
merican  slaves,  being  (E7*  an    average    op   fourteen    to 

EACH. 

0.  That  there  are  about  500  British  vessels  constantly  in 
commission. 

7.  That  an  average  of  fourteen  amounts  to  7000  on  board 
the  British  fleet. 

8.  That  this  statement  corresponds  pretty  exactly  with  the 
records  nf  the  secretary  of  state's  office. 

And  then,  reader,  decide  what  judgment  must  be  passed  on 
the  committee  when  they  gravely  state  that  there  were  on 
board  the  British  vessels  of  war  only  eleven  natives  of  Massa- 
chusetts!! !  It  makes  me  sick  to  reflect  on  sucb  obliquity  of 
mind,  and  such  monstrous  perversion  of  fact. 

It  is,  however,  true,  that  this  committee,  though  the  world 
is  grossly  deceived  by  the  form  of  expression  in  the  report, 
have  a  salvo  to  prevent  establishing  against  them  the  charge  of 
falsehood.  They  state  that  these  are  the  results  "  as  far  as 
their  enquiries  ment.''^  But  this  saving  clause  escapes  the  mass 
of  readers.  They  fasten  on  the  strong  allegation,  that  "  the 
administration  went  to  war  for  impressed  seamen ;  and  that 
there  were  only  eleven  natives  of  Massachusetts  impressed,'''^ — 
All  the  rest  escapes  notice. 

*'  As  far  as  their  enquiries  ivenV*  is  a  very  equivocal  express- 
ion. They  may  have  stopped  at  the  threshold — or  they  may 
have  gone  half  way — or  they  may  have  gone  through  the  busi- 
ness completely.  That  their  enquiries  did  not  go  v^ry  far  H 
however  pretty  certain. 

The  words  "  American  slaves.''^  will  startle  some  delicate  ears^. 


aicrieaa  on  board  the  Java,  when  he  captured  her.  This  statement  he  qualified 
in  a  subsequent  communication,  and,  as  far  as  I  understand  the  latter,  admits  that 
ther<»  were  2  more  But  i''  we  wliolly  omit  the  Java,  in  consequence  of  the  stupend- 
ous contradiction  between  tlie  certificate  of  lieutenant  Van  Hoffman  and  the  dep- 
osition of  Comnodore  Biitihridge,  it  will  not  m.iterially  affect  the  above  calcula- 
tion._  There  will  remaiu  about  15  impressed  American  seamen  oa  board  tijree 
British  men  of  war. 

*  See  Commodore  Perter's  letter,  page  214, 


i 


324 


THE  OLITE  BRANCH*' 


This  strong  expression  is  nevertheless  correct.*  When  ao 
Algerine  corsair  altaclts  one  of  our  vesBels^  and  seizes  it  and 
the  crew,  (XT'  the  latter  are  justly  regarded  as  slaves.  [C^P  Yet 
their  case  is  far  better  than  that  of  the  Americans  impressed  hy 
British  cruisers.  The  Algerine  slaves  work  for  task-masters. 
So  do  the  British  slaves.  The  Algerine  slaves  are  tlogged  if 
they  refuse  "  to  do  tlieir  duty."  So  are  the  British.  The  Al- 
gerine slaves  have  but  poor  fare.  So  have  the  British.  Tl;us 
far  they  are  on  a  parallel.  But  here  the  parallel  ceases.  The 
Algerine  slave  is  never  forced  to  jeopardise  his  life  in  battle — 
017=  he  is  never  forced  to  point  a  gun  that  may  slaughter  his 
countrymen,  H?-' But  this  the  British  slave  must  do,  or  "be 
TIED  TO  THE  MAST  AND  SHOT  AT  LIKE  A  DOG  1 !  !"t 
Is  he  not  then  the  most  miserable  of  slaves  ? 

When  the  preceding  chapter  was  written,  I  had  not  seen  the 
Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Massachusetts,  to  which  I  have  referred.  I  own  a  set  of  the 
Kxnmincr,  published  by  Barent  Gardenier,  of  New-York,  con- 
taining the  Road  to  Ruin,  ascribed  to  Jno.  Lowell,  which  quotes 
this  report,  and  from  which  alone  I  know  of  its  contents,  or  even 
of  its  existence. — I  subjoin  Mr.  Lowell's  quotations — 

"  J  find  from  indisputable  documents  furnished  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Taggart,  member  of  Congress  from  this  state,  that  the 
whole  number  of  American  seamen  said  to  be  detained  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  on  board  British  vessels,  did  not  exceed 
three  hundred. 

'^  I  find  by  the  investigation  of  a  Committee  of  our  own 
House  of  Representatives,  that  the  number  belonging  to  this 
state,  so  detained,  did  not  exceed,  as  far  as  their  enquiries  metU, 
eleven  men.^''^ 

On  the  4th  inst.  [July  1815,]  I  received  the  Report  itself 
from  Boston  :  and  I  shouUI  ill  deserve  the  confidence  that  liiis 
been  reposed  in  my  work,  did  I  not  avail  myself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity thus  aflbrded  me  to  lay  an  abstract  of  some  of  its  docu- 
ments, before  the  reader. 

-:■:  Extract  from  the  deposition  of  John  Eldridgt, 

"  I-reside  in  Yarmouth  in  the  county  of  Barnstable.  I  have  been  the  master 
of  a  vessel  about  seventeen  years,  within  the  last  twenty-four  years  ;  and  have 
had  on  board  nay  vessels  from  seven  to  sixteen  men ;  on  an  average  about  eight 

■    *  The  idea  which  is  dilated  on  in  this  paragraph  must  have  been  suggested  by 
a  perusal  of  the  Weekly  Register,  Vol.    III.  page  349.     Of  this  I  was  not  awaro 
..when  I  wrote  it      I  have  recently  made  the  discovery  in  the  examination  of  that 
iflvalnnb'.o  work. 

f  See  Commodore  Decatur's  letter,  page  218. 
1  Road  to  Ruin,  Wq.  4,  from  the  Boston  Ceatinel.— See  EAaminer,  vol.  I.  p,  107. 


or 
St( 
th( 
An 
the 
wh( 
He 

u 

bclc 
day! 
iode 


thirt 
fifty! 

stame 


THE  OUVE  BRANCH. 


22i' 


or  uiiie.  About  the  year  1R03,  while  I  was  laying  at  Trinidad,  in  the  sloop 
Stork,  one  of  my  men,  while  on  shore,  iiad  quitted  hi;*  boat,  Hnd  was  taken  up  by 
the  press  gang.  His  name  was  William  Boynton,  and  lie  was,  as  he  told  me,  ua 
American.  The  next  day  1  was  inforrand  by  the  officer  of  the  press-g-ang,  tliat 
the  man  was  taken,  and  immediately  upon  my  application  on  bo-trd  the  ship 
where  he  was  placed,  he  was  returned  to  me  with  sorat'  money  lie  had  about  him. 
He  had  left  his  protection  on  hoai  1  the  vc;       at  tl\e  time  when  he  was  taken. 

♦'  Id  1810,  while  i  was  at  Martinique,  a  t  v^rtuRUuse  boy  named  Joseph  Friay, 
belonging  to  my  vessel,  was  impresited  from  the  vessel ;  he  was  detained  two 
days,  but  upon  my  application  he  was  discharged  ;  he  had  no  protection,  nor  any 
todeature  of  apprenticeship  ■  lie  was  servant  to  my  mate. 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  William  Parsona. 

'^  1  reside  in  Boston,  and  i<ave  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  uavigation  about 
thirty  y»  ars  I  have  employed  in  my  vessels,  annually,  upon  an  average,  about 
fifty  seamen,  until  the  time  oi  the  embargo.  /  A«i>e  no  reaUeelion  qf  any  qf  my 
stamen  being  impressed/or  the  last  twenty  years^  except  in  one  instance,^* 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Caleb  Loving. 

"  I  reside  in  Boftou.  I  have  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation  be- 
tween eighteen  and  nineteen  years  1  have  employed  upon  an  average  annually^ 
about  forty  seamen  in  foreign  trade 

'*  I  recollect,  at  present,  feu/ one  imlance  qf  anytff  my  seamen  being  impressed 
by  the  British;  in  July,  180)>,  two  seamen,  belonging  tothe  ship  Hugh  Johnson, 
while  she  was  lying  at  Palermo,  were  taken  from  her  by  a  British  man  of  war: 
I  do  not  know  their  names— one  of  these  men  was  au  GnglisbmaD,  the  other  was 
an  American." 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Motes  Townsend,  esq. 

*'  I  Moses  Townsend,  •»!  S  ilem,  in  tlie  county  of  Essex,  esquire,  do  depose 
and  say,  that  I  have  been  rng-\%ed  in  commerce  and  navigation  for  about  thirty 
years,  and  was  master  of  a  s'lip  about  twenty  years.  1  liave  usually  had  crew* 
of  ten  and  twelve  men,  upon  an  average  I  nevar  had  any  .men  impressed  Crom 
any  of  the  vessels  under  my  command,  except  once  while  I  was  at  Bristol,  in 
England.  On  that  occasion,  1  liad  three  or  four  men  impressed,  belonging  to  the 
ship  Lighthorse,  under  my  comm-md  ;  tiuy  were  taken  in  the  evening,  and  up- 
on my  applicitlon,  tiuough  the  \.m«iricai)  consul,  they  were  released  the  next 
day." 

Extract  from  the  deposition  of  Joseph  MucCge        •       ' 

*'  I  Joseph  Mudge,  of  Lynn,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  mariner,  do  depose  anfl' 
say,  that  I  have  ibilowed  the  occiipation  of  a  mariner  for  about  twenty  years, 
and  have  been  master  of  a  vessel  from  the  first  of  January  I  WO,-  (eKcei>t  about 
fQur  months  of  the  yeir  1812,  wlrile  I  was  mate  of  a  vessel,  in  order  to  get  b 
passage  to  the  United  St;ites  from  abroad.) 

"  I  have  had  seamen  frequently  taken  from  me  by  British  cruisers ;  but  nev^- 
had  any  man  tiiat  I  knew  'o  be  an  American,  taken  from  me,  that  was  not  releas- 
ed upon  my  application." 

Extractfrom  the  deposition  of  Andrew  Harraden, 

"  I  Andr-ew  Hairadcn  of  Salom  in  the  county  of  Essf:'/.  msriaer,  <lepo3e  an^ 
say,  that  I  have  followed  the  ©ccupation  of  a  mariner  .ibout  thirty-two  years,  of 
which  I  have  been  muster  of  a  vrssel  from  the  year  1791  to  this  time,  f  xcepting 
two  voyarges  performed  durm*^  that  period,  thive  never  had  any  smmen  impress- 
ed from  my  vess*li  exctpt  in  one  tnti'moe  In  the  yi-ar  1302,  w'lile  at  Cape 
Praucois,  iu  the  month  of  August,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Goorge  Eandali,  or 
BoBtoO}  was  taken  from  my  vessel  by  a  French  press-master  and  his  jgang,  a«d^ 

u  2 


m 


226 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


carried  on  bonrd  a  Prciicli  frigate  lyinj;  at  tlial  port.  On  nnpllcalion  to  the  com- 
mandant of  the  port,  he  vm  releancd  the  next  uioniing.  IN  one  of  luy  men  were 
'^ver  taken  or  detained  by  the  EugHsh." 

Extract  from  Iht  depoailion  of  Josicdi  Ome, 

**  I  Josiali  drae,  of  Satera,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  mariner,  depose  and  tny— 
that  I  have  he«n  mister  of  a  vessel  about  twenty-seven  years. 

*'  1  nev«r  had  any  men  iinprrised  irom  tiie  vessels  under  toy  commaad  by  tht' 
Britiib,  except  in  one  inctaoce— that  was  in  1801.** 

Extract  from  Nathaniel  Uooper*s  deposition* 

"  1  Natlianiel  Hooper,  of  Marbieliead,  merchant,  do  depose  and  say— that  I 
Iiave  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation  with  my  father  and  brothers  for 
about  nineteen  years  past ;  and  for  about  seven  yearn  previous  to  the  embargo, 
we  employed  usually  upon  au  average  about  fifty  seamen  in  our  vessels.  We 
have  never  had  any  mta  impressed  from  any  of  our  v««8el8,  that  we  know  of." 

Extract  from  Bet^amin  T.  Reed^s  deposition. 

"  I  Bei^min  T  Reed,  of  Marhlehead,  in  the  county  of  Esf>ex,  merchant,  de- 
f  ose  and  say — that  1  have,  with  my  brother,  been  engaged  in  trade  and  naviga- 
tion for  about  eighteen  years  past.  Before  the  embargo,  we  usually  employed 
two  vessels  annually,  the  crews  of  which  would  be  from  twelve  to  fifteen  men — 
we  never  had  any  men  impressed  from  our  vv.tjel8  previous  to  the  embarijo,  to 
my  recollection." 

There  are  various  other  depositions  annexed  to  the  Report, 
the  tenor  and  tendency  whereof  are  generally  of  a  similar  cha- 
racter to  the  above. 

The  contradiction  anfl  inconsistency  between  these  docu- 
ments, and  those  I  have  produced  in  the  preceding  chapters, 
are  so  strong,  so  strikin  ^  and  so  utterly  unnccountaUe,  as  to 
make  us  stand  aghast  \vith  astonishment.  To  reconcile  them 
in  any  shape  or  mode  is  totally  impossible.  Were  we  to  place 
full  and  implicit  reliance  upon  the  depositions  just  quoted,  it 
would  almost  appear  that  impressment  had  been  a  matter  of 
little  or  no  consequence,  and  that  it  had  been  most  extrava- 

fantly  exaggerated,  to  delude  and  deceive  the  jtublic  mind  — 
(ut  then  what  becomes  of  the  strong  and  precise  statements  of 
Silas  Talbot,*  of  Rufus  King,t  of  Timothy  Pickering,t  «f 
Judge  Marshal,!!  of  Commodore  Rodg;ers,ir  &c.  witnesses  who 
cannot  possibly  be  suspected  of  anti-Anglican  partialities,  views 
or  prejudices  ? 

If  the  prevailing  opinions  of  the  great  extent  of  impress- 
ment be  unfounded,  and  if  deception  or  delusion  has  been  at- 
tempted, these  gentlemen  must  have  concurred  in  it,  as  well  as 
their  political  antagonists;  for  their  testimony  is  among  tlie 
icnost  conclusive  tliat  has  been  produced  on  the  sulject. 


*  See  page  200.     t  See  page  200.     t  See  page  199.     ||  See  page  201. 
f^ge  214. 


f.(:l 


rrHE  et.  e  wianch. 


The  ftaleitient  of  Comn  rthre  R  Igrers,  re«p«ctitif  lb* 
muster  books  of  the  Most'llf  «wl  SapfM  ,  !»<  i*  moat  r  •ceui 
document  on  ttre  Bubject,  and  *«  beyonti  trw  wch  of  attip^ 
cion. 

To  the  reader  I  unbesftatHigly  -submit  ih  »nt>jecl  Let 
bim,  whether  federalist  or  democrat,  honest l\  Hi«*>  tb*»  scales 
of  truth  and  justice — Let  bim  impartially  weigh  the  evidence 
on  both  sides,  and  let  him  decide  according  to  the  credil>ility 
of  these  warring  and  irreconeileable  documents. 

In  atldition  to  the  information  contained  in  the  preceding 
pages,  I  have  now  before  rae  a  most  powerful  document  on  tlie 
suLtJect  of  impresBmeut.     It  is 

*'  A  statement  of  «pp1kati6tte  tfA^  to  the  British  govr>mMrrit  on  t.^SD  Mnkfl 
Of  }mpreir,ed  seamen,  claimiog  to  be  citicen*  of  tlio  UnKed  Statp?,  from  tlie  Ilth 
of  March,  1803,  till  the  Hist  of  August,  1804  ;  by  Gfoise  Erving,  agent  of  lh« 
United  States  for  tbie  relief  and  f  roteetioii  of  their  Beamea/' 


1  sul^oia  en  abstract : 


306 


Nnmber  of  applications, 

Of  which  are  duplicates  of  former  ODtife, 

Original  applications, 

Refused  to  be  dischargecl,  having  HO  doCufiaerttB, 

Ordered  to  be  dischai^ed, 

Said  not  to  be  on  board  th^  ship  specified, 

Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  have  taken  the  bbtinty, 
and  entered, 

Refused  to  be  dischai^ed,  said  to  be  Married  in  Eng- 
land, 

ISaid  to  have  deserted, 

Baid  to  have  been  drowned,  Or  died, 

Bhii>s,  on  board  of  which  stated  not  in  comniission. 

Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  be  British  subjects. 

Refused  to  be  discharged,  said  to  be  prisoners  of  war, 

Do  not  appear  to  have  been  impressed, 

On  board  ships  stated  to  be  on  a  foreign  station, 

Shi[)s  lost  on  board  of  which  stated  to  be, 


11232 
388 
437 
105 

120 

It 

13 

2 

'9 
4d 

2 

6 
22 

9 


Refused  to  be  discharged^  documents  being  instfficienii  viz^ 

1.  Protections  from  consuls  and  vice-consuls,  88 

2.  Notarial  affidavits  made  in  the  United  States,  15 

3.  Notarial  aflidavits  made  in  England,  27 

4.  Collector's  protections,  _  ,_  41 


2M 


THC  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


5.  Difcharges  granted  frum  king's  shipi,  they  being 
American  citizeui,  4f 

t.  or  different  deBcriptloni,  and  which  were  kept  by 
the  imprefs  ufficers,  311 

T.  Applicutions  yet  uottBiweredy  ;>        1o3 

,       .    ,'  '  *      1532 

This  abstract  deserves  to  be  read  and  examined  over  and 
over.  Every  line  of  it  claims  the  deepest  and  most  serious 
consideration.  It  appears  that  in  less  than  eighteen  months, 
twelve  hundred  and  thirty-two  persons  were  impressed  out  of 
American  vessels,  exclusive  of  the  very  great  number,  who, 
we  may  reasonably  conclude,  had  no  means  of  conveying  their 
applications  for  redress  to  the  proper  organ.  An  entire  vol- 
ume might  be  written  as  a  commentary  on  this  memorial  of 
British  outrage  and  ii\justice,  and  of  American  disgrace  and 
dishonor. 

The  first  item  is  hideous:  three  hundred  and  eighty-three 
impressed  Americans  are  doomed  to  remediless  slavery,  be- 
cause they  were  not  branded  with  the  mark  U.  S.  or  provided 
with  a  badge,  a  pass,  a  license,  or  certificate !  Suppose  Com- 
modore Perry,  or  Commodore  Macdonough,  or  Commodore 
Porter,  had  impressed  three  hundred  and  eighty-three  men  from 
on  board  of  British  vessels,  under  pretence  of  their  being 
Americans — (and  has  the  Almighty  given  any  right  to  a  British 
commodore  or  admiral  beyond  what  he  hns  vested  in  an  Amer- 
ican commodore  or  admiral  ?)  and  suppose  Mr.  Merry,  Mr.  Lis- 
,  ton,  Francis  James  Jackson,  Mr.  Rose,  or  Mr.  Foster,  hnd  de- 
manded them — and  that  our  secretary  of  state  bad  peremptc' 
rily  refused  to  surrender  tliem,  because  they  had  not  the  regu- 
lar brand  of  G.  R.  or  a  proper  certificate  or  jnoteciion,  would 
Great  Britain  have  submitted  to  the  slow  process  of  further  de- 
manding and  waiting  for  redress  ?  Indubitably  not. 

One  hundred  and  five  were  doomed  to  slavery,  by  a  remo- 
val from  the  vessels  in  which  they  were  impressed,  to  others. 
An  eHsy  and  summary  process,  by  which  the  doors  of  redress 
are  eternally  barred  wMb  adnmantine  fastenings. 
/  One  hundred  and  t\  rnty  of  these  sufferers  ore  Tvithlield  be 
cause  they  had  taken  the  bounty,  or  voluntarily  entered!  In 
forming  an  estimate  of  the  justice  of  this  plea,  we  must  not  lose 
sight  of  the  sn'fseq'.ii^iM  cruel  tragedy  acted  by  order  of  Com- 
modore Berkley,  on  Lm  ird  the  Chesapeake,  in  order  to  seize 
men  who  had  voluntarily  entered  on  board  that  vessel.    If  thir 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


22S» 


4s  not — ffive  no  ri^ht — take  no  wrona; — 1  c jnnot  divine  nljRt  de- 
serves the  title. 

1  am  (irt'd  of  tliis  vile,  this  odious,  this  delestaide  subject.— 
It  excites  to  loathing  and  abhorrence.  1  must  draw  to  a  clotte. 
But  there  is  one  more  point  that  I  must  touch  u()on — and  that 
•is,  that  of  the  whole  number  of  twelve  himdred  and  thirty  two, 
there  are  only  forty-nine  aHserted  to  be  British  subjects !  The 
Atnerican,  who,  after  these  statenunts,  can  advocate  the  atro- 
cious practice  of  impressment,  must  be  utterly  lost  to  a  sense 
of  justice  for  his  countrymen,  or  regard  to  the  national  rightH 
er  national  honor. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 


.in  apoloeyj'or  an  cs^resrious  error  committed  by  the  writer ^  on  tlif^ 
stwject  of  preparation  for  mar.  The  whole  session  one  contin- 
ued series  of  preparations.  Nineteen  acts  bearing  strong  notes 
of  martial  arrangetnenl. 


I  DEEM  it  indispensably  neceasary  (o  correct  a  m^st  egre- 
gious error  into  which  I  was  betrayed  by  the  haute  in  which 
my  first  edition  waa  compiled  and  written.  I  therein  enume- 
rated, among  the  errors  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  the 
neglect  to  make  due  preparation  for  the  war, "  previoua  to  the 
commencement  of  hostilities."  I  deeply  regret  to  have  cas^ 
such  a  superficial  glance  at  the  subject;  to  have  allowed  myselif 
to  be  so  grossly  deceived;  and  to  have  contributed  to  lead  my 
reader  astray.  There  were  ample  preparations  made,  as  may 
be  seen  by  the  following  list  of  acts  passed  during  the  sesaioa 
of  congress,  towards  the  close  of  which  war  was  declared. 

Previous  to  the  declaration  of  war 

1.  An  act  for  completing  the  existing  military  establishment, 
December  24,  18)1. 

2.  An  act  to  raise  an  additional  military  force.  This  act 
provided  lor  raising  ten  regiments  t»f  infantry,  two  regiments 
of  artillery,  and  one  regiraent  of  light  dragoons,  to  be  enlisted 
for  five  years  unless  sooner  discharged.  Theinfanrry  amount- 
ed to  about  20,000  men — the  artillery  to  4000 — and  the  cavalry 
to  1000,    Jan.  11,1812. 


230 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


*i  3  An  act  authorising  the  purchase  of  ordnance  and  ordnance 
stores,  cani[)  equipage,  and  other  quarter-master^s  stores  and 
finiail  arms.     Jan.  14,  1812. 

4.  An  act  authorising  the  president  of  the  United  States  to 
accept  and  authorise  certain  volunteer  military  corps,  not  to 
exceed  50,000  men.  For  this  purpose  there  was  an  approjiria- 
tion  of  1,000,000  dollars.     Feb.  6,  1812. 

5.  An  act  appropriated  108,772  dollars  for  the  expenses  in- 
cident to  six  companies  of  mounted  rangers.     Feb.  20, 1812. 

tl.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  mili- 
tary establishment  of  the  United  States  for  1812,  viz. 


^^'■':i■•A^,    'V  -X  ».(•.■ 


A". 


For  the  pay  of  the  army 

Forage 

Subsistence 

Clothing 

Bounties  and  premiums 

Medical  department 

Ordnance  and  ordnance  stores    ' 

Fortifications 

For  the  quarter-master^s  department 

For  purchase  of  horses 

Contingencies 

Indian  department  *  ^ 

Militia  of  Louisianat  &c. 


Passed  Feb.  21, 1812. 

7.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  support 
Honal  military  forces 

For  pay  * 

Forage 

Subsistence 

Clothing 

Bounties  and  premiums 

Horses  for  dragoons 

Quarter- master's  department, 

Medical  department  ^    ; 


'** 


Contingencies 


Passed  Feb.  12, 1812. 


•^ 


869,968 
104,624 
685,000 
293,804 

70,000 

50,000 

1,135,000 

296,049 

735,000 

150,000 

50,000 
164,500 

32,000 

$4»635,945 

of  an  addi- 

1,406,857 
154,435 

1^,074,097 
863,244 
442,260 
282,000 
408,760 
125,000 
355,911 

$5,112,564 


8.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  sapnort  of  the  nav> 
of  the  United  States,  for  1^X2% 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


231 


Pay  and  subsistence 

Provisions 

Medicines 

Re|>Air3  of  vessels 

Freight,  store-rent,  &c.       .  ,, 

Navy  yards,  &c. 

Ordnaiice  und  ordnance  stores 

Saltpetre,  sulphur,  &c. 

Pay  and  subsistence  of  marine  corps 

Clothing  for  do.  - 

Military  stores  for  do. 

iVJedicines,  &c. 

Quarter-master's  stores 


1,123,341 

559,757 

40,000 

3j5  000 

115,000 

60,000 

280,000 

180,000 

154,346 

49,281 

1,777 

:      3,501 

'    20,000 


$2,902,002 
Passed  Feb.  24,  1812. 

9.  An  act  making  further  appropriation  for  the  defence  of 
our  maritime  frontier.  This  act  a()propriated  for  the  purpose, 
$500,000.     Passed  March  10,  1812. 

10.  An  act  for  a  loan  of  $11,000,000,  for  defraying  the 
above  expenses.     Passed  March  14,  1812. 

11.  An  act  concerning  the  naral  estahiishment,  for  repairing 
the  frigates  Constellation,  Chesapeake,  and  Adams.  For  this 
purpose  there  was  appropriated  $300,000. 

By  this  act  ther«  was  an  appropriation  made  of  $200,000 
annually,  for  three  years,  for  the  purchase  of  a  stock  of  timber 
for  ship-building.  The  first  appropriation  was  for  re-building 
the  frigates  Philadelphia,  General  Greene,  New  York  and  Bos- 
ton.    Passed  March  30,  1812. 

12.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act  to  raise  an  additional  mili- 
tary forc^.     Passed  April  8,  1812. 

13.  An  act  to  authorise  a  detachment  from  the  militia  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  amount  of  100,000  men.  This  act  con- 
tained a  clause  appropriating  one  million  of  dollars  towards  de- 
fraying the  expenses  to  accrue  under  it.  Passed  April  10, 
1812. 

14.  An  act  for  the  organization  of  a  corps  of  artificers.  Pass* 
ed  April  23,1812. 

15.  An  act  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  ordnance.  Pass- 
ed May  14,  1812. 

Subsequent  to  the  declaration  of  war, 

16.  An  act  for  the  more  perfect  oriranization  of  the  army  of 
♦he  United  States.    Passe'd  June  26, 1812. 


332 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


ii 


il 


\ 


17.  An  act  making  a  further  appropriation  for  the  defence  ol 
the  maritime  frontier,  and  for  the  support  of  the  army  of  the  U. 
States.     Passed  July  5,  1812 

18.  An  act  making  additional  appropriations  for  the  mili- 
tary establishment,  and  for  the  Indian  department.  Pasted  July 
6,  181:i. 

19.  An  act  making  further  provision  for  the  army  of  the  U. 
States.     Passed  J  uly  0,  1 8 1 2.  * 

It  therefore  appears,  that  nearly  the  whole  session  was  spent 
in  maUiug  prei)arations  for  hostility — for  oHeusive  and  defen- 
sive operations.  1  shall  not  easily  forgive  mys(  If  the  very  ex- 
traordinary error,  of  which  1  have  acknowledged  myself  guilty 
on  this  su'uject.  I  sh  ill  regard  it  as  a  monition,  as  iong  ns  I 
live,  against  precipitate  decision.  And  may  1  take  the  liberty 
of  hinting  to  the  reader,  whoever  he  lie,  that  he  may,  [lerhajjs, 
derive  a  useful  lesson  from  the  fact?  If,  with  the  attention  I 
have  heen  in  the  habit  of  paying  to  public  atiairs — reading  two 
or  three  newspapers  every  day — and  perfectly  convinced  of  the 
justice  of  the  war — 1  have  nevertheless  fallen  into  such  a  pal- 
pable, such  a  monstrous  error,  on  so  plain  a  point — if  1  have 
brought  so  unjust  an  accusation  against  the  congress  nhich  de- 
clared the  war — how  difficult  must  it  be  for  persons  remote  from 
op[»ortunities  of  judging  correctly,  and  liable  to  be  misled  by 
interested  or  factious  men,  to  form  accurate  o])inions  ? 

A  further  and  most  convincing  proof  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
«rror  which  I  committed,  is  to  be  found  in  the  circumstance, 
that  on  the  12th  of  July.  1812,  only  twenty-four  days  after  the 
declaration  of  war,  <'teneral  Hull,  at  the  head  of  2,500  men, 
well  appointed,  had  penetrated  into  Canada  :  and,  had  the  same 
talent  and  bravery  that  displayed  themselves  at  Yorklown, 
Chippewa,  Bridgewater,  the  Saranac,  New  Orleans,  and  other 
places,  presided  over  their  movements,  there  is  no  doubt,  that 
in  the  first  campaign,  the  whole  of  Upper  Canada,  and  perhaps 
Lower  Canada  too,  with  the  exception  of  Quebec,  might  have 
been  subdued.  This  army  had  3750  muskets,  3t}  pieces  of 
cannon,  1080  rounds  of  fixed  iimmnnition  for  the  cannon,  200 
tons  of  cannon  ball,  '50  tons  of  lead,  70,000  musket  cartridges 
made  U[),  Ac.  Ac.  ^'c* 

Let  it  be  borne  in  mind,  that  among  the  heinous  charges  en 
the  subject  of  the  war,  agRinst  the  administratioh,  the  want  ol 
due  preparation  hns  been  the  most  prriminent.  We  here  sec 
how  utterly  fallacious  and  unfounded  is  the  allegation. 

-   ,  *  See  Weekly  Register,  vol.  iii.  p.  93.  , 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


233 


BOt 

U. 

itU- 
luly 

;  U. 


•'  ••  f 


CHAPTER    XL. 


Reproaches  of  the  minority  against  the  imbecility  of  the  majority. 
Pernicious  consequences  of  newspaper  misrepresentations.  Bri- 
tish deceived  by  tluir  friends. 

While  the  serious  preparations  detailed  in  the  ^receding 
chapter  were  going  forward,  the  federal  printers  throughout  the 
union  were  pretty  generally  and  zealously  employed  in  ridicu- 
ling the  idea  of  war — persuading  the  public  that  all  these  mea- 
sures were  illusory,  and  intended  to  intimidate  the  British  min- 
istry— and  that  our  government  possessed  neitiier  the  courage 
nor  the  means  to  venture  on  hostilily. 

I  have  already  quoted  the  notorious  declaration  made  by  sev- 
eral members  of  congress,  particularly  Mr.  Josiah  Quincy, 
that  ^^  the  majority  could  not  be  kicked  into  war" 

This  course  of  proceeding  is  not  easily  accounted  for.  It 
must  have  had  some  motive.  And  it  requires  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  charity  to  ascribe  it  to  a  motive  either  laudable  or 
patriotic. 

Suppose,  for  a  moment,  that  our  rulers  did  not  really 
mean  war — that  they  were  actually  destitute  of  the  means  of 
carrying  it  on— ^that  they  were  "  too  cowardly  to  be  kicked  into 
li" — was  it  wise,  was  it  prudent,  was  it  honorable,  was  it  poli- 
tic, to  blazon  our  deficiencies  to  the  world — to  assure  England 
that  she  might  safely,  and  with  impunity,  continue  the  perpe- 
tration of  her  o;'.trage»  on  an  unotfending  neutral,  because  that 
neutral  could  not  be  kicked  into  war  to  resist  these  outrages  ? — 
Surely  not. 

In  pursuance  of  the  plan  I  have  followed  throughout  this  work, 
of  establishing  all  points  of  importance  by  indisputable  evi- 
dence, I  subjoin  a  few  of  the  paragraphs  to  which  I  refer.  Tliey 
will  satisfy  even  the  most  incredulous  reader. 

"   '     •"  ..  •  -     Smoke !  SmokeJ 

•*  Ourcorrespondent  gugs^sta,  that  in  the  event  of  certain  measures  alrearly 
taken  hy  the  executive,  failing,  then  to  augment  the  force  by  new  levies — or  iiy' 
forming  ten  corps  of  1200  men  each,  to  be  ^elected  from  the  militia  of  a  ceriain 
agi»  of  ihe  several  states  who  may  vohinteer  for  such  corps  diirina  the  war.  It 
is  to  us  a  ito^t  astonishing  and  incom:eivah1e  thing,  that  on  reading  the  above, 
any  man  sliould  be  alarmed,  and  tliink  our  govarnment  are  about  to  take  dedsivp. 
step.j.  Will  our  adminislration  never  he  understood  !'  Shall  we  forevrr  he  tjie 
diipos  of  a  contpmptible  farce,  which  has  been  exhibiting  for  years,  to  make  peo- 
ple wonder  and  stare  ?  My  life  on  it,  our  executive  have  no  more  idea  of  de^ 
ciatiitii  w.ir  than  my  gnmdinothpr  '♦     Boslon  Repertory,  Jan  9,  1810. 

''  Our  (government  tvill  not  makr.  nar  on  Gnat  Britain  ;  but  will  keep  up  a 
"oastaat  irritation  on  some  preUnce  or  othfr,  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  their  irj  - 

w 


a^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


flurnce  as  a  party.  Tlie  more  tlie  public  suffer,  tlie  more  irritable  lliey  will  be  ■ 
and  government  will  trust  to  their  addrefls  to  direct  that  irritiibiiity  against 
Grfat-Britaiii  '»     Boston  Repertory,  April  17,  lUlO. 

*'  The  i!0,OOO  men  bill  passed  congress — and  in  this  ci(y  [New-York]  the  sen- 
snllon  proiluted  by  it  was  not  half  equal  to  that  which  was  causid  by  the  gover- 
nor's notice  of  banks.  Mr.  Gallatin  rpcommencjed  a  wlii»key  tax,  &c.  and  ev- 
ery body  laughed  to  think  what  a  queer  thing  it  was  for  a  man,  wiio  iiad  figured 
so  much  in  tlie  whiskey  insurrection,  to  be  the  author  of  such  a  mevisure  The 
New- York  Gazette,  however,  still  graced  its  columns,  and  we.  too  iOin?'imcH  wilh 
"  for  Liverpool — for  liondon,"  &c.  &c.  The  committee  of  wny>  and  ni«'ans  at 
last  come  out  with  their  Pandora's  box  of  taxey.  Yd  nfthodii  (heams  if  iixir. — 
The  mechanics,  the  banks,  nay,  *he  insurance  offices  goon  as  usual.  Las-t  of  all, 
1 1,000,000  of  dollars — Sliil  no  alieralion  uf  the  public  pxUse — no  concern  by  friend 
or  foe  of  administration.  All  is  well  !  In  the  name  of  wonder  how  or  why  is  all 
ihip  !  Exposed  as  the  city  of  New-York  is,  why  this  securitj',  tiiis  upathy  I'  Art 
nil  the  proceedings  of  government  a  farce,  and  that  so  palpable  a  one  as  to  be  un- 
derstood by  the  most  stupid  ?  Or  what  is  the  reason  that  not  the  slig!<test  anx- 
iety is  felt  by  ourselves  1^  If  government  is  in  earnest,  why  have  they  not,  why 
do  they  not  proceed  more  rapidly  ?  Why  is  our  <thi]>piTi<;  pfrm''*ed  to  run  into 
itrt'.tin  capture  .^  Either  tlie  i^overnmenl  in  mostfnUe  and  hypncriiical,  or  the  pio- 
■pie  out  qf  their  senses  ?"     New-York  Eveniug  Pest,  Feb.  I81'2. 

"  When  I  see  such  a  palpable  failure  iu  all  the  meonp,  iititural  and  necessary, 
for  carrying  on  the  war — when  I  see  the  exposure  of  youf  sea  board — when  1  see 
llie  actual  military  force,  instead  of  being  incrtased  in  efficienr;. ,  in  fact  :  eflucijig, 
neither  promiita,  nor  asseverations^  nor  oaths,  shall  make  me  bvlitve  that  y.u  ivillgo 
to  war  at  the  endoj  ninety  days.  Opposuit  natura.  Nature  has  decided  a,>;ain'-t 
you.  Instead  of  that  feast  of  war,  to  which  we  vvere  invited,  at  the  beginning  of 
v,he  session^  we  have  served  up  to. us  the  old  dish  of  restiictionii.  There  is  no 
need  of  prophecy  to  teil  tlic  result.  At  theend  of  ninety  days,  you  vjjl  find  tluit 
your  preparation  is  not  suffii-ieiit.  The  lujrrvrs  nfnar  mil  be  preached  tip  very 
assiduously  during  our  recess.  Familiarity  with  embargo  will  diminish  it«  dread. 
The  restrictive  s)  .stem  becomes  identified  with  some  personal,  loc-.l,  paltry  inter- 
est. The  navigating  states  are  sacrificed  :  and  the  spirit  and  character  of  the 
country  are  prostrated  in  the, dost,  by  fear  or  by  avarice."  JVlr.  Quiucey's  speech 
on  the  embargo,  April  S,  1812. 

"  The  project  of  attacking  Canada  is  now  given  up.  Some  other  plan  is  to  be 
devised."    ;PluladelphiaGazette,  Jan.  30,  1812. 

"  They  [the  leaders  in  congress]  have  already  gone  far  enough  in  war.  They 
are  conscious  they  cannot  commence.,  prosecute,  and  terminate  a  war  ;  that  the 
hands  which  begin,  will  never  finish  it.  They  shrink  from  it.  They  aireadij 
stagger  under  the  nfeight. 

"  They  are  frightentd  as  the  aspect  becomes  a  little  serious,  and  wish  to  go  home 
and  think  of  it."    Philadelphia  Gaxette,  Jan.  10,  18 1 2. 

"  If  you  think  a  vote  to  raise  23,000  men,  looks  like  war,  q;^  quiet  your  ap- 
•jrrehensi'jns.  You  do  not  understand  what  is  here  called  nianag"ment  THERE 
WILL,  AS  I  BELIEVE,  BE  NO  WAR.  The  na.  nihoop,  the  orders  in  coun- 
cil, the  nori'importation,  the  presidential  caucussing  rvill  vanish  before  si<mjner.'- 
Baltimore  Federal  Gazette,  as  quoted  in  the  Philadelphia  Gazette,  Jan.  I'J, 
1812. 

*'I  tell  you  James  Madison  will  not  dare  to  march  a  man  to  Canada  with  the  a- 
vowed  spirit  of  warfare — not  a  man,  sir — no — not  one — in  our  present  defenceless 
state.    So  no  more  of  His  dream.**    Philadelphia  Gazette,  Jan.  27,  I8I2. 

"  We  are  firmly  persuaded,  that  the  majority  in  congress  do  not  mean  to  di- 
clare  mar  at  present ;  THAT  THEY  DARE  NOT  ;  and  that  all  their  threat* 
are  but  contemptible  vapouring,  which  will  die  away  like  the  vapouriogs  of  u 
drunken  man,  before  they  rise,"    Boston  Repertory,  Dec.  24,  1811. 

"  It  is  amazingly  mal-a-propos,  and  moreover  very  vexatious,  that  while  our 
centinels  of  public  liberty  are  legislating  away  in  •'  the  full  tide  of  successful  ex- 
periment" at  Washington,  their  netl-laid  plans  are  failing  every  where :  the  (rvt 
main  sintws  qf  their  darlins  ivdr^  ajppcar  to  fee  most  miserably  relaxed.    NEI- 


THE  OLlfl  BRAI^Cri. 


25:'] 


'msv 

sen- 
ver- 
I  ev- 
ui't*c\ 
'Vhc 
wjih 
ns  at 
ar. — 
)f  all, 
riend 
is  nil 
Art 
le  un- 
,t  afix- 
,  vhy 

he  jjco- 

essnry, 
n  i  eee 

(lllCUlft, 

;  »J)iW  go 

lining  f>f 
re  is  no 
'ind  that 
xip  very 
t-  dread, 
y  inler- 
of  the 
's  speech 


lis 


to  be 


They 
that  the 
already 

go  home 

your  ap- 
THERE 

in  coun- 
ummer." 

Jan.  \'i} 

iththea- 
efencelesi 

an  to  dt- 

tir  threatii 
lings  of  a 

fhil«  our 
cessful  ex- 
IP. ;  thfJrvt 


r?Ei- 


THER  MEN  ARE  TO  BE  HAD— NOR  MONEY  TO  PVV  THKM."— 

Airxandria  GaEetle,  as  quoted  in  the  Phjladclphia  Gazette,  May  l-l,  lb  12. 

This  paragraph  was  piiblishetl  only  five  weeks  before  Ihc 
tieclRration  of  war.  It  was,  with  liuuttreds  of  others  of  similai' 
character,  calculated  to  keep  up  the  delusion  to  the  last,  at  home 
and  abroad. 

During  the  period  when  those  paragraphs  were  i)uhHshing 
in  our  Gazettes,  I  felt  the  most  serious  uneasiness  on  the  sub- 
ject. 1  believed  their  effect  would  be;  to  produce  war.  1  re- 
peatedly expressed  my  fears  on  the  subject.  I  was  convincetl 
that  they  would  delude  England  into  a  I  elief,  that  she  might 
inugh  our  efforts  loscorn — ^and  that  she  would  persevere  in  hey 
obnoxious  course  till  we  were  finally  " kicked  into  war'''  A- 
mong  other  gentlemen  to  whom  1  communicated  my  apj)rehen- 
bions  on  this  subject,  were  James  Milnor,  Adam  Seyhert,  and 
William  Anderson,  Esqrs.  then  rej)resentatives  in  congress 
from  this  state.  It  was  in  the  gallery  of  the  house  of  represent- 
atives, and,  as  far  as  I  recollect,  early  in  May,  1S12. 

The  efforts  to  spread  this  delusion  were  not  confmed  to  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  No.  The  same  industry  was  employed 
in  letters  to  correspondents  in  England  and  Irelaix',  whicn 
made  their  appearance  in  the  public  papers  in  those  kina.!ori«i:- 
Never  was  more  ap[)lication  employed  on  any  subject — ami 
sever  was  application  more  unholy  or  pernicious* 

I  submit  an  exttact  from  one  of  those  letters,  to  the  reader. 
It  il  a  fair  specimen  of  hundreds  which  really  appear  to  have 
been  dictated  by  \SJ^  the  most  serious  apprehensions  lest  the  Bri- 
tish shmildrelax^  and  JjE&t   WB  MIGHT   THUS  ESCAPE  WAR. 

From  the  Londonderry  Journal,  June,  16,  1812. 

Extract  of  a  letter  to  a  gentleman  in  this  place,  dttted 
■  Philadelphia,  May  3,  181!K 

"  You  will  perceive  by  the  copy  of  a  bill  which  I  enclose*  that  we  Americani 
are  "  at  oitr  diX.v  norkagam'*'*  But  n^  /  advis%  you  not  lo  bt  alarmed  at  tht 
'nolence  (if  our  proceedings.  We  shall  continue  to  bluster.  This  is  our  charac- 
teristic. And  ne  would  do  more,  if  we  could.  But  it  is  not  in  our  power.  We 
'lave not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury — no  arrAy  deserving  the  name  of  one — and  are- 
ndually  without  a  navy.  Added  to  this,  not  a  moiety  of  the  loan  of  eleven  milliono 
niil  ever  be  procured.''^ 

I  wish  the  reader,  before   he  closes^  this  chapter,   tt)  weigli* 
well  its  contents;     Let  him  dive  into  the  most  profound  re- 
cesses of  the  human  heart.     Let  him  try  to  discover  the  main 
?"?ifA<atl^fe'(fes^l\^«t'«ij*w*'WTaDbs  and  letters,  frauglit  with  skcIi- 


I 


2d& 


THE  OLITH  BRANCH. 


The  effecl  of  this  vile  course  of  proceeding  was  highly  perni- 
cious in  t\v€  points  of  Tiew,  widely  di^Terent  from  each  other. 
It  fatally  held  out  every  possible  encouragement  to  the  Briiish 
ministry  to  persevere  in  the  career  of  depredation  on  American 
commerce,  ami  an  utter  disregard  to  and  violation  of  th«  rights  of 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States.  It  was,  moreover,  calculated 
to  goad,  and  I  have  no  doubt  did  contribute  to  goad,  our  rulers 
into  war. 

Reader,  let  me  illustrate  this  point  by  a  plain  case  which  oc- 
Qurs  in  our  streets  every  day.  Two  boys  have  a  quarrel — but 
are  not  very  willir  g  to  come  to  an  open  rupture,  lest  their  eyes, 
i»nd  noses,  and  mouths,  should  suffer  violence  in  the  affray. — 
Some  of  the  humane  spectators  pat  them  on  the  backs,  and  try 
to  persuade  each  that  his  antagonist "  cannot  be  kicked  into  war'^ 
' — at  the  same  time  appealing  to  his  pride  to  resent  the  insult. — 
This  laudable  course  seldom  fails  of  success.  The  united  in- 
fluence of  regard  for  his  honour,  and  reliance  on  his  antagonist's 
cowardice,  excites  the  courage  of  one  or  both  just  to  the  point 
of  aggresblon.  This  was  the  horrible  result  between  the  Uni- 
ted Slates  and  England,  of  a  procedure  which  never  can  be  too 
highly  censured. 

I  could  pursue  this  topic  to  a  very  great  extent.  It  admits 
ofa  wide  field  of  investigation  :  but  I  leave  it  with  the  reader. 
I  have  barely  erected  a  ilinger  post  to  direct  his  career. 

I  am  fully  persuaded  that  Great  Britain  did  not  desire  aetua) 
war  with  the  United  States.  Had  her  ministers  really  believed 
the  alternative  to  be,  war  or  a  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council, 
they  would  have  repealed  them  in  season.  But  their  friends 
on  this  side  the  Atlantic  most  cruelly  deceived  them.  Every 
day's  experience  proves  that  {tT'  one  indiscrett^  impmdenty  or 
injudicious  friend^  does  more  injury  than  three  enemies,  [XT'  The 
friends  of  England  in  this  country  have  afforded  undeniable 
proofs  of  the  correctness  of  the  maxim.  The  writers  whom  I 
have  quoted  above,  and  others  of  similar  character,  have  inflict- 
ed on  her  more  injury  than  ten  times  the  number  of  the  most 
\ioleut  anti-Anglicans  io  the  country. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

War  proceedings  in  Congress,  Yeas  and  Nays.  Inexplicable 
conduct.  Mr.  Quincy,  and  other  violent  Federalists,  "ooted  in 
the  affirmative  on  almost  all  the  questions  leading  to  War — lui 
against  war  itself, 

.,.!Liiis.',jmkF  liki'vi'  names.'   It  cannot  afiprd  much  entef- 


THE  OLIVE  BRAXCH. 


237 


loo 


very 

nf,  (yr 
The 

niable 
om  I 

nflict- 
mosl 


\UcahU 
7tcd  in 

enter- 


tainment. But  if  you  have  fairly  travclleil  with  me  thus  far,  I 
<]oj)ri;cato your  |m»48iiiij;  over  Ihese  few  pages.  Whit  they  miiy 
want  in  entertainment,  I  ho;)c  tlicy  will  comj)ensale  in  iiistruc- 

lion. 

When  tlie  vote  wbb  finally  taken  on  the  declaration  of  war, 
there  were  49  members  in  the  negative,  whose  names  are  sub- 
joined—  .  .     -     • 

Kays— Messrs.  Baker,  Bartlott,  Rlecclier,  Boyd,  Breckenridge,  BrigliPm, 
Champion,  Oliiltenden,  Cooke,  D  ivenport,  Ely,  Emolt,  Fitch,  Gold,  Gold;*)o 
rmigli,  Hijfty,  Jackson,  Key.  Law,  Lewis,  M  ixwell,  M'Bryde,  Metcalf,  Milnor, 
Mitchell,  Mo'ely,  Newbold,  Pearson,  Pitkin,  Potter,  Quincy,  Randolph,  Reed, 
Ridgcly,  Rodman,  Saraiuons,  Stanford,  Stewart,  Slow,  Sturges,  Siillivan,  Tag- 
gart,  Taliiiddze,  rallman,  Tracy,  Van  Cortlar.dt,  Wheaton,  White,  Wilson.— 19, 

I  annex  a  statement  of  the  votes  on  various  measures  pre- 
paratory to  war.  The  namen  of  those  who  finally  voted  against 
the  war,  are  in  Italic. 

December  16,  ISIL 

"  The  questiofj  was  taken  on  the  following  rcsolutioD  : 

"  That  it  is  expedient  to  authorize  the  President,  under  proper  regulations,  to 
accept  the  service  of  any  number  of  volunteers,  not  exceeding;  fifty  thousand  ;  to 
be  organized,  trained,  and  held  in  readinoss  to  act  on  such  service  as  the  exigen- 
cies of  government  may  require  ; 

"  And  decided  thus  : 

*'Y*'a8— Alston,  Archer,  Avery,  Bacon,  Baker,  BiiT(\,  BartkU,  Basset,  Bibb, 
Blackledgp,  Eleecker,  Blount.  Boyd,  Breckenrid^e,  Eiowo,  Harwell,  Butler, 
Calhoun.  Cheeves,  Chitlendtn.  Cochran,  Cloplon,  Cooke.,  Condit,  Crawford  Da- 
vis, DawKon,  Dinsmoor,  EmuV,  Findley,  Fist,  Fitrh,  Franklin,  Gholson,  Gold^ 
Goldiborouffh,  GooJwyn,  Green,  Grundy,  B.  H;ill,  O.  Hall,  Harper,  Hu/Ly^ 
Hyneoittn,  Johnson,  Kent,  King,  Lacock,  Lefever,  Little.  Livingstou,  Lowndes, 
Lyle,  Mucon,  Maccwell,  Moore,  AVBryde,  M'Coy,  M'Kee,  M*Kim,  Metcalfe 
Milnor,  Mitchell,  Morgan,  Morrow,  Mosely,  Nelson,  Nttwbold,  Newton,  Orrasby, 
Paulding,  Peanon^  Pickens,  Piper,  Pitkin,  Pond,  Porter,  Quincy,  Reed  Ridgely^ 
Ringgold,  Rhea,  Roane,  Roberts,  Rodman,  Sage,  Samnwns,  Seaver,  Sevier, 
Seybcrt,  Shaw,  Sheffey,  Srailie,  G.  Smith.  Sto7v,  Strong,  SuUivaji,  Talmadge, 
TaUman,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Van  Corthndt,  White,  Whitehlll,  Williams, 
Widgtry,  Wilson,  Winn,  Wright.  Hawes,  Desha — 113. 

*'  Nays— Messrs,  Bigelow,  Brigham.  Champion,  Davenport,  Ely,  Gray,  Jaelf- 
scn.  Law,  Lenris^  Potter,  Randolph,  J.  Siiuth,  Stanfbrd,  Sturges,  Taggart,  WfMt^ 
/on.— 19 


Same  day. 

"The  question  was  next  taken  on  the  fourth  resoiulioa  of  the  committee  on 
foreign  relations,  in  the  following  words  : 

' '  Tint  the  President  he  authorised  to  order  out  from  time  to  time,  such  de- 
tachments of  the  militia,  as  iu  his  opinicm  the  public  service  may  require  j 

"  And  decided  as  follows  : 

"  Yeas — Messrs,  Alston,  Anderson  Archer,  Avery,  Bacon,  Baker,  Btrd,  Bari- 
letf,  Bassett,  Bibb,  Blackledge  Bleecker,  Blount,  Boyd,  Breckenridge  Brown, 
Burwell,  Butler,  Calhoun,  Cheev^es.  Chittenden,  Cochran,  Cloi)ton.  Cooke,  Condit^ 
Crawford,  Davis,  Dawson,  Desha,  Dins-mtor,  Earle,  Emotl.  Findley,  Fisk,  Fitch^ 
Franklin,  Gholson,  Void,  Guldsbm-outch,  Goodwin,  Gray,  Green,  Grundy,  B. 
Hall,  O,  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes,  Hu/iy,  Hynenaan,  Johnson,  Kent,  Kiag,  Lacockr 

W2 


233 


THE  OLIVE  BIIANCI!. 


liofcver, /.<;?;»»■{,  T.ltlle,  Livingston,   Lownd. s,  livlft,    Macon,    Mnxndl,   iMi.orc, 
M' Bride.,  MToy,  M'Kec,  iVPKim,  yTrlai{f,  Milmr,  MiUhdl  Moi(;an,  Morrow, 


*'  Nays     .  _ 


II*,    TTMim.i^,    rr  lO'UK,    "  iiin,    >'  11)^111,. l^V. 

Messrs.   l)ig«low,  Brigham,  Champion,  Davinport,  Jackson,  Law, 


Same  day. 

*'  The  qtirstlon  was  talcn  on  the  fifllj  resolutlop,  id  the  words  following  : 

"  Tliatall  tlif!  vessels  not  now  in  service  belon!;ing  to  the  navy,  and  worthy  of 
rj'pnir,,  beiiiiinf^cliafcly  fitted  up  and  put  io  conunission. 

*'  And  cirried  as  follows  : 

"  Yeas— Messrg.  Alston,  Anderson,  Archer,  Avery,  Bsicon.  Bn]:er,  Bard,  Bart- 
IrU,  Bassett,  Bigelow,  Black  ledge,  BUrcker,  Blount,  Brerkenridgfl,  Brlgham, 
Buru ell,  Butler,  Calhoun,  Champion,  Cheevps,  Chiltenden,  Vovhi-AV,  Clopton, 
Cooke,  Condit,  Crawford,  Divis,  Dawson,  Deslia,  Diiismoor.  E  irle,  Ely,  Emoft, 
Findley.  Filch,  Franklin,  Gholson,  Gold^  Goldsborougk,  Goodwyn,  (irt  ai.  TTiun- 
dy,  B.  Hall.  O.  Hail,  Harper,  Hawes,  Hyneimn,  Jncksm,  Johnson,  K(  ut,  K\n<r, 
I jacocV,  Lnrv,  Lefevre,  Little,  Liting'ton,  Lowndos,  Ly!e,  Max. ,  ell  Ai.  ere, 
3VBryde,  M'Coy,  M'Kim,  Metcdf,  Milnor,  Mitchdl,  Morgan,  Moirow,  iV<,  «- 
ley.  Nelson,  Ntwbold,  Newton,  Ormsby,  Paulding,  Pearsim,  Pickens.  Piper,  Pit- 
/cin,  Pond,  Porter,  Quinfi;,  Reed,  liidgely.,  Ringgold,  P. i-t a  Ropne,  Bohtrtp, 
Sage,  Snmmons,  Seaver,  Sevior,  Seyherl,  Jsiiaw,  G.  bnilth,  Stroni:,  Sturt^es.  Sulli- 
van, Taigart,  Talmadge,  Tollman,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Fan  Cji  thud  ,  Vt'heu 
ton,  White,  Widgery,  Wilrm,  U'ln^',  Wright.— Hi. 

"Nays — MrsfTS  Bihb    Boyd,  Thrown,   Gtny,  Hv/ly    lew's.   Macop,  PolUr, 
JRanduljih,  Rodman,  Sheffey,  Smilie,  Stanford,  Whitebiil,  VViiliams— 15. 


Dfccmler  If),  1811. 

"  The  quc!:.tion  was  taken  on  tlie  following  resOiUtion,  and  carried, 

"Thntitis  expedient  to  permit  6ur  merchant  ve?sh;ls,  owned  cxciuMvely  by 
resident  citizens,  and  commaiidrd  and  navigated  solely  by  citizens,  to  arm  ui:d»  r 
fi'oper  regulations  to  be  prescribed  by  law,  in  self  defence  againbt  all  uniawlul 
proceedings  towards  tliem  on  the  high  seas. 

"  Yeas — Messr?v  Alston,  Anderson,  Avery,  Bacon,  Baker,  BaPsett,Bihb,  P.ige- 
low,  Blacklrdge  Blterker,  Breckcnridge,  Brigfuim,  ButhT,  Calhoun,  Champitn, 
Cheeves,  Chittenden,  Clopton.  Co-ike,  Condit,  Crawford.  Davenport,  Dnvis,  Daw- 
son, De,«.ha,  Dinsmoor,  Rlv,  Fizidley,  Fitch.  Fntnklin,  Gholson,  Gold,  Goldibo- 
rough  Goodwyn,  Green,  Grundy.  B.  Hall,  O.  Hall,  Harper,  Hawes.  Hj  neinim, 
JffcX.'on,  Johnson,  King  Lacock.  Lnrv,  Lefever.  Little.  Livingston,  Lyle,  Max- 
well,  Moore,  M^Bryde,  M'Coy,  Mefcu{f,  Milnor,  Morgan,  Moicley,  Nelson,  Ntm- 
ioW.  Nt  wton,  Ornisby,  Panldinj',  i'eur«4)n,  Pickens,  Piper»  Pitkin,  Pleasat:ts, 
Pond,  Porter,  Penrson,  Quincy,  Jieed.  Ridgely,  Ringgo'd,  Rhea,  Roane,  *ag(}, 
Sammons,  Server,  Sevier  Shaw,  Scillie,  J.  SnT'th,  Sion,  iSlitr^f.?,  Taggart,  Tall- 
man,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Van  Cortlandl,  Whcaton,  White,  Widgery,  Wihon, 
Bartlett,  Poller. —91. 

"  Nays — Messrs  Archer,  Bard,  Piount.  Boyd,  Brown,  Cochran  Hufty,  Kent, 
Lowndes.  Macon.  M'Kee,  M'Kim,  MIic!:ell,  Morrow,  Roberts,  Rodman,  ShJ- 
fcy,  Stanford,  Stewart,  Whitehill,  Williauis,  Wriglit.— 1^2. 


January  Q,  1812. 

"  The  house  look  up  the  bill  for  rnising  an  additiorial  military  force,  which  fi- 
nally passed,  nj  to  U.     The  yeas  and  mys  were  sa  follows  : 

"  Yeas — Messrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  Archer,  Avery,  Bacon,  Bard.  Bartlett; 
Bibb,  Blackledge,  B/eecfcer,  Blount,  Browr^  Burwellj  Butler,  Calhoun,  Cheeves, 


THE  OI.IVE  15RANCH. 


2-^0 


Clay,  Cni'hrun.  Cloplon,  Ci^ndit,  CriiH-roid,  Davis,  niwKon,  Dus-lf^,  Dinsmooi' 
K.iile,  £:ii)fl,  l'ii:(l  t>,  l''i«k,  Fr;ti.klin,  GiiolK>n.  Ciulil.  (Jre»'n,  rivimtly,  H  Hall, 
()    H.ill,  llurp'  r,  I'.awcs.  UyiUMii.in,  Jnhn-'oii,  K«'nt,  King,  Lsicork,  I<»i<vn.>,  IjU- 


Janmry'Z^,  1812. 

*'  Tlie  engrossed  bill  concerning  the  naval  establishment  whs  i« ad  tlie  tliird 
lime  and  passod.     Tlie  yeas  and  uays  on  its  passage  were  -a*  fo.lows  ; 

'•  Yeas — Messrs  Alston  Anderson,  Bassett,  BIarU(d.:(;,  Brtcktnrulgs  Pur- 
well,  Butler,  Calhoun,  Chefeve<i,  ChUfemfen.  Condit,  Daiun-pftrt.,  Davis,  Diiir 
moor,  fiZ.Vi  Emott.  Findlry,  Pisk.  Filch,  Frnnkln,  (i.'io'fon,  (joodwin.  Green, 
Ilirpor,  Hawe?,  Hynemjn,  Kinp.  Little,  Livli,gs!on,  L(Avnd(  i,  MaxniU,  Moore, 
M'Bryde  M'Coy,  M'Kim.  Milmr,  MiUkdl,  JNeUon.  N»;wton  tUkin,  J'ieag. 
ants,  Pond,  Poller,  Richard'on.  Rincgold,  Rhea,  Seybert,  StieH'ey.  ti.  Sniitli,  J. 
^mitli.  Sleivnrtf  Siorv,  Slurifes,  Tuggart,  Talliaferro,  Tracy,  'I'roup,  Turu«'r,  yiin 
Cortlmdt,  fVhcaton,  White,  H'iLon,  Winn,  Wright. — H:>, 

"  Nays— Messrs.  Bacon,  Bibb,  Bojyd.  Brown,  Corliran,  Cra^^ford.  Drs'ia,  O. 
Hall,  iiM//,y,  Jolin^on,  Lacock,  Lyle.  Macon,  M'Kee,  yWe^a///.  Morgan,  New, 
Nenbnld.  Pip»r,  Ro^.ne,  Roberts,  Rodman^  Sage,  Seuver,  Shaw,  Sniilie,  Stwn/crd^ 
Strong,  Miic/ieW,  Williams.— 30. 


Ftbruary  19,  1812, 

•'  The  engrossed  bill  for  authorising  a  loan  for  eleven  niiliions  of  dollar**,  waa 
jtead  the  third  time,  and  the  question  was  put,  '^  shall  the  bill  pass  its  third  read- 
ing." 

•'  Yeas — Messrs.  Alston,  Anderson,  Archer,  Bacun,  B.ird,  Bassett,  Bibb, 
Bleecker,  Boyd,  Brown,  Burwell,  Butler,  Calhdun,  Clieeves,  Clay,  Cochran,  ('on- 
dit,  Crawford.  Davis,  D  jwson,  Desha,  Dinsmoor,  Earl,  Emott,  Findley,  Fisk, 
Franklin,  Gholson,  Gold,  Goodwyn.  Green,  Grundy,  B.  Hall,  O  Hal!,  Harper, 
H<iwes,  Hufty,  Johnson,  Kent,  King,  Lacock,  Lefevre  Little.  Livingston, 
Lowndes.  Lyle,  Macon,  Maxwell,  Moore,  M'Coy,  M'Kim,  Melm\f,  Mitchell, 
Morgan,  Morrow.  Nelson,  New,  Newbold,  Newton,  Orui>b)-,  Pickens,  Piper, 
Pleasants,  Pond,  Poit^^r,  Potter,  Quincy,  Reed,  Richardson,  Ringgold,  Rhea, 
Roane,  Roberts,  Sage,  Sammons,  Seaver,  Sevier,  Sejbr-rt.  Shaw,  Smilie,  G. 
Smith,  J.  Smith,  Stow,  Strong,  Tracy,  Troup,  Turner,  Van  Curtlandt,  Whitehill, 
Widjery,  Winn,  Wright  —92. 

"  Nays — Messrs  Baker.  Bigelow,  Breckenridge,  Btigfutm.  Champion,  Chitten- 
tlen,  Davenport.  Filch,  Goldshorough,  Gray,  Jackson,  Lirv,  Louis  Milnor,  ATot*- 
ly.  Pearson,  Pitkin,  Randolph,  Ridgdy,  Rodman,  Shefley,  SUmtrt,  Sturges, 
taggnrd,  Tallmadge,  fVheaton,  White,  Wilson.— 2'J. 

I  hope  the  reader  has  fully  examined  tliose  dry  lists,  and  has 
his  mind  prepared  for  the  reflections  I  have  to  submit  upon 
them. 

No  man  will  deny  that  a  public  functionary  who  acts  with 
gvosa  and  manifest  inconsistency  in  his  political  career,  espe- 


mm 


210 


THE  OUVE  miANCH. 


cially,  ill  malkTs  ol'lhe  lughcat  po!?8il»lo  iinportunce  to  bis  coii- 
sUltJiMils,  ibrfeiis  liieit'  coiitidi'iice.  Of  cuurae  it  is  extreinelj' 
dan<;erous  to  subinil  to  his  guidance. 

The  war  was  eilher  just  or  utjust. 

Every  innii  who  believed  it  unjust,  and  who  voted  for  a  sericfc 
of  measures  leading  to  it,  betrayed  his  trust. 

Every  man  who  voted  for  the  measures  leading  to  war;  who 
opposed  it  after  it  was  declared;  and  \vh(r,  as  far  as  in  his 
power,  thwarted  the  measures  adoptetl  to  carry  it  on,  WcS  guilty 
of  a  gross,  manifest,  and  palfiable  inconsistency — and  in  either< 
one  or  other  course  betrayed  his  trust. 

That  these  positions  are  correct,  cannot  be  denied.  I  proceed 
to  apply  them — and  shall  single  out  an  individuaU  to  make  the 
case  more  striking. 

Josiab  Quincy  voted,  as  we  have  seen,  ^TJ'for  a  set  of  meas* 
ures,  all  predicated  upon  an  approaching  war.  He  voted  for  the 
loan  to  raise  the  money  necessary  to  give  effect  to  those  measures. 
Htf,  andforty-eiglU  other  meinbers^  mho  had  generally  voted  with 
him  for  all  these  preparatory  measures,  voted  against  the  war  it- 
self. Andfiirther,  they  did  not  merely  vote  against  the  war,  hut 
(C7^  thirty  four  (f  them  published  a  most  inflammatory  protest,  ad- 
dressed to  their  constituents,  to  excite  them  to  oppose  it.  This 
protest,  and  other  violent  measures,  were,  fatally,  but  too  suc- 
cessful. 

I  annex  the  names  of  the  protestors.    '     ■' 

Messrs.  Brigham,  Bigelow,  M *Bride,  Bteckenri^e,  Baker,  Bleeckcr,  Champi 
fn,  Ciiiltenden,  Davenport,  Emott,  Ely,  Fitch,  uold,  Goldaborough,  Jackson, 
Key,   Lewis.  Law,  Mosely,  Milnor,  Potter,  Pearson,  Pitkin,  Quiucy,  Reed, 
liidgely,  Spilivaa,  Stewart,  Sturges,  Tallmadge,  Tag^art,  White,  U'ilaon,  Whea- 
loa. 

I  aver  that  the  whole  of  the  annals  of  legislation,  from  the 
first  organization  of  deliberative  bodies  to  this  hour,  [CT^  cannot 
produce  a  more  sinister,  dark,  or  mysterious  polio/.  These  gentle- 
men, particularly  lM[r.Quincy,who  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  his 
opposition  to  the  war,  are  most  solemnly  cited  before  the  bar  of 
the  public,  and  called  upon  to  explain  the  motives  of  their  con- 
duct to  that  country,  which  was  brought  to  the  jaws  of  perdi- 
tion l>y  the  opposition  they  excited  against  a  war  which  they 
countenanced  in  almost  every  stage  but  the  last. 


,^ .  ■ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


241 


CHAPTER  XLII. 


-*; 


Declaration  of  war.     Fiokntly  opposed. 

At  length,  on  the  18lh  of  June,  1812,  war  \va8  declared 
against  England,  in  due  form,  after  a  session  of  above  seven 
months,  and  the  most  ardent  debates.  The  final  vote  was  car- 
ried in  the  senate  by  19  to  13 — and  in  the  house  of  representa- 
tives by  79  to  49 — affirmatives  in  both  houses,  98 — negatives, 
02 — that  is,  more  than  three  to  two,  in  both  houses  united. 

War  then  became  the  law  of  the  land.     It  was  the  para- 
mount duly  of  all  good  citizens  to  submit  to  it.    Even  those 
who  doubted  its  justice  or  expediency,  and  who  had  opposed 
its  adoption,  were  bound  to  acquiesce;  for  the  first  principle  of 
all  republican  government — and  of  all  government  founded  on 
reason  and  justice,  is,  that  the  will  of  the  majority,  fairly  and 
constitutionally  expressed,  is  lo  be  the  supreme  law.     To  that 
Uie  minority  is  sacredly  bound  to  submit.     Any  other  doctrine 
ie  jacolimical,  and  disorganising,  and  seditious,  and  has  a  direct 
tendency  to  overthrow  all  government,  and  introduce  anarchy 
and  civil  war.     If  it  were  lawful  for  the  minority,  in  the  unpar- 
alleled way  they  did,  to  oppose  or  paralise  the  government,  and 
defeat  its  measures,  on  the  pretext  that  they  were  unjust,  such 
pretexts  can  never  be  wanting.     And  I  aver  that  K?"  it  would 
be  full  as  just,  as  righteous,  as  legal,  and  as  constitutional,  fof 
Mr,  Holmes,  at  the  head  of  the  ininority  in  Massachusetts,  to  6e- 
siege  governor  Strong  in  his  house,  and  coerce  him  to  retire  from 
office,  as  it  was  for  the  Kings,  the  Wehslers,  the  Hansons,  and  tJu 
Gores,  to  besiege  president  Madison  at  Washington, 

While  the  federalists  held  the  reins  of  government,  they  in« 
culcat^d  these  maxims  with  great  energy  and  eflfect.  The  least 
opposiftHh  to  law  excited  their  utmost  indignation  and  abhor- 
rence. The  vocabulary  of  vituperation  was  exliausted  to  brand 
it  and  its  perpetrators  with  infamy.  But  to  enforce  rules  that 
operate  to  our  advantage,  when  we  have  power,  and  to 
submit  to  those  rules,  when  they  operate  against  us,  are 
widely  different  things.  And  the  federalists,  as  I  have  already 
remarked,  abandoned,  when  in  the  minority^  the  wise  and  salu- 
tary maxims  of  political  economy  which  tiiey  had  so  eloquently 
preached  when  they  were  the  majority. 

And  they  were  not  suti3fied_v»LithA"'^w\i?i"tn"Hniaue1]^hia  voU 
imteera,  during  the  western  insurrection,  seissed  a  printer  at 


'k'm 


242 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Reading  by  force  and  violenee  in  iiis  house,  and  scourged  hitn 
in  the  marlcet-plnce  for  a  libel,  not  the  twentieth  part  as  viru- 
lent as  those  that  are  duily^  published  at  present  with  irapu* 
nity. 

War  is  undoubtedly  a  tremendous  evil.  It  can  never  be  suf- 
ficiently deplored.  It  ought  to  be  avoided  by  all  honorable 
means.  But  there  are  situations  which  present  greater  evils 
than  war  as  an  alternative.  1  believe  this  nation  wus  pre- 
cisely in  that  situation.  We  had  borne  almost  every  species 
of  outrage,  insult,  nnd  depredation.  And  the  uniform  voice  of 
history  proves  that  such  base  submission  of  nations  to  the  atro- 
cities perpetrated  upon  us,  inevitably  produces  a  loss  of  nation-^ 
hI  character,  as  well  as  of  the  resj)ect  and  esteem  of  other  na- 
tions—and invites  to  further  outrages  and  depredatioD,  till  the 
alternative  finally  becomes  a  loss  of  independence,  or  reBistaucQ 
with  means  and  confidence  impaired. 

The  questions  respecting  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain  are, 
whether  it  was  warranted  by  the  conduct  of  that  nation — and 
whether,  after  having  been  duly  declared  by  the  constituted  au- 
thorities, it  was  not*  the  incumbent  duty  of  the  whole  nation  to 
have  united  in  their  support  of  it.  The  first  of  these  question^ 
is  of  so  much  importance,  that  I  shall  devote  to  it  the  44th 
chapter  entires.  I  have  already  sufficiently  discussed  the  sec- 
ond in  the  beginsing  of  the  present  chapter. 

From  the  hour  of  the  declaration  of  war,  a  steady,  sysleitiatK 
cal,  and  energetical  opposition  was  regularly  organised  against 
it  Tli«  measure  itself,  and  itd  authors  and  abettors,  were  de- 
nounced with  the  utmost  virulence  and  intenlperailce.  The 
war  was  at  first  opposed  almost  altogether  on  the  ground  of  in- 
expediency and  the  want  of  preparation.  Afterwards  its  op- 
posers  rose  in  their  denunciations.  They  asserted  that  it  was 
unholy — wicked — base — -perfidious — unjust — cruel — and  cor- 
rupt. Every  man  that  in  any  degree  co-operated  in  it,  or  gave 
aid  to  carry  it  on — was  loaded  with  execration.  It  has  been  re- 
cently pronounced  in  one  of  our  daily  papers  to  be  "  the  most 
wicked  and  unjust  war  that  ever  ¥ras  waged."  The  disregarij 
of  t.  iHh  and  of  the  moral  sense  of  the  reader,  which  such  a  de- 
claration betrays,  is  calculated  to  excite  the  utmost  astonish- 
ment.  Can  this  war  tor  an  instaut  be  compared  to  the  atrocious 
and  perfidious  war  waged  by  Bonaparte  against  Spain — to  the 
treacherous  war  of  England  against  Denmark,  begun  by  a  most 
lawlf.'ss  and  unprecedented  attack  upon  the  shipping  and  capi- 
tal of  an  unoffending  neutral  ?    I  pass  over  thousands  of  other 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


«.l3 


ematW 
gainst 
re  c\c- 
The 
of  in- 
ts  op- 
it  was 
Ml  cor- 
r  gave 
eeti  re  • 
e  most 
n'cgarti 
a  <le- 
itonisU- 
•ocious 
to  the 
most 

|d  capi- 
othcr 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

ycace  pariy.    Composed  oj  warlike  materials.    Repealed  clamor 

for  war. 

TMMKDrATF.i.Y  after  tlio  declMration  of  war,  there  was  a  party 
formrd  calletl  the  *'  React?  Parly,"  which  cornhinul  nenrly  the 
\\\\{)W  of  the  fedenlists  throughout  the  union,  Their  oUject 
was  ♦©  cx[»08e  the  war — the  adminidtratiori — the  congnss  who 
dechircd  it — and  all  who  supported  it,  to  reprobation — and  to 
force  the  c;overnment  to  make  peace. 

This  party  cmliraced  various  descriptions  of  person*,  ail  en- 
lifited  under  the  banners  of  federalism,  whom  it  may  not  lie  im- 
proper to  enumerate. 

First,  those  who  were  clamorous  for  war  with  England  iq 
]7')3,  for  her  depredations  on  our  comnjerce. 

Hecondly,  those  who  declared  and  supported  the  war  against 
France  in  1798. 

Thirdly,  those  who  were  vociferous  for  war  aga'>nst  Spain  ui 
1803,  when  she  interdicted  us  from  the  right  of  defjositat  New- 
Orl(?an3. 

Fourthly,  those  who  io  1805 — 6,  urged  the  government  to  re- 
sist the  aggressions  of  England,  and  to  make  the  alternative — 
redress  of  wrongs  or  W  AR. 

Fifthly,  those  who  after  the  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake  in 
1807,  were  clamorous  for  war,  as  the  only  mode  in  which  smUs- 
faction  could  be  had  for  such  an  outrageous  insult. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  make  a  fair  comparison  of  the  Beve« 
ral  degrees  of  complaint  at  these  several  periods  of  time,  1  an- 
uex  a  synoptica'  view  of  them. 


^ 


1793. 

1797 

Clamour 
forVar 
with  En- 
vland. 

W*?>r  witlj 
France 

^ause 

Cause. 

DfPrr- 
dations 

Depre- 
dations 

oil  com- 

on rom- 

merce. 

raerce. 
Ambassa- 
dors in- 
sulted 
Attempt 
to  extort 

uiopey. 

11303. 


Clamour 
for  war 

<ith 
Spain. 

Cauae. 

Prohibi- 
tion of 
the  right 
of  deposit 
flf  iVew- 
Grleans. 


180S. 

1807, 

Clamour 
for  war 

W'lh  Gr. 
Biitain. 

Clamour 
for  wni 
withGi. 
Britain. 

Cause 

Cause. 

Enforce- 
ment <if 

t'lP  rulf 

of  1756. 

Impress- 
meat. 

Attnrlv 
on  th" 
Ches-"!- 
peake 
Imprfa- 
ment. 

■■- 

1    "- .  ' 

; 

1812. 


War  with  Great  Britain, 


Cause. 

AmEHIC.\N  VKSSIL5,  OTTNRI* 
BY  AMERICAN  tItIZEN3,  LaDKN 
V>  ITH    AMERICAN    PnODUCTIONB, 

VND  NAVIOATED  BY  AMERICAN 
^KAMEN,     LIABLK     TO     SEIZURE 

\ND    CONDEMNATION,   if  bimud 

t>  France,  HfUand,  or  the  north 
"f  Italy.  In  other  wards,  the 
'rede  of  the  United  State;  mitk 
'0  000,000  of  the  people  of  Ev^ 
rope  interdicted. 

topresssraent. 


•^•i" 

t 


•.c 


mi^ 


■:-fi 


m 


£44 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


I  hope  the  reader  will  pay  particular  attention  to  this  table. 
Let  him  for  a  moment,  whether  federalist  or  democrat,  divest 
himself  of  all  prejudice  on  this  subject.  Let  him  suppose 
himself  called  to  decide  upon  events  of  a  former  age  or  a 
distant  country.  Let  him  compare  the  ditrerent  griev- 
ances together,  and  I  trust  he  must  acknowledge  that  those  of 
1812  very  far  outweighed  any  or  all  of  the  others  combined. 

Let  us  tirst  consider  the  case  of  the  suspension  of  the  right 
of  deposit  at  New-Orleans.  On  that  occasion  the  federal  party 
in  congress  and  out  of  doors  were  loud  in  their  clamor  for  war, 
OIT"  without  even  allowing  time  for  making  an  altempt  to  procure 
redress  by  negociation.  Motions  were  made  in  congress  for  rais- 
ing 50,000  men  to  sail  down  the  Mississippi  in  order  to  chastise 
the  insolence  of  the  Spaniards.  The  government  was  upbraided 
for  its  pusillanimity  in  not  vindicating  the  national  honor. — 
The  cry  then  was — *-^  millions  for  difenccy  not  a  cent  for  tri- 
bute.'' 

Extract  of  a  ItUtr  from  the  seat  of  goternment  to  a  friend  in  Massa^ 

chustUs. 

"  The  MisBiBsippi  river  is  the  common  liighway  to  the  people  of  the  western 
country,  on  which  they  must  pass  with  their  produce  to  market.  [J^S"  They  will 
never  svffrr  thit  hightmy  to  he  obstructed  or  shut  up.  The  free  nrvvio'^tion  of  this 
river  must  be  preserved  to  that  portion  of  the  J7nerican  people,  or  the  AMERiC  AN 
EMPIRE  MUST  BE  DISMEMBERED.  If  mt  had  a  Wathington  at  the  head 
of  our  government,  I  should  expect  firm,  decisive  measures  would  up'^n  this  occa- 
sion be  pursued;  that  a  military  force  sufficient  to  take  New-Orleans,  would  im- 
mediately and  without  delay  be  assomhled  at  the  Natches,  in  the  Mississippi  ter- 
ritory;  thatupon  the  refusal  of  the  Spanish  government,  upon  demand,  to  fulfil 
the  treaty,  that  army,  thus  assembled,  should  immediately  proceed  down  the  riv- 
«r,  and  take  po'^session  of  New-Orleans.  Q;^  But  I  apprehend  no  svch  vigorous 
measures  will  beadt^ted  by  our  present  extcut'.ve.  From  the  reduHion  of  the  ar- 
my last  year,  what  regular  troops  have  we  remaining  to  be  employed  in  that  ser- 
vice?"— 5os ton  Cenh'nei,  January  17,  1803.   '  ^ 

*'  Notwithstanding  the  milk  and  nater  mea5!ures  the  administration  has  thought 

f (roper  to  adopt  respecting  the  '^  Occlusion"  of  the  port  of  New  Orleans — the 
anguage  of  the  people  on  the  occlusion  is  directly  the  reverse."— jBoi/on  Cintif 
net,  Feb.  16, 1803. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Washington. 

*•  "We  disapprove  Q^  the  timid  and  time-serving  measures  which  our  govern- 
ment has  adopted  reiaiiv*  to  the  violation  of  our  treaty  with  Spain :  the  states 
which  border  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  are  most  immediately  interested  in 
what  the  president  calls  the  "  occlusion"  of  the  port  of  New  Orleans.  On  the 
1  !tb,  Mr.  Ross,  of  Pennsylvania,  made  a  most  able  ^nd  animated  speech  in  the 
senate,  in  which  he  described  in  striking  colors,  the  situation  of  the  western  coun- 
try, and  Tj;j»  urged  the  nrcessily  nf  taking  effectual  measures  for  their  reli^,  and 
in  support  <f  national  hxnwr.  After  having  spoken  more  than  an  hour,  Mr.  Ross 
informed  the  senate,  that  he^  had  prepared  several  resolutions  on  the  subject, 
which  he  asked  leave  to  submit.  The  democrats  immediately  moved  tliat  the  gal- 
leries should  We  cleared.  Mr.  Ross  then  declared,  that  if  Vic  discussion  was  to 
he  secret,  he  should  not  offer  the  retolutians  or  make  any  further  6bservalio7n  on 
,fke  iubiect.    The  galleries  were  however  cleared  by  the  majority,  and  the  senate 


THE  OLIVE  BIIANCH. 


24i> 


uton  ailjoui  nt>d.  It  h  underglood  tliat  a  grand  caucus  was  held  that  cveuing,  and 
the  majority  dreading  the  effect  such  proceedings  might  have  on  the  public  mind, 
tlie  next  morning  it  was  determined  in  senate,  that  the  discussion  should  be  pub- 
lic."—//oAton  Ctntinel,  March  2,  1801. 

"  NothiBg  is  more  contagious  than  example.  The  meek  and  hnlp  spirit  which 
influences  the  conduct  of  the  executive  tow.irds  Spain,  has  infected  even  the  arm- 
td  force  on  the  frontier;  and  the  pioneers  of  their  country,  rrp»  WHOSE 
gWORDS  OUGHT  TO  LEAP  FROM  THEIR  SCABBARDS  'Tb  REsENT 
irS  INJURIES,  are  now  seen  to  catch  at  every  appearance,  however  evanescent, 
to  promote  the  reign  of  humilitif.  Even  general  U'ilkiuson,  who,  one  would  sup- 
pose, would  be  tremblingly  alive  to  his  country's  honor,  and  [jjpprcudo/  ati  op- 
yxfrlvnity  to  stimulate  it  t)  spirited  measures— assumes  the  duicet  note,  and  with 
iividity  despatches  an  express  to  inform  governor  Claiborne,  not  that  the  Spanish 
government  had  restored  the  United  States  to  their  right  by  treaty  :  but  truly 
''  tiiat  the  govenimeiit  has  given  permissim  for  the  deposit  of  all  kind's  of  pro- 
visions in  New-Orleans,  on  pftr/ing  six  per  cent,  duty  !  !  /"  And  this  information, 
says  the  able  and  indefatigable  editor  of  tlie  Eveninr^  Post,,  is  introduced  by  the 
words,  THE  PORT  OF  NE\V-ORLE\NS  OPEN,  in  large  capitals,  by  way  of 
exultation  at  this  joyous  event." — Boston  Ctntinel,  April  IJ,  1803. 

"  The  president  of  the  United  States,  in  his  late  letters  to  tlie  executives  of  the 
individual  slates,  on  the  subject  of  the  orgatiization  of  tiie  militia — speaking  of 
the  Spanish  conduct  at  New-Orleans,  says — "  Rights  the  most  essential  to  our  wel- 
fare have  been  violated,  and  an  infraction  of  trenU/  c&mmitted  nithout  eolor  or  pre- 
text."* This  being  the  acknowledged  state  of  things.  If-t  the  world  judge, 
rr7=  whether  the  nntional  honor  will  be  more  justly  vindicated,  and  violated  rights 
redresied,  ky  the  mawkish  aj^eal  which  ha  been  made  to  Spanish  faith  and  jus- 
tice, and  French  generosity  and  management,  by  the  degrading  solicitation  for 
purchased  justice,  or  the  disgraceful  proffer  of  a  bribe — or  whether  [J^  these  ends 
would  not  more  readily  be  ehtnined  by  the  execution  of  the  manly  anaipirited  mea- 
sures recommended  by  the  eloquence  of  Morris,  and  the  patriotism  and  sound  un- 
derstanding of  Ross  and  other  federaliits  in  consrew— posterity  will  judge, — Bos- 
ton CeiUincl,  April  13,  1803 

*'  While  we  deplore  the  weakness  and  pusillanimity  of  our  government,  we 
Finctrely  congratulate  our  western  brethren  on  the  favorable  change  in  their  situ- 
ation ;  and  ferv«ntly  pray  for  its  long  continuance  How  far  we  may  attribute 
this  change  rj^  to  the  spirited  conduct  of  th?  federal  members  of  congress,  can- 
not at  present  be  fully  ascertained.  We  have  no  hesitation,  however,  in  bcliov. 
ing  that  it  has  at  least  persuaded,  if  not  entirely  originated  these  measures." — 
Centinel,  April  27,  1803. 

*'  Since  the  adoption  of  the  federal  consliilltlon,  no  subject  has  more  forcibly  af- 
fected the  feelings  of  the  citizen.^  of  the  United  States,  than  the  *'  occlusion?'  of 
the  port  of  New-Orleans  by  the  Spanish  [or  Frtnch]  government.  It  is  a  sub- 
ject to  which  the  attention  of  the  reader  cannot  loo  frequently  be  called.  Tlie 
president  of  the  United  States  has  not  hesitated  officially  to  declare,  that  by  this 
measure,  *'  rights  the  mo«t  ei^gentlal  to  the  welfare  of  the  Americaii  people,  have  • 
been  violated,  and  an  infraction  of  the  treaty  committed  without  color  or  pre- 
text j"  the  spirit  of  the  people  has  been  alive  to  the  injury— and  was  ready  to 
Make  an;  sacrifice  to  redress  the  wrong : — but  because  the  federalists  in  congress 
felt  the  .^uU  glow  of  this  spirit ;  and  took  the  lead  in  proposing  the  necessary 
measares  to  giv«  it  efficacy ;  rather  than  they  should  derive  any  honor  from  their 
cnccess,  the  administration  having  the  power,  substituted  HTr*  A.  PUSILLANI- 
MOUS NEGOCIATION,  and  degrading  entreaty,  for  that  spirit  of  action  which 
manly  resentment  for  violated  rights  and  broken  faith  so  loudly  and  so  justly  call- 
ed for."— Boston  Centinel.  June  15,  1803. 

Louisiana  purchased^ 

"  The  question  will  ever  be,  was  the  made  of  getting  the  territory  the  best,  the 
cheiipest,  the  oiost  honorable  for  our  nation  p    Is  the  way  of  negociatlng  Mtk  in 


%'-U: 


m\^ 


mu 


240 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Aatul,  a?  cheap  or  honorahle  as  tliat  Mr,  Ross  recommended?    We  could  have 
bad  it /ornothing.'"—CeoUne\,  July  2,  180'>. 

*'  All  that  we  wanted  on  the  river  Mississippi  was  a  place  of  deposit :  that  our 
treaty  with  Simin  givea.  It  was  bagely  ^vitlidrawii:  our  high-fpiritfd  rnlcrs  arr 
asked  to  assert  our  rights.  O,  no— 80,000  militia  are  to  be  field  re  :i<ly  to  defirid 
our  turnipi  and  feed  the  pips  and  cattle.  BUT  TO  TA  KE  OUR  RIGHT— TO 
SEIZE  WHAT  TREATIES  GIVE,  AND  FRAUD  WITHHOLDS ;  THIS  IS 
NOT  THEIR  FORTE. 

*'  A  great  man  has  been  heard  to  say,  that  war  in  any  case  was  wrong :  and  on 
the  question  being  put,  whether  he  would  think  it  wrong  to  go  to  war  if  our  coun 
try  was  invaded  by  a  foreign  army,  that  aven  then,  some  other  way  might  be  fouiiil 
out.     This  is  our  houor'b  keeper,  whom  we  have  elected  in  the  strange  iiop«  that 
he  will  guard  it  better  than  his  own. 

•'  Certainly  the  Jacobins  do  nol  nerd  a  conqueror  to  make  them  sluvcs.  Ti)f  y 
arc  sliives  in  soul,  whom  even  our  libei  ty  cannot  raise ;  slaves  are  more  fascinated 
with  a  master's  livery  tlian  their  own  rights:  yet  they  expect  this  Lax  language 
will  make  them  popular  "—Centind,  July  9,  1803. 

"  AN  ADMINISTRATION  SO  FEEBLE  AND  DESPIC\BLE,  by  what  it 
n^n  and  what  it  cannot  do,  would  have  sunk  under  the  competition  with  France  : 
and  a  hostile  neighbor  on  the  Mississippi,  would  have  in  two  years  been  our  mas- 
ter. Conscious  of  tlieir  poverty  of  spirit  and  of  means,  such  an  adiniiiistr<itio:i 
would  have  resorted  to  tlie  ordinary  expedient  of  the  base  to  yield  part  oi  iacir 
wealUi  to  save  tlie  remainder."— Ctn/»ie/,  July  27,  1303. 

"  Like  true  Spaniels,  we  are  the  most  servile  to  those  wlio  most  inytllt  u<'.  Wc 
receive  back  our  right  as  a  great  favor,  and  pay  tf  ibute  for  that  which  the  de- 
spoiler  could  no  longer  withhold — the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis^ss^ippi,  and  a 
place  of  deposit  on  its  shore,  was  our  right ;  the  privatioa  of  which  a  wrong ; 
and  A  FREE  AND  ENTIRE  RESTOR\TION,  OR  A  FORCIBLE  RECOV- 
ERY OF  IT,  SHOULD  HAVE  BEEN  THE  REMEDY.  True  p:  U.  Jsni, 
thank  God,  etill  glows,  still  blazes,  like  a  seraph,  in  England.  Here  it  s)\!-.  '  r.f 
alien.  But  Great  Britain  must  save  the  unnilting  world,  to  save  herself.'-  .  i- 
tinel,  Aug.  13,  1803. 

**  There  i«  no  condition  of  disgrace  granted  below  ours.  In  the  lowest  deep  there 
is  a  loner  deep.  Our  nation  had  better  not  exibt  at  all,  than  exist  by  sufferance 
and  under  tribute." — Cenlinel^  Aug.  23,  180J. 

Who  could  possibly  suppose  that  the  preceding  extracts  are 
from  the  Boston  Centinel,  owned  and  edited  by  major  Benja- 
min Russel,  who  \ras  lately  so  ardent,  so  zealous,  so  benignant 
a"/n«iM/  of  peace, ^^  and  who  was  among  the  prime  leaders  of 
those  '•^friends  of  peace**  whoBe  pacific  proceedings  nearly  over- 
turned the  government,  spread  bankruptcy  in  every  direction, 
ruined  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  in 
the  country,  and  laid  us  nearly  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  a  vindic- 
tive and  powerful  enemy  ?  The  expense  of  the  war  was  of 
late,  with  mt^or  Russel,  one  of  its  chief  objections.  In  1803« 
he  was  so  heroically  disposed,  that  he  urged  war  as  "  the  cheap- 
est and  most  honorable'*  mode  of  recovering  our  rights. 

Extract  from  the  speech  of  Gouvemeur  Morris,  in  the  Senate  of  the  Uniltd 
States,  Feb.  16, 1303,  on  Mr.  Ross^  resolution,  to  take  immediate  ponsess' 
ion  of  the  island  of  New-Orleans, 

*'  Ye«,  sir,  we  wish  for  peace ;  but  how  is  that  blessing  to  be  preserved  ?— 
I  shall  repeat  here  a  sentiment  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  express— Jn  my  opin- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


2A' 


Vijn  ihrreinnolhing  north  fighting  for  but  natljvil  h'^nor  ;  for  in  nalinnul  honor  h 
irivolced  the  v/itional  indfpendence  I  knov  that  a  stale  may  find  itsrlf  in  such 
unpropitious  circumstances,  that  prudpnce  mny  force  a  wise  government  to  con- 
»-oal  tiio  fense  of  indisnity  ;  but  the  insult  should  be  engraved  on  tables  of  brass, 
with  a  pencil  of  steel,  and  when  that  time  and  ciinnce  which  liappen  to  all,  sliali 
bring  forward  the  favorable  moment,  lljen  let  the  avenginj;  arm  strike  home.  It 
is  by  avowing  and  maintaining  tltis  btern  principle  of  honor,  th:it  peace  can  be 
preserved ;  he  will  feel  with  ine  that  our  national  hvnor  is  the  heil  stciLrityfur  our 
Itnce  and  prosperity  ;  that  it  involves  at  once  our  wealth  and  our  power  ;  and  in 
•ihis  view  of  the  subject  1  must  contradict  a  ?entimerrt  wiilcli  fell  from  my  honora- 
ble colleague  (Mr.  Clinton.)  He  tells  uf  that  the  principle  of  thig  country  h 
ueace  and  commerce.  Sir,  the  avowal  of  such  a  principle  will  leave  us  neithev 
commerce  nor  peace.  It  invites  o'hers  to  prey  on  that  commerce  which  we  wil! 
not  protect,  and  share  the  wealth  we  dare  not  defend  Hut  let  it  be  known  tha^ 
•;.,m  stand  re.ndy  to  sacrifice  the  la^t  man  and  the  Utst  shilling  indf/ence  qf  national 
honor,  and  those  who  nould  have  assaulted  it,  mil  beivare  qf  3/oit." 

Extract  from  Mr.  JRosi'  speech,  delivered  in  the  Senate  the  same  day  as  the 

preceding,  Feb.  16,  n03. 

•'  Why  not  put  a  force  at  his  (the  nresident's)  disposal,  with  which  he  can 
f^trikei'  With  which  he  can  have  a  pledge  for  your  Future  well-being  ?  When 
the  Atlantic  coast  is  willing,  shall  their  security  be  lost  by  your  votes  ?  Are  yon 
fure  that  you  will  ever  again  find  the  same  disposition  H*  Can  you  recal  the  deci- 
sive moment  thnt  may  happen  in  a  month  after  our  adjournment  ?  Heretofore 
you  have  distrusted  the  ailantic  statw }  no^,  when  thf'y  olTer  to  plco'je  th"r7» 
Felves,  meet  them,  and  cluse  witn  the  proposal,  if  the  resolutions  are  too  strong, 
new  model  them ;  if  the  measures  are  not  adequate,  propose  other  and  more  <'f- 
fcctual  measures.  But  as  you  value  the  best  interests  of  the  western  country, 
and  the  union  with  the  Atlantic,  seize  the  present  occasion  of  securing  it  for  ever 
•For  the  present  is  only  a  question  of  how  much  power  the  executive  shall  have 
for  the  attainment  of  this  great  end,  and  no  man  desirous  of  the  end  ought  to  re- 
fuse the  necessary  means  for  attaining  it.  Your  votes  decide  the  direction  this 
eenate  will  take.     And  1  deroutly  wish  it  may  be  one  we  shall  never  repent." 

The  cause  of  complaint  in  1806,  was  much  greater  than  in 
1803.  But  it  bears  no  comparison  to  the  grievances  in  1812. 
In  1806,  besides  the  lawless  depredations  on  our  vessels  at  sea, 
without  notice,  we  were  interdicted  merely  from  trading  with 
the  colonies  of  the  French  and  Spaniards  on  other  terms  than 
they  permitted  in  time  of  peace.  How  far  this  was  beneath  the 
grievances  that  led  to  war,  will  appear  in  the  next  chapter. 

Let  us  see  how  far  major  Russel  was  consistent  on  the  point 
of  peace  and  war  in  1806. 

*'  The  di.-putes  between  this  country  and  England,  so  long  attended  with  rigor 
on  lirr  part,  ard  injury  on  ours,  will  not  admit  of  much  longer  vain  complaints 
and  harsh  recriminations.  They  muH  terminate  shortly  in  the  silence  of  war  or 
jicncc. 

"  At  the  renewal  of  the  pre.^ent  war.  we  had  proceeded  for  some  time  with  all 
the  ardor  and  zeal  of  good  fortune.  We  have  been  stopped  again  in  our  career 
by  the  renewal  of  harsh  and  vexatious  restrictions  on  the  part  of  Englantl.  She 
Ins  again  appeaU^d  to  principles  wliich  vra  cannot  admit,  and  claimsd  as  rights, 
what  we  cannot  grant  her  even  as  an  indulgence.  In  the  exercise  of  these  assum- 
ed rijrhts,  we  find  a  serious  source  of  complaint ;  for  it  has  cost  us  much.  It  is, 
linwpver,  nothing  novel.  It  is  hut  a  renewal  of  the  injuries  we  complained  cf  ift 
Mnr-- Tir^on  Cmtind,  Feb.  5,  1806. 


248 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"  T\\fy  [the  drmocrats  in  congre«ii]  dare  not  resist  all  aegressiorts  allltp,  and  as* 
jump  tlio  part  of  spirited  impiiftiality,  as  a  maj^nanimous  policy  rf  quires.  If  war 
.'s  callf'd  for  by  tiie  insulted  honor  of  our  country— if  the  cup  of  conciliaMon  is 
drained  to  lh»  (]rcs.F,  as  they  declare  it  (o  be.  rry-^  LET  W  AR  BE  DECL  MlEI) 
-  0:5=' LET  AN  EMBARGO  BE  LAID— H(fr4uate  funds  provided— the  strong 
nnn  of  drfence  norved  and  extended— and  a  powerful  navy  ordered.  In  Ihtge 
ineiiHuves  the  whole  country,  from  Georgia  to  Maine,  convinced  of  their  nocf  jsity 
will  ba  united  ''—Boston  Centincl,  Feb   12,  I80U. 

"  I  do  not  htilieve  we  sliall  have  war  witii  any  nation.  Bui  our  peace  will  be  at 
Ike  expense  (f  our  spt'n'/.*'— Boston  Centinel,  Mnreli  8,  1806 

'•  Our  ministers  in  Europe— May  they  never  hesitate  to  PREFER  WAR  to 
dishonor  or  tribute."  Toast  drank  at  the  Artillery  Election.  From  tl;e  Boston 
Centinel,  June  4,  1806.  ,  ,-_  .    ,      ^ 

From  Washinqlon,  Jan.  23,  1G06. 

"  Fear,  prejudice,  or  some  other  dastardly  principle,  is  continually  cro.'^.slng  the 
^ath  ol  oup  rulers  :  and  the  loud  calls  of  our  country,  its  commerce,  and  spoiled 
merchants,  for  energetic  measures,  i.s  unheard  or  di? regarded  My  fairs  are,  that 
*he  president's  mtssages  will  only  be  iupporled  by  windy  debates,  or  pen  and  ink  rc- 
fyorts 

Mr.  Rand.i)lpk,  I  am  told,  has  very  much  injured  his  health  by  the  exertions 
he  is  said  to  have  m  ide  durins;  the  time  the  house  was  in  conclave.  He  has  not 
attend»'d  the  house  for  several  days,  and  is  sick.  From  one  quarter  or  another, 
the  proceedings  of  the  hou^e  when  in  secret  session,  are  leaking  out.  My  inqui- 
ries iead  mc  to  believe,  that  in  the  spirited  mesiures  which  Randolph  prnpo.sed 
lor  supporting  the  president's  confidential  mess.ige,  he  was  joined  by  every  federal- 
ist in  llie  house  ;  by  a  majority  of  the  Virginia  representation,  and  some  others ; 
}>iil  tlnit  he  was  in  the  mimmlif  ;  and  further,  tliat  lie  was  opposed  by  all  the  New- 
Etiglarid  dvjnocrats  to  a  man  !  I  V'—Bjston  Ctnlinel,  January,  1806. 

*'  Our  seamen  are  impressed— they  are  captured — they  are  impris  ned — they 
are  treated  with  almost  every  kind  of  Indignity,  while  pursuing  their  lawful  busi- 
ness in  a  regular  manner.  How  long  must  this  be  borne  !'  Has  our  government 
;  et  to  learn,  that  no  nation  ever  was  or  ever  will  be  rerpected  abrofid.  but  in  pro- 
portion as  it  exacts  rispect  by  punishing  wanton  iiisults  upon  its  dignity,  and  wanton 
depredations  upon  Vie  pioperty  aj  its  citizens  ;  that  its  doing  justice  toother  na- 
tions canuot  secure  it  respect,  unless  it  has  both  ability  and  disposition  to  enforce 
measures  of  justice  from  them  and  that  constant  firmness  of  national  attitude  antl 
conduct  prevent  insults,  while  pusillanimity  invites  them." — Niw-Hamp:hire  Gch 
«€<<«,  July  31,  U05. 

TO  WHOM  IT  SUITS. 

•'  Ijook  al  the  situation  of  our  sea-coast,  defenceless,  a  prey  to  plckaroons,  pri- 
vateers, and  armed  vessels  of  all  nations.  Our  ports  blockaded,  our  coasters  and 
Bhipping  robbed,  out  forts  insulted,  our  harbors  converted  into  private  depots, 
where  the  very  vessels  wliich  rob  and  di<;;race  us,  are  supplied  with  provisions, 
stores,  and  God  knows  what ;  and  where  it  is  more  than  probable  they  have  their 
agents,  confederates,  or  co-partners.  Sea  the  powers  of  Europe  acting  towardj 
America,  as  if  it  were  meant  to  insult  her;  or  rather,  indeed,  sporting  with  her 
lameness  in  the  eyes  of  the  looking-on  world  Disagreeing,  fighting,  and  at  en- 
mity with  each  other  in  every  thing  else,  in  this  one  thing  they  perfectly  agree, 
in  treating  America  with  indignity,  imuU,  and  deriding  contempt. 

"  Are  you  yet  aware,  sir,  when  it  will  end  ?  Are  jou  sure,  that  if  neglected, 
it  will  not  amount  to  a  height  too  great  to  he  reached  without  strainings  that  may 
produce  fatal  convulsions  in  the  state  ?  For  God's  sake,  for  the  honor  of  your 
country,  for  your  own  credit,  rouse,  let  loose  the  spirit  of  the  country,  let  loose  its 
money-bags,  and  save  its  honor;  the  nution  will  one  end  all  support  you." — ticW' 
Hampsliire  Gazette,  Jan.  31,1805. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


24t 


In  1807,  the  cause  of  complaiut  was  still  less  substantial  than 
in  either  of  the  other  instances. 

Not  to  tire  the  reader  with  proofs  of  the  public  clamors  for 
war  at  this  period,  I  deem  it  abundantly  sufficient  to  refer  him 
to  the  twentieth  chapter  of  this  work,  wherein  he  will  find  evi- 
dence to  satisfy  the  most  incredulous. 

1  must  be  pardoned  for  declaring,  that  any  man  who  was  a 
partisan  of  war  in  the  above  cases,  and  reprobates  the  recent 
war  as  unjust  and  unnecessary,  betrays  a  most  awful  degree  of 
inconsistency.  And  yet  it  is  an  indisputable  fact,  that  the 
most  violent,  the  most  clamorous,  the  most  Jacobinical,  and  the 
most  seditious,  among  the  late  "  Friends  of  PeacCy^  were  among 
the  most  strenuous  advocates  for,  and  "  Friends  of  War^"*  on  the 
former  occasions. 

The  Boston  Centinel,  after  the  declaration  of  hostilities, 
regarded  war  as  the  most  frightful  of  all  possible  evils.  But 
this  was  not  always  its  view  of  the  subject.  Within  a  fortnight 
after  laying  the  embargo,  that  measure  was  pronounceil  more 
formidable  than  war  itself. 

*'  The  embargo,  which  the  government  has  just  laid,  is  of  a  new  and  alarrains 
nature,  rj^^  War,  great  at  the  evil  is,  has  less  terror,  and  mil  produre  less  mistrs 
than  an  tmbargo  on  such  principles.^* — Boston  Centinel,  Jan.  2,  I80&. 


'ii-x; 


L^^l^ 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

Inquiry  into  ihs  justice  of  the  war.  Awful  accusations  against 
the  government.  Presidents  message.  Report  of  comtmttee  of 
congress.  British  depredations.  Trade  of  the  United  States 
annihiUUed  with  50,000,000  of  the  inhahitanis  of  Europe, 

Those  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  causes  that  led  to 
the  late  war,  might,  from  the  publications  that  appeared  against 
it,  believe  that  the  United  States  were  wholly  the  aggressors — 
that  England  had  been  a^ame  and  submissive  sufferer  of  depre- 
dation, outrage,  and  insult — and  that  our  rulers  had  been  wan- 
tonly led,  by  inordinate  and  accursed  ambition,  to  engage  in  a 
ruinous  and  destructive  war,  iii  order  to  enrich  themselves — 
squander  away  the  public  treasure — and  impoverish  the  nation. 
They  were,  it  would  appear,  actuated  by  as  unholy  motives  at 
ever  impelled  Attiia,  Genghis  Khan,  or  Bonaparte,  to  perpe- 
^ate  outrage  and  cruelty  to  the  utmost  eii^tent  of  their  poweik 

X2 


'^<^'t  :^ 


■^K' 

^^.^^*^• 


\ 


250 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


These  allegations  were  made  in  the  strongest  language  in  the 
public  papers  in  London.  The  prince  regent  ap|)ealed  to  the 
world  that  Qreat  Britain  had  not  been  the  aggressor  in  the  war. 
And  the  lords  of  the  admiralty  asserted  that  war  was  declared 
<«  after  all  the  grievances  of  this  country  had  been  removed". 

The  federal  paiters  re-echoed  and  magnified  the  accusations 
of  the  British  writers ;  and  succeeded  so  far  as  to  inflame  a 
large  portion  of  the  public  with  the  most  frantic  exasperation 
against  the  rulers  of  their  choice,  whom  the}'  suspected  of  hav- 
ing abused  their  confidence. 

Governors  of  states  in  their  addresses,  as  well  as  senates  and 
houses  of  representatives  in  their  replies,  took  the  same  ground 
— and  assumed  guilt,  and  profligacy,  and  corruption,  as  the  pa> 
rents  of  the  declaration  of  war. 

The  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts,  regardless  of 
(he  holy  rule,  "judge  not,  lest  you  be  judged^''  in  the  most  un- 
qualified manner,  with  an  utter  destitution  of  tlie  least  sem- 
blance of  charity,  asserts,  that  '   ^»  ' 

"  The  real  cause  of  the  war  must  be  traced  to  the  first  systematical  abandon^ 
ineit  of  the  policy  of  Washington  and  the  friends  and  framers  of  the  constitu- 
tion ;  to  implacable  animosity  against  tliose  luen,  and  their  universal  exclusion 
from  all  concern  in  ihe  governnif  ut  of  the  country  ;  to  the  influence  of  worthies.^ 
foreigners  over  the  press,  and  the  deliberations  of  the  government  in  all  its  bran- 
ches ;  to  a  jealousy  (]f  the  commercial  states,*  /ear  of  their  powcr^  contempt  ojr 
'heir  pursuits^  and  ignorance  qf  their  true  character  and  importance  ;  to  the  cu- 
pidity of  certain  states  for  the  wilderness  reserved  for  the  miserable  aborigines; 
lo  a  violent  pa8!»on  for  cou(^uest,''  &c. 

With  equal  candor,  the  senate  of  that  state,  not  to  be  outdone 
by  the  other  legislative  branch,  declares,  that 

"  jj^7%e  nar  was  founded  in  falsehood,  declared  without  necessity,  and  its  rent 
object  was  extent  qf  territory  by  unjusi  conqwsls^  and  to  aid  the  laie  tyrant  qf  JSii- 
^opein  his  vien  of  aggrandisement." 

In  these  awful  accusations,  there  is  no  allowance  for  human 
imperfection — for  error  in  judgment — for  difference  of  opinion. 
They  are  preferred  in  the  strongest  form  which  our  language 
admits,  and  involve  the  highest  possible  degree  of  turpitude. 

If  these  allegations  be  true,  the  president  who  recommended 
war,  and  the  legislature  of  the  United  States  which  declared  it, 
have  betrayed  their  trust,  and  are  base,  abandoned,  and  wicked. 
If  they  be  false,  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  arc  base,  aban- 
doned and  wicked.  There  is  no  alternative.  One  or  other  de- 
scription of  persons  must  sink  in  the  estimation  of  cotempora- 
vies  and  posterity. 

*  The  absurdity  and  total  want  of  foufldation  of  tbcee  allegations  I  shall  fuUf 
^establish  in  a  subsequent  chapter.  . 


THE  OLIVE  IJRANCH. 


26\ 


Let  us  examioe  the  case.  Let  us  investigate  the  trulb.  If 
our  rulers  be  tlius  base — tlnis  abaiuloued — thus  nicked — tims 
corrupt — let  them  be  devoted  to  the  detestation  they  have  so 
richly  earned.  But  if  the  alleg;ations  be  false — if  the  war  veie 
just — if  the  nation  drank  the  chalice  of  outrage,  insult,  injury, 
and  ilepredation,  to  the  last  dregs,  before  she  had  reeoujse  to 
arms,  let  us,  at  every  hazard,  clina;  to  our  rulers — to  our  form  of 
government — to  the  national  honor — to  the  national  interest. 

The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  to  this  country  for  a  series  of 
yeai-s,  had  been  a  constant  succession  of  insult,  aggression,  and 
depredation.  Our  harbors  had  tieen  insulted  and  outraged — our 
commerce  had  been  most  wantonly  spoliated — our  citi- 
zens had  been  enslaved,  scourged,  and  slaughtered,  lighting 
the  battles  of  those  who  held  them  in  cruel  bondage.  We  had, 
in  a  word,  experienced  tMimberless  and  most  wanton  injuries 
and  outrages  of  vari.  •  ,  kinds.  But  the  prominent  causes 
of  the  war,  assigned  by  the  presklent  in  that  message 
uhich  recommended,  and  by  the  committee  in  the  report  which 
contained,  a  declaration  of  war,  were  impressment  and  the  or- 
4ler3  in  council.  I  shall  proceed  to  the  examination  of  both 
topics.  But  I  previously  quote  the  words  of  the  message  and 
of  the  re()ort.  On  the  sul^ject  of  impressment,  the  president 
states, 

*'  The  practice  is  so  far  from  affecting  British  subjects  alone,  that,  x^ntlpr  the 
pretext  of  searching  for  these,  THOUSANDS  OP  AMERICAN  CITIZENS, 
under  the  safeguard  of  public  law.  and  tii'ir  national  flag,  have  been  torn  from 
their  country,  and  from  every  thing  dear  to  them  ;  liave  been  dragged  ok  "board 
ships  of  war  of  a  foreign  nation  ;  and  exposed,  under  tlie  severities  of  liieir  dis- 
cipline, to  be  exiled  to  the  most  distant  and  deadly  cllmehi;  to  riak  their  Jiyos  in 
the  battles  of  their  oppressors,  and  to  be  the  melancholy  instruments  of  taking 
away  those  of  their  own  brethren." 

And  the  committee,  on  tlie  same  topic,  state, 

*'  We  will  now  proceed  to  other  wrone?  which  have  been  more  «everely  felt. — 
Among  these  is  THE  IMPRESSMENT  OF  OUR  SEAMEN,  a  practice  which 
ha?  been  unceasingly  maintained  by  Great  Britain  in  the  wars  to  which  she  has 
been  a  party  since  our  revolution.  Your  committee  cannot  convey  in  adequutt 
terms  the  deep  sense  which  they  entertain  qf  the  injustice  and  oppression  qf  this  pro- 
ceeding.  Under  the  pretext  of  impressing  British  seamen,  our  fellow -citizens  arc 
seized  in  British  ports,  on  the  high  seas,  and  in  every  ot!ier  tjuarter  to  which  the 
British  power  extends  ;  are  taken  or>  board  British  men  of  war,  and  compelled  to 
serve  there  as  British  subjects.  In  this  mode  our  citizens  are  wantonly  snatched 
from  their  country  and  their  families ;  deprived  of  their  lilwrty  ;  doomed  to  an 
ignominious  and  slavifh  bondage ;  compelled  to  figbt  the  battles  of  of  a  foreign 
country--and  often  to  peri  h  in  them  Our  flag  has  given  them  no  protectioja  ; 
it  has  been  unceasingly  violated,  and  our  vessels  exposed  to  danger  by  the  loss  of 
the  men  taken  from  them.  Your  committee  need  not  remark,  that  while  the 
practicp  U  continued,  IT  IS  IMPOSSIBLE  FOR  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO 
CONSIDER  THEMSELVES  AN  INDEPENDENT  NATION.  Every  new 
case  i  a  proof  of  their  degradr^tion.  Its  continuance  is  the  more  unjustifiaMe  be- 
cause tht  Uniiti  States  have  repeatedly  proposed  la  tht  British  governmtni  anarr 


W,<(.:1^ 


if  5 


252 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


fangement  wMth  )V'/uld  secure  lo  it  the  control  i>f  its  omn  people.  An  exprnption 
of  lli«  ritizetu  of  tlie  UuUed  States  from  this  degrading  oppression,  and  thtir  flag 
fi'oin  violation,  i^  all  tUat  they  have  sought." 

Ou  the  orders  in  council,  the  president  observes, 


"  Under  pretended  blockades,  without  the  j>resence  of  an  adequate  force,  ar 
>metimes  without  tliP  practicability  of  applynigone,  OUR  COMMERCE  ILN 
EEN  PLUNDERED  IN  EVERY  SEA.    The  great  staples  of  our  counti 


and 
Fometimes  without  the  practicability  ot  applynigone,  UUli  COMMERCE  it  AS 
BEEN  PLUNDERED  IN  EVERY  5EA.  The  great  staples  of  our  country 
havo  been  cut  off  from  their  legitimate  markets  ;  and  a  detlructive  blow  aimed 
at  our  agricultural  and  mariliiue  interests.  In  aggravation  of  tliese  jpredatory 
iTipasures,  they  have  been  considered  as  in  force  from  the  date  of  their  notifica- 
tion ;  a  retrospective  effect  being  thus  added,  as  has  been  done  in  other  import- 
ant cases,  to  the  unlawfulness  of  the  course  pursued  And  to  render  the  outrage 
the  more  signal,  these  mock  block:.ues  have  been  reiterated  and  enforced  in  the 
face  of  official  comni!  Taiion!>  from  the  Briti<<h  government,  declaring,  as  the  true 
definitions  of  a  legal  blockade,  *'  that  particular  ports  must  be  actually  invested ; 
and  previous  warning  given  to  vessels  bound  to  them,  not  to  enter.'* 

**  Not  content  with  these  occasional  expedients  for  layiog  waste  our  neutral 
trade,  the  cabinet  of  Great  Britain  resorted,  at  length,  to  the  sweeping  syntem  of 
btockades,  under  the  name  of  orders  in  council,  which  has  been  moulded  and 
managed,  as  might  best  suit  its  political  views,  its  commercial  jealousies,  or  tbe 
avidity  of  British  cruisers.'' 

And  the  committee  states, 

By  the  orders  in  council  of  the  11th  of  November,  1867, 

"The  British  government  declared  direct  and  positive  war  against  the  United 
States  The  dominion  of  the  ocean  was  completely  usurped  by  it  j  all  commerce 
forbidden  ;  and  every  flag  driven  from  it,  or  subjected  to  capture  and  condemna- 
tion, which  did  not  subserve  the  policy  of  the  British  government  by  paying  it  a 
tribute  and  sailing  under  its  sanction.  From  this  period  the  United  States  have 
incurred  the  heaviest  losses  and  most  mortifying  humiliations.  They  have  borne 
the  calamities  of  war  without  retorting  them  on  its  authorB." 


I  shall  discuss  each  item  separately. 

1 .  Orders  in  Council, 

To  repel  the  charge  of  the  war  being  ^^ founded  infalsehood,^ 

so  far  as  respects  this  item,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  establish 

their  existence  on  the  day  war  was  declared.     This  is  obvious. 

For  if  they  existed,  then  the   war  could  not  be  ^^ founded  in 

falsehoodJ*^     But  I  shall  not  rest  satisfied  with  this  alone. 

War  was  declared  at  Washington  on  the  18th  of  June,  1812. 
The  repeal,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  orders  in  council,  took  place 
on  the  23d  of  that  month  in  London.  It  is  clear,  therefore, 
that  the  charge  of  falsehood  here  is  utterly  unfounded. 

By  an  official  statement  presented  to  congress  by  the  secre- 
tary of  state  on  the  6th  of  July,  1812,  it  appears  that  the  Brit- 
ish captures,  prior  to  the  orders  in  council,  were  528,  and  sub- 
sequent thereto  389. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  value  of  these 
vesnela*    I  am  no  mercbant,  an4  have  no  adequate  data  to 


THE  OLIVE  liHANCH. 


233 


g,"ule  mc.  I  hive  inquired  of  nirrcanlile  characters,  and  hivvo 
been  told,  that  from  the  great  value  of  (he  cottons,  toljaccois, 
&c.  of  tiie  outward  cargoes  to  France,  and  the  silks,  hrandies, 
^c.  of  the  homeward  cargoes,  30  or  40,000  dollars  would  be  a 
fair  average.  But  I  will  sujipose  $  2.'j,000  for  vessel  ami  car- 
go, which  1  presume  is  not  extravagant.  This  extends  to  the 
tiiormous  amount  (if  $  13,200,000, 

depredated  previous  to  the  orders  in  council;  and 

$0,723000 
^luring  the  existence  of  those  orders;  for  the  latter  of  whlcli 
there  wa«  not  the  least  chance  of  redress. 

The  Slim  of  wliich  our  fe'.low-citizens  were  de8j)oiled,  by  no 
mens  constitutes  the  whole  of  the  jrrieVance.  The  enormous 
limitation  and  lestriction  of  the  trade  of  a  sovereign  and  inde- 
jierulent  nation,  was  at  least  of  equal  magnitude  in  |)oint  of  out- 
rage, wilii  the  pecuniary  loss;  for  it  is  a  sacred  and  indisputa- 
ble truth,  that  from  Nov.  II,  1807,  till  the  day  war  was  de- 
clared, {Tj^  American  ships,  [TT' owned  hy  American  merchants, 
'^J^'naiiaattdhij  Arn'rican  seaynen,  arid  {Xir' Idden  with  American 
productioris,  DCP  ivcre  liable  lo  seizure  cuid  condtmnaiion  QCr'  if 
bound  lo  Francf^  U 'divide  or  the  northern  part  of  Italij. 

I  I»n   !(>re  the   reader,  by  all   that  is  candid,  to  consider  thi» 

single  sentence.     Let  him  read  it  once  more  carefully.     It  is  a 

fair  sfitvment  of  the  relative  situation  of  the  two  countries. — 

iO'^'Titi:  com:hercc  of  the  Vnilcd  States  with  nearli/  one  third  of 

the  jwpuliithm  of  Europe  was  subject  to  condemnation!     Let  him 

lay  Ids  hand  on  hi?  heart,  and   answer  the  question,  was   not 

this  ad€(;nte  cause  for  war?  Was  not  this  a  greater  grievance 

tliin  the  sixfienny  tax  on  tea,  which  led  to  the  American  rev- 

oliiiion  ?    Have  not  more  than  nine-tenths  of  all  the  wars  that 

have  ever  existed,  been  declared  for   less  causes  '     We  were 

forbidden  by  Great  Brilaiu,  [|^^  under  penalty  of  confiscation,  to 

carry  07i  trade  with  WJ"  above  fifty  millions  of  the  inhahitanis  of 

Europe.     And  yet  we  are  gravely  told,  "  the  war  was  founded 

in  falsehood  1 ! !"     V/onderfi'I,  wonderful  delusion  ! ! 

0:7"  At  that  period  Enrrland  hersdf  carri  d  on  with  France  and 
licr  dependencies,  under  licenses,  [Cr"  the  vcrj;  trade  which  she  ren- 
dered iUesral  when  carried  on  by  the  United  States ! ! !  And  seve- 
ral American  vessels,  bound  for  France^  and  taken  by  British  crui- 
sers, were  actually,  3:7'  without  brenkinfn:  bulk,  taken  into  French 
pwts  by  Ote  captors,  or  those  who  purchased  from  them ! ! ! 


% 


:t:.  a 


Having  prt^sented  to  the  reader  a  short  specimen  -^f  the  de- 
luuiciations  of  the  war,  I  lay  before  him  some  opinions  of  adl? 
rectly  contrary  tendtncy. 


254 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


The  first  authority  is  highly  exalted  nntf  rc8perta>>le.  It  ie 
HO  less  than  the  et7ij)eror  Airxandrr.  This  monarch,  in  tiiu 
very  commendable  otferof  his  mediation,  declares,  that 

"  fli  mij.'»ty  tulips  j>Ipnsijre  in  «lo!ric;  juftice  to  the  wisdom  of  the  Uiiitrd 
StntoM ;  and  \$  convinced  t.'ial  Q^  it  lias  doue  all  timi  it  could,  to  avoid  this  lup- 
ture."  ,  - 

The  next  anihority  is  Governor  Plumer,  of  New^Hampsiiire, 
who  in  a  short  speech  to  the  legislature  of  that  state,  Nov.  18, 
1812,  states  that  Great  Britain 

•'  His  for  a  «!<>ries  of  years  by  her  conduct  evincfd  a  dfndl>'  ho!»ti!i(y  fo  ciir 
national  rights,  to  cur  <;onim<'i(p,  pHice   iiiid  prospprily.     She  lias   wantotily  inv 

firessed  thousands  of  our  iinolll-nJinj!;  seamrn  ;  immured  them  vvitliiii  the  walls  of 
ler  floating  castles  ;  rD»  iioid  them  in  servitude  for  an  unlimited  period,  often 
for  life  ;  and  compelitxl  tiif^m  to  flglit,  not  only  with  nations  with  whom  we  were 
at  pea.'e,  but  to  turn  tiieir  armsi  ngainst  tlieir  own  country  Rhe  has  violated  liie 
rignts  and  peace  of  our  coasts  ;  wantonly  ehed  the  blood  of  rur  citizens  in  our 
harbour*! ;  and  in>tead  of  punishing  hna  rewarded  her  guilty  oflicers.  Under 
pretended  blockade*,  unaccompanied  by  the  presence  of  an  ademnte  force,  she 
nae  unjustly  deprived  us  of  a  market  for  the  prwlucts  of  our  industry  and,  by 
l>er  orders  in  council  has.  to  a  great  extent,  swept  our  commerce  from  the  ocean  : 
thus  assuming  a  rij(ht  to  regulate  our  foreign  trade  in  war,  and  laying  a  fouiiila- 
tioii  to  prescribe  law  for  v<f  in  time  of  peace.  She  lias  permitt»'d  her  subjects 
publicly  to  forge  and  vend  our  ships'  papers,  to  carry  on  a  commeice  with  t''it 
very  enemy  frojn  whose  ports  she  interdicted  our  trade.  Whil.it  her  accredited 
minioter,  under  the  mask  of  friendship,  was  treating  with  our  gov^niment,  her 
spies  T^ere  endeavoring'  to  alienate  our  citizens,  subvert  our  goverument,  and  dis- 
member the  union  of  tl:e  states." 


The  senate  of  M  tssnchuselts,  June  26,  1812,  agreed  upon  nn 
address  to  the  people  of  that  state,  of  which  I  sul:yoin  two  para- 
graphs— .  -      , 

•*  We  will  not  enter  info  a  detail  of  the  Injuiles  inflicted  on  u^,  nor  of  the  Aim 
f  y  pretexts  by  which  Great  Britain  has  endeavouied  to  .iustify  her  cutragrs  It 
is  SdfTlcient  to  say.  that  she  no  longer  pretends  to  disguise  her  ambitions  de»^ign<. 
under  pretence  of  retaliation  on  her  etieniy  She  asi^erts  her  right  to  unbouiidcd 
dominion,  only  because  she  as-umes  iin bounded  power  She  annexes  condition* 
to  the  repeal  of  her  order?  in  council,  which  .<he  knows  we  have  no  right  to  it- 
quire  of  her  enemy— which  she  knows  are  itripos-^ible — tiiu?"  adding  in?ult  to  in- 
jnry—tlius  adding  mockery  to  her  long  train  of  perpetrated  injuries  With  Ike 
boldness  of  the  highnwpnan,  she  has.  at  last,  stripped  the  maik  from  violence,  ar,d 
vindicates  her  asgressions  on  the  only  plea  of  tyrant.-*,  that  of  whim  and  convdi- 
ience. 

*'  It  was  not  sntficient  that  we  were  remote  from  European  politics,  and  cniirlm! 
peace  under  every  sacrifice  ;  acquiesced  in  minor  injuries;  remonstrated  against 
those  of  a  deejjer  die  ;  forbore  until  forbearance  became  pusillanimity ;  and  final!)' 
retirrd  frnna  the  scene  of  controversy,  with  the  delusive  hope  that  a  spirit  of  mod- 
eration might  succeed  that  of  violence  and  rapine.  We  were  hinted  on  the  ocean. 
Our  property  was  :^eized  upon  by  the  convulsive  grasp  oT  our  now  open  and  ac 
knt'w  lodged  tneflniv  and  ovr  ciiizens  forced  into  a  cruel  and  ignominious  vassalnzt- 
And  when  we  relired  we  were  pursued  to  the  threshold  of  our  territory — ootra 
ges  of  nil  en'irm-us  cast,  perpetrated  in  our  bays  and  harbours  :  the  tomahawk  of 
tiie  savage  uplifted  against  the  parent,  the  wife,  the  infant,  on  our  fronticis ;  ani 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


265 


I  IB 

the 


jltire, 


to  oiir 
)i>ly  \m- 
(vaVis  of 
d,  oUeii 
ve  wore 
alrd  tUe 
ig  ill  our 

jrce,  f^H' 
ami,  hy 
le  orran  ; 
a  fiHiivla- 
r  snbi*fl5 

wili^  t''^t 
sccreilUed 

inent,  '»" 
and  dis- 


Upon  nn 
vo  pivra- 


>f  thp  fl'i'ii 
Iratfi's     I* 
„3  d«'^»g^^; 
unbouiiJf" 
coTiditloii! 

ijauU  to  in- 

With  th( 

\olenct,  arii 

nd  conv(n- 

Lnd  courlctl 
kted  aga'lf' 
I  and  fina''\i' 
L\,it  of  mo<i- 
In  the  orean. 
Ipen  and  ac- 

ipry-oous 

lomubavvk  oi 
lolicvs  ;  »"* 


On  the  201  h  of  December,  1311,  the  legislature  of  Ohio,  pub- 
lishtMl  a  resolution  anil  address  on  the  subject  of  our  foreign  re- 
IrUions,  in  \vhich  they  pledged  themselves  to  a  full  support  of 
the  government,  in  the  event  of  a  declaration  of  war.  This 
pledge  they  have  nobly  redeemed.  1  submit  one  parapraph  of 
the  address. 

"  Tlic  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  this  country  \s  a  gross  departure  from 
the  known  and  established  laws  of  nations.  Our  rights,  as  ncli  t!iOHt>  derived 
tluough  the  immemorial  usages  of  nation?,  as  tliose  senn-«d  hy  compact,  liave 
been  outraged  without  acknowlrdgnient— even  witliout  n-morKe  Solemn  stipu- 
lations by  treaty  and  implied  eng3i;emeiits,  havp  jjivcn  }>liu:e  to  views  oi  an  over- 
levelling,  eelfisli,  and  depravfrd  policy  L^/e.^  lihrrly  und  property^  have  bttn  Ihc 
!:p:,rl  ■/  tncnsurery  uvjust,  cruel,  and  nithuiit  a  paraUil.  The  flag  of  fre»'doin  and 
o'"  iiti;  artial  neutrality  has  been  wantonly  insulted.  Tearx  <if  the  nid'ms  und  or- 
}ih'^HK  </ murdi red  Americans  have  finned  in  vain.  Our  countrymen  have  been 
torn  from  the  embrace  of  liberty  and  plenty  Tiie  cordn  of  conjugal,  filial,  fra- 
ternal, and  parental  atTection,  Invebceji  brolvon.  (ty=  Jltnnstevery  staando' 
r.can  buoys  upon  its  surface  ihe.  victims  qf  capture  anitimpre^smrnt.  Vain  U  eve- 
ry effort  and  sacni'.ce  for  an  honourable  state  of  safety  and  tranquillity.  ]Vlissioi» 
lias  followed  mission — remonstrance  hasi  succeedtd  remonstrance — forbtannce 
has  stepped  on  the  heels  of  forbearance,  till  the  mind  revolts  at  the  thought  of  « 
prolonged  endurance.  Will  the  freemen  of  a  still  fivorcd  soil  unresistingly  groan 
under  the  pressure  of  Euch  ignominy  afid  insult  [^" 

The  senate  of  Maryland,  on  the  22d  of  Dec.  1812,  passed  a 
set  of  resolutions,  approving  of  the  war,  from  which  I  subjoin 
an  extract. 

*'  Whenever  the  pursuit  of  a  pacific  policy  is  rendered  utterly  inconsistent  witii 
tlie  national   interest,  prosperity  and  happiness,  by  the  unprovoked  injuries  and 
lawless  outrages  qfa  foreign  power  ;  whenever  those  rights  are  assailed,  without 
the  full  and  perfect  enjoyment  of  which  a  nation  can  no  longer  claim  the  charter 
and  attributes  of  sovereignty  and  independence ;  whenever  the  right  of  a  free 
people  to  nnviga'we  the  common  highway  of  nations,  for  the  purpose  of  transport- 
ing and  vending  the  siirplus  products  of  their  soil  and  industry  at  a  foreign  market'^ 
is  attempted  to  be  controlled  and  subjected  to  such   arbitrary  rules  and  regula- 
tions as  the  jealousy  or  injustice  of  a  foreign  power  may   think  proper   Co  pre- 
scribe ;  whenever  their  citizens,  in  the  exercise  qf  thtir  ordinary  occupatuyns  and 
laboring  to  obtain  the  means  of  subsistence  /or  themselves  and  their  families,  are. 
torn  by  the  ruthless  hand  of  violence  from  their  country,  their  connexions,  and 
thtir  homes  ;  whenever  the  tender  ties  of  parent  and  child,  of  husband  and  wife, 
are  wholly  disiegarded  by  the  inexorable  cruelly  of  the  urfeeling  oppressor,  who 
usurping  tlie  higli  prerogative  of  heaven,  and  anticipating  the  dread  office  of 
deat  1  converts  those  sacred  relations  ur.fo  a  premature  orphanage  and  widow- 
hood—not that  orphanage  and  widowhood  which  *  spring  from  the  grave"  unless 
thtfl/uiiing  dungeons  into  which  they  are  cast,  and  compelled  to  fight  the  baliles  of 
iheir  oppresnors,  may  be  compared  to  the  anful  and  gloomy  mansions  tfthe  tomb  ; 
whenever  injuries  and  oppressions,  such  as  these,  are  inflicted  by  a  foreign  power, 


K^ih 


260 


Tr.tu  OLI\E  BRANCH. 


upon  tho  prreorK  r.nd  r.opritlcfl  of  our  rlti/rnn,  nr.A  an  rpi'tal  h  IKt  Ju^lUt nf 
such  f):mrr  lo  ohluin  I"  Uiri%  jnovri  yrhtlli/  u^c/t.iv  am/ u;i.u:»i7(Nif  ;  in  ^ucli  ran  s 
it  i"  III*'  duty  of  tli<>«!«'  to  wlioiii  t!i»-  s  icrfd  1rii>t  of  iroticMiif;  tin;  ii;ilitn  «»(  the 
riti/<  n  arul  lionoiir  of  Hit-  i  atioti,  is  cnofidod,  to  liikc  pkhU  iiii'<i!iiir<i8  ir  ( lir  fvi^'«>n- 
cy  of  the  cane  may  rei^uiri-,  to  jroti'tt  tlif  one,  and  vindicate  tin*  other  :  Ihtiiv 
fore 

*^  RfVili'd  thai  the  ivur  >i;i,^>d  btj  tfte  IJniIrd  St.  tes  agaivsl  (hent  Hn'lnin,  ii 
juxt,  nr(f<-fnii^  onit  ii'ililir  ;  oii^ht  tithe  supportul  bjt  thi  tijiitrd  stnn;tli  uiiil  rr. 
sources  «f  the  naftjn,  until  the  grand  o^'jict  it  ohtuimd/ur  nhuh  it  rvm  UiU'red,''* 


CHAPTER  XLV. 


Consideration  of  the  Orders  in  Council  conlinifcd.     Slrong  and 
unequivocal  reprolationofihem  by  James  Lloyd  and  James 
Bayard,  Esqrs.  and  Governor  Griswold.     Extract  of  a  letter 
from  Hatrison  Gray  Otisj  Esq, 

I  MIGHT  have  (ligmIs8C(l  tins  part  of  my  subject  with  the 
last  chapter.  Hut  as  it  is  of  vital  importance — as  Great  Brit- 
ain and  the  V^nited  States  are  at  issue  on  it  in  the  face  of  an 
anxious  and  enquiring  world,  whose  judgment  we  await  on  the 
subject — I  judge  it  advisable  to  enter  into  it  more  fully. 

The  only  defence  ever  attempted  of  these  outrageous  pro- 
ceedings is  on  Ihe  principle  of  ^^retaliation.'"'  Tiiis  is  com- 
pletely invalitlaled  by  Mr.  Barinjr,  page  126.  It  is  ."ilso  une- 
quivocally abandoned  by  the  most  |)rominent  and  influential 
leaders  of  the  federal  parly. 

James  Lloyd,  Esq.  senator  of  the  United  States  for  the  state 
of  Massachusetts,  a  most  decided  federalist,  a  steady,  undeviat 
ing,  and  zealous  opposer  of  the  administration  and  of  all  its 
measures,  has  pronounced  sentence  of  condemnation,  in  the 
most  unequivocal  terms,  upon  the  pretence  of  retaliation,  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  senate  on  the  28th  of  February,  1812. 

"  And  how  is  it  possible,  that  a  third  and  neutral  party  can  make  itself  « 
fair  object  of  retaliation,  for  mtasurts  which  it  did  not  counsel — uhich  it  did 
not  approve— which  miliiate  strongly  with  its  interests— which  it  is  and  ever 
has  been  anxiously  desirous  to  remove— ^hich  it  has  resisitd  by  every  means 
in  its  power,  that  it  thought  expedient  to  use,  and  of  these  means  the  govern- 
menl  of  the  neutral  country  ow^ht  to  be  the  sole  judge — which  it  has  endeav- 
oured to  get  rid  of  even  at  great  sacrifices! — how  is  it  possible  that  a  neu- 
tral country,  thus  conducting,  ran  make  itself  a  fair  object  of  retaliation  for 
measures  which  it  did  not  originate— which  it  could  not  prevent,  and  canmt 
tontroiy— Thus,  fir,  to  my  view,  the  ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL  ARE 
WHOLLY  UNJUSTIFIABLE,  LET  THFM  BE  BOTIOMEI) 
EITHER  ON  THE  PRINCIPLE  OF  RETALIATION,  OR  OF 
6BLF-PRESERVATI0N.»» 


THE  OLIVE  BUANCH. 


257 


From  Mr.  liloycrs  nuthorily  on  Ihis  topic  I  presume  lliere 
will  lu  no  appeal.  There  cannot  be.  II is  decision  itt  filial. — 
But  I  m  not  contined  to  Mr.  Lloyd.  Mr.  Baynrd,  a  {rentle- 
m  111  (>r  equal  standing,  a  quondam  senator  of  the  United  States 
from  llio  state  of  Delaware,  one  of  our  late  commissioners  at 
Giient,  also  a  decided  federalist,  pronojmced  the  same  sentence 
on  them — in  a  speech  <lelivered  in  the  senate  of  the  United 
Slates,  October  31,  181 1  — 

♦'  Tlicy  were  ndoptod  as  a  measure  of  retaliation,  thougli  ^j^  tliey  nev<»r  de- 
grrvcd  thnt  chararter.  He  had  always  considiTrd  tlf  Btilin  ^nd  Miliin  drcm-s 
rr-73  n^i'd  as  a  mf  ro  pretext.  ThoHC  decrees  were  vaiti  and  I'mi'ty  d«-riunr"  .'•  nn 
iTii*  1  lion  to  Pjiigland  Tlie  plain  dosii^n  of  the  Britisli  governnn-nt  wn  [^j=  to 
d.piivo  F;vince  of  the  benefits  of  external  commrrc',  I'NIiFiSS  THM  JivOF- 
irs  OF  IT  WEKK  TO  BB  DIVIHED  WITH  HKR.^^EliF  [jt^ This  was 
f.iilv  provrd  hy  the  lirericc  trade.  [j;y=  Britain  cairios  on  the  verv  ^iMdt  sliodr- 
iii^s  to  neutrals,  and  luivin^  cngrosi-cU  the  wlio'e  to  ht-rself,  she  excludes  m'utral; 
from  a  participation. 

"  I  am  ainon^  the  !a»t  nun  in  the  senr'e  who  wonld  justify  or  defend  the  or- 
flors  in  rnur.ri!  THKY  VIOLATE  1  HE  PliAlNEST  RKillTS  OF  THE 
NATION.— rrp  Tliecround  of  r  tali- 'ion  was  r.cvtr  morothiin  a  pretext,  ;md 
their  plain  oiijftt  is  todopriv"  FVanee  ^i"  neutral  'r  ule.  It  never  was  contended, 
nor  does  Britain  now  tontend,  that  she  wonld  be  <iisti(le«l  by  the  laws  or  n-ingtc  of 
nations  to  interdict  our  commerce  with  her  ^i  v  She  (-OVERS  HER  IN- 
•IL'vriCE  WITH  THE  CLOAK  OF  RE  1  *.LUTION,  jind  insists  that  she 
\\.\ii  a  riyiltt  to  retort  upon  her  enemy  the  evils  of  his  ow  policy. — Thi.«  is  a  doc- 
trine to  wliich  I  am  not  disposed  to-^«  --IT  IS  DES ;  aUCTIVB  TO  NEU- 
TR  A  LS      It  makes  them  the  prey  if  th(  Selligcrents. 

"IT  IS  A  DOCTRINE  WHICH  WE  MUST  RESIST." 

In  addition  to  the  authority  of  Messrs.  Lloyd  and  Bayard, 
1  beg  leave  to  adduce  that  the  late  governor  of  Connecticut, 
Rog:erGris wold, Esq.  which-  though  not  quite  so  unequivocal, 
is  siiflfiriently  stronc;  to  satisfy  every  Candid  reader. 

On  the  loth  of  October,  1811,  eight  months  previous  to  the 
deel:»rition  of  war,  Governor  Gviswold,  in  an  address  to  the 
Iiee;islature,  drew  a  strong  portrait  of  the  injustice  of  the  belli- 
gerents towards  us,  and  of  the  necessity  of  abandoning  the 
[vciric  policj'  vh  ^'*  our  government  had  piirs'ued,  and  adopt- 
ing vigorous  and  ui  cisive  measures  to  enforce  respect  for  our 
rights. 

•*  It  has  been  our  misforttme  to  pursue  a  policy,  which  lias  rendered  m  con- 
temptible ir  tl  •  I  yes  of  foreign  nations  ;  and  we  arf-  treated  as  a  people,  who  are 
rciuly  to  submit  to  every  indignity,  which  interest  or  ciipricc  imposes  upon  as. — 
It  cannot,  however  be  too  late  to  retrieve  the  na<^ional  honor ;  and  we  on(»lit  to 
exj  'ct  thnt  our  public  councils  will  find,  thai  [j^  i  manly,  impartial,  and  deci- 
dt'd  coursie  of  me  isures  has  now  become  indi.-«p*'U!-ni)tv> — nich  a  course  as  shi^ll 
gati^fv  fnrnVn  nntions.  th;^t  wliilst  we  denire  pence,  we  have  THE  MEANS 
AND  THE  SPIRIT  TO  REPEL  AGGRESSIONS  The  interests  of  the 
United  Staics  undoubtedlv  require  a  .secure  and  honor.i!)ie  peace.  But  the  only 
guarantee  whicli  ouirlit  or  can  with  safety  be  relied  on  fOr  thi.s  obioct,  is  a  snfE- 
fiont  organized  force,  and  SPIRIT  TO  USE  IT  WITH  EFFECT,  whe,i  no 
other  booourablc  ujeans  of  redress  can  be  resorted  to.    The  extejisive  rencunen^ 


■  !*. 


ill 


25» 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


;iidcd  hy  the  jrpograuliieal  situation  of  our  country,  have  fi  rnislKxl  every  oeccs- 
.•ary  m»fans  for  defemlitifj  our  territory  and  our  coirnnorce  :  and  WK  ARR 
FALSE  TO  OURSELVKS,  WHEN  EITHER  [i.  e.  our  territory  or  our 
^oinoicrce,]  IS  INVADED  WITH  IMPUNlTV." 

No  (liapassionate  reader  can  deny  thtt  Governor  Griswold 
in  this  speech  makes  very  strong  and  unequivocal  declaration 
of  the  niecesaity  of  vigorous,  and  decisive,  that  is  to  say,  war- 
like measures.  It  is  impossible  otherwise  to  interpret  the  im* 
jn'essive  style  in  which  he  invokes  tlie  "  spirit  to  use  the  organ- 
hed force  tvith  effect" — and  the  declaration  that  *'  we  are  false  to 
oursdves  when  we  allow  our  commerce  or  our  territory  to  be  inva- 
ded with  imipunity.V 

On  the  12th  of  May,  1812,  only  five  weeks  before  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut  met  again.  Gov- 
ernor Oris  wold  addressed  them  once  more  on  the  same  sulijeot. 
He  explicitly  declared,  that 

*•  ^!^  tht  last  six  months  do  not  appear  to  have  produced  any  change  in 
the  hostile  aggressions  of  foreign  natioyis  on  the  commerce  of  the  Untied 
^JalesJ" 

And  after  referring  to^  and  justly  reprobating  the  burning  of 
pur  vessels  by  the  French,  he  emphatically  adds, 

"  (X?*  SurJi,  however,  luis  been  the  character  of  both,  that  NO  CIRCUM- 
STANCE CAN  JUSTIFY  A  PREFERENCE  TO  EITHER." 

I  beg  the  reader  will  give  these  documents  a  due  degree  of 
consideration.  It  appears  that  Governor  Griswold,  on  the  lOlh 
of  October,  J811,  unequivccally  pronounced  an  opinion,  that 
the  aggressions  of  Great  Britain  and  France  were  of  such  a  na- 
ture as  to  warrant  resistance  hy  war.  He  denounceii  the  pa- 
qific  policy  we  had  pursued  as  rendering  us  "  contemptible  in 
the  eyes  of  foreign  ncdions,"  who  in  consequence  regarded  "  us 
as  a  pc<q)le  ready  to  submit  to  every  indignity  which  interest  or 
caprice  ttiight  impose  upon  m.s."  He  called  upon  the  govern- 
ment I  >  change  its  system,  and  to  convince  foreign  nations, 
that  "  we  have  the  means  andtJie  spirit  to  resent  foreign  aggress- 
ions.**— And  finally  declares  "  we  are  false  to  ourselves  wJien  we 
suffer  our  commerce  or  our  territory  to  be  invaded  with  impunity ^ 
Seven  months  afterwards,  he  reviews  these  declarations,  and 
^.tates  that  "  no  circmnstance  crndd  justify  a  preference  to  either** 
France  or  England,  both  had  so  grossly  outraged  our  rights.— 
And  yet,  reader,  what  must  be  your  astonishment  to  be  told, 
that  this  same  Governor  Griswold,  immediately  after  war  was 
declared,  which  his  speech  appears  to  have  urged,  arrayed  him- 
self am'jiilg  and  was  a  leader  of  the  ^^  friends  rfpeace,**  who  de- 
nouAC^fll  tMe  war  as  wicked,  and  unji:st  and  unholy  1 ! ! 


THE  OLiVE  liKANCil. 


25© 


I  might  have  rested  the  cause  on  the  unilptl  testimony  of  AFr. 
Lloyd,  Hud  Mr.  Bayard,  and  Governor  Giiswohl.  They  are 
fully  sufficient  for  my  purpose.  No  candid  or  honest  man  cafi 
resist  them.  They  all  \\i{h  concurring  voice  establish  the 
strons;,  the  decisive  fact,  that  there  nas  ample  and  adequate 
cause  of  war.  But  legardina;  the  subject  as  of  immense  and  vi- 
tal importance,  1  am  determined  '*■  to  make  assurance  doublif- 
surc.''^  I  therefore  solemnly  cite  before  the  pu!>lic  another  evi- 
dence, still  more  powerful,  still  more  overwhelming-,  to  prove 
that  the  war  was  not  fomided  in  laisehood — to  prove  that  it  wa« 
bolh.just  and  righteous. 

This  evidence  is  the  honorable  Harrison  Gray  Olis,  Esq.  a 
5;entleman  of  consideralde  talents,  great  wealth,  high  ^tandini;, 
and  most  powerful  infllucnce  in  Uie  state  of  Massachusetts,  \vho 
has  acted  a  very  conspicuous  and  important  part  in  the  extra- 
ordinary events  of  our  era.  He  was  formerly  a  senator  of  tht: 
United  States — recently  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts— one  of  the  principal  movers  of  the  appointment  of, 
and  a  delegate  to,  the  Hartford  Convention  ;  (which  legislature' 
and  convention  denounced  the  waras  ui^just,  and  wicked,  and 
profligate) — and  finally  one  of  delegates  to  Washington,  to  ne- 
gotiate with  the  president  on  the  part  of  the  eastern  states.  1 1 
is  hardly  necessary  to  add — but  I  shall  be  pardoned,  I  trust,  for 
adding,  that  there  is  not  in  the  United  States  a  more  uniform, 
undeviating,  and  zealous  opposer  of  the  party  in  power — a  more- 
decided  anti-gallican'— or  a  citizen  less  disposed  to  censure^Eng- 
land  or  her  measures  unjustly,  than  Mr.  Otis. 

This  gentleman,  on  the  14th  of  January,  1812,  addressed  to 
— A.  friend  in  London,  a  letter  on  the  relations  of  the  twonationti 
which  displays  no  small  share  of  public  spirit,  and  breathes  a  most 
fervent  desire  for  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  in  order 
to  remove  the  indignation  and  abhorrence  they  excited  in  the 
United  States. 

This  letter  was  published  in  London;  and,  had  not  the  coun- 
tellors  of  his  Britannic  majesty  been  most  fatally  and  egregious 
ly  misguided,  would  have  produced  an  immediate  and  decisiv<6f 
effect,  and  saved  the  two  couatries  from  the  horrors  of  war^ 
fare. 

One  of  the  democratic  papers  in  Boston,  I  believe  the  Pat^ 
riot,  republished  the  letter,  with  comments  injurious  to  Mr.  Otiaf^ 
of  which  [  have  a  very  ira;)erfect  recollection.  They  appear- 
ed to  me  ill-founded  at  the  time.  Major  Russel,  editor  of  thl^ 
Centinel,  admitted  the  authenticity  of  the  letter,  which  he  re- 
pu'^lished  ;  girded  on  his  arcnour  ;  -ind  fully  defended  the  wri 
fej;  and  his  groUuctitMu    Uc  |)roveii  to  Hie  sati^sDttGtioa  of  tht; 


260 


f 

THE  GLIVE  BRANCH. 


public,  that  no  inference  could  fnirly  be  drawn  from  that  com- 
munication,  inculpating  the  moral  or  political  character  of  Mr. 
OtijB,  who,  on  the  contrary,  deserved  applause  for  the  part  he 
took  in  this  affair.  The  ideas  of  the  editor  of  the  Centinel 
were  just  and  correct.  These  views  are  given  from  memory. 
But  the  strong  impression  the  affair  made  on  my  mind  at  the 
fime,  convinces  me  that  they  are  essentially  just. 

With  these  explanations  I  submit  the  letter  to  the  reader, 
whom  I  beseech  lo give  it  due  attention.  It  will  bear  thrice 
reading.  On  the  subject  I  am  discussing,  it  is  final  and  decis- 
ive.    Never  was  there  a  more  irresistible  document. 

Extract  of  a  Uller  from  Harrison  Gray  Of  is,  Esq.  to  afrimd  in  London, 

dated  Boston,  Jan.  14,  IGVZ. 

"  You  will  pprcejve  by  tlie  papers  thnt  our  p:overnment  n-ofess  the  intm'ic'n 
to  assume  a  very  warlike  attitude  ;  ai  d  tlial  the  rj^j?-'  >fntiu  ent  of  iiidisriatioii 
throujiliout  the  rountrv  at  tlie  coiiiiiiu.ition  of  theoideis  iu  council,  IS  LOl  D 
AiWD  LNIVERSAL'FROM  DO'l  M  PARTIES  !  The  motiv.s  which  indiico 
your  f;overnincnt  to  continue  them,  are  f>"^  fjuito  iniioinprehetjsiblt  to  the  BEST 
FIlIEjSnS  of  Great  Bi'ilaiii  in  tiiis  country;  and  the  etfect  will  be  to  nrike  ev- 
ery n";»n  ODIOUS  who  diires  to  express  a  wish  for  >our  succetss  aud  procperiiy  ; 
:i  sentiment  still  common  to  our  best  men,  but  which  an  adherence  to  this  yyi:t(.ij 
will  tiriLiair  und  destroy. 

"  It  19  loo  true,  tliat  the  repeal  of  the  BerJin  and  Milr.n  d(  crees  has  been  le=3 
formal  than  it  sliouM  have  been  ;  and  that  our  adnjinislration  have  become  wil- 
ling dupes  to  the  insidious  policy  of  Napol«on. 

"  But  why  should  your  governnaent  mind  that  ?  Why  should  they  not  eR4)iacc 
any  pretence  for  restoring  harmony  between  our  two  countriis,  especially  as  it 
will  of  consequence  be  followed  by  hostility  on  the  part  of  France  i'  Napoleon 
will  renew  bis  outrages  the  moment  we  are  fiieiids  ;  and  the  natural  ties  whicli 
cement  Great  Britaiu  and  Americn  will  be  drawn  closer.  On  the  contiary,  lue 
scrupulous  adhereuce  of  your  cabinet  to  an  empty  punctilio,  will  too  probaij/ 
unite  the  whole  country  in  opposition  to  your  nation,  and  sever  for  generalioi.i, 

£erhaps  for  ever,  interests  which  have  the  u;ost  natural  affinity,  and  MEN  WHO 
UOHT  TO  FEEL  AND  LOVE  LIKE  BRETHREJS  " 


Let  us  canvass  this  precious  document  attentively.     It  ig 
fraught  with  meaning,  aud  iicishes  conviction.     Every  senlciice 
is  of  vital  importance.     Mr.  Otis  slates,  th;\t  "  the  scfditncnt  tf 
indis^nation  against  the  orders  in  council  was  loud  and  wnzVtnsfl' 
from  both  parties,^^     This  declaration  fron  such  a  quarler  ii^ 
•overwhelming — it  is  Irresistible.     It  proves  the  strong  sense 
prevalent  of  the  outrage  and  injustice  of  the  orders  in  conn 
eil.       The   concurrence  of    both   parties,   who  so  rarely  >t- 
gree  in  any  point,  demands  particular  attention.     And  surely 
Mr.  Olis  himself,  or  Mr.  Pickering,  or  Mr.  King,  will  not  deiiv 
that  it  is  fair  to  infer  that  he  must  have  regarded  the  orders  in 
council  as  unjust,  and  wicketl,  and  oppressive,  and   piratical 
and   utterly  imlefensible,  when  he  candidly  confesses,  that  a 
continuance  of  them  would  "  produce  the  effect  to  render  any 


THK  W.TVE  BP  \NCH. 


20* 


man  otRons  who  dared  to  express  a  iviahfor  the  success  and  pros- 
pcritif  of  Great  Britain. 

Mr.  Otis  deprecated  a  war  with  England  ae  one  of  the  migh- 
tieet  evile.  He  appears  to  have  regarded  these  orders  as  not 
merely  cause  of  war — but  as  likely  to  produce  war,  if  contia* 
aed. 

What  language  shall  I  use,  reader,  to  fix  your  attention  tp 
this  most  solemn  part  of  my  sultject  ?  Mr.  Otis  is  so  thorough- 
ly impressed  with  a  conviction  of  the  injustice  of  the  orders  in 
council,  that  he  explicitly  states  to  his  correspondent,  that  the 
"  sentiment  of  indignation  throughout  the  counliy^^^  at  their  con- 
tinunnce,  "is  loud  and  universal  from  both  parties,^  and  that 
♦*  the  effect  of  their  continuance  will  be  to  render  odious  every  man 
who  dares  to  express  a  wish  for  the  success  and  prosperity  n  Ens' 
land'"' — and  further,  that  "an  adherence  to  an  empty  punctilio  wilt 
sever  the  two  nations  perhaps  for  ever."  Let  it  be  observed  that 
these  declarations  were  m.ide  January  14,  1812,  only  five 
raonlhs  before  the  declaration  of  war — and  further,  that  no  al- 
teration or  mitigation  f  f  the  rigor  of  those  orders  had  takea 
pltce  when  war  was  declared.  When  these  points  are  duly 
weii^hed,  let  the  reader  consider  that  this  same  Harrison  Gray 
Otis  was  one  of  the  prime  movers  of  a  seditious-,  I  might  say  a 
treasonable  opposition  to  the  war,  on  the  ground  of  its  having 
been  *'  profligate  and  unjust.^*  II  is  im[>ossibYe  for  language  tQ 
do  justice  to  the  astonishment  tliese  reflections  are  calculated 
to  excite.  Mr.  Otis  was  a  member  of  the  senate  of  Massachu- 
seMs  in  February,  1*14,  when  h  report  of  both  houses' declai;ed. 
"  that  war,  so  fertile  in  calamities,  "wcw  wafted  with  the  word 
possible  views f  and  carried  on  in  the  worst  possible  manner^  form- 
insr  an  union  of  weakness  and  wickedness ^  wliich  ^kp^s  for  a  par" 
dlel  the  annals  of  the  world!  //" 

Here  I  close  this  part  of  the  discussion.  II  were  superflu- 
ous to  add  a  line.  The  reader  will  have  no  dif^cuity  to  de- 
cide. 

A  few  more  strong  facts,  and  I  shall  liave  done. 

On  the  18th  of  December,  18<»8  a  vote  was  taken  in  tb« 
house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States,  on  the  following 
resolution: 

•'  Resolved^  Tliat  tlie  United  States  c.innot,  without  a  sacrififee  of  their  rights, 
honor,  and  iiidependence,  (submit  to  the  late  edicts  of  Great  Britain  and  France. 
"  And  decided  in  tlie  affiniulive  as  follows  — yeas  JIB — nays  'l 
♦'  Yeas — Messrs  Alexander,  W  \lslon,  L.  Alston  Riicon>  Pi  d,  B^kcVy  Bas- 
sett,  Blackledce  Blake,  Blount.  Bnyd  Bon  le  Brown,  Biuwt  II.  RiiMf  r.  r-.VhnuD^ 
Campbell  Champvm  Chittenden-  Clay,  Cioptou,  Culpepper.  Ch»1;;,  Jjivrnpiniy 
Dmson,  Deane,  Do^'ia,  tturell,  Wllliot,  Ely  Findley,  Fiiit,  Fr in!  lIi .  (iirdncr, 
<&araet)  CU19I8OO}  Goodwyn,  Gray,  Green    Harris,  Ueister,  livlm,  Holland^ 

¥  2 


262 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Holmes,  Howard,  Humphreys,  Jsley,  J.  G.  Jack«iori,  R.  S.  Jack  son,  Jonkio^ 
Johnson,  Junes,  Kelly,  Krnan,  Key,  Kirkpatrick,  Lambert,  Lewis,  Lloyd,  Ma- 
con, Maribt),  Masters,  M'Cie«ry,  Milnor,  D  Montgomery,  J.  Montgomery,  N, 
R.  Moore,  T.Moore,  Jer.  Moirow,  Jno.  Morrow,  Mostly,  Mumford,  Nelson, 
Neniboldf  Newton,  Nicholas,  Pitkin,  Porter,  Quiney,  Randolph,  Rea,  Rliea,  J . 
Richards,  M.  Richards,  Russel,  Say,  Seaver,  Shaw,  Sloan,  Smelt,  Smilie,  J.  K. 
Smith,  J.  Smith,  Southard,  Stai{ford,  Stednian,  Storer,  Sturget,  Taggart,  Tall- 
madge,  Taylor,  Thompson,  Trigg,  Trc  up,  Upham,  Van  Allen,  Fan  Corllandtt 
Van  Horn,  Van  Rensselaer,  Verplanck,  Wharton^  Whitehill,  Wilbour,  Williams, 
A.  Wilson,  N.  Wilson,  Winn.— 118. 
"  Nayi.>— Messrs.  Gardenier,  Hoge.— 2.** 

This  is  a  vote  of  immenee  importance  in  the  decision  of  the 
question  which  I  have  been  discussing.  One  humdred  and 
eighteen  members,  out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  have  recor- 
ds their  deliberate  opinion  that  "  to  submit  to  the  edicts  of  G. 
Britain  and  France^*  would  be  ''  a  sacrijice  of  the  rights,  honor^ 
and  independence^^  of  the  United  States. 

Our  government  had  used  every  conceivf^ble  peaceable 
means  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  revoke  her  orders  in  council, 
to  which,  according  to  those  gentlemen,  we  could  not  submit, 
without  "a  sacrifice  of  our  rights,  honor,  and  independence." 
But  every  effort  had  been  in  vain.  The  orders  in  council  re» 
mained  unrevoked. 

Yet  many  of  these  gentlemen,  thus  solemnly  pledged  and 
committed,  voted  against  the  war,  as  unjust,  and  unholy,  und 
wicked ;  and  spared  no  pains  to  excite  a  seditious,  a  treasona- 
ble oppposition  to  it,  on  the  pretext  of  that  injustice  and  wick- 
edness !  • 

Can  the  hiunan  mind  conceive  a  stronger  and  more  indefenai- 
ble  contradiction  than  this-?  It  is  impossible. 

The  war  was  in  resistance  of  the  orders  in  council,  and  ac* 
cording  Vo  these  gentlemen  was  a  war  to  prevent  "  a  sacrifice  oi' 
the  rights,  honor,  and  independence  of  the  United  States.*' — 
And  if  ever  war  can  be  just-  and  holy,  it  is  surely  then  just  and 
holy,  vvhen  it  ia  waged  in  defence  of  "  the  r^hts,  honor,  and  iop 
dependence  of  a  nation." 

I  cannot  allow  myself  to  believe,  that  I  shall  have  a  single 
reader  who  will  doubt  or  deny  the  correctness^  of  this  i  ^ferenee. 
It  is  irresistible.  These  gentlemen  are  fairly  committed  in  the 
face  of  their  country,  and  of  all  Christendom. 

It  may  be  said,  and  has  been  said  ieii  thousand  times,  that  the 
same  pledge  was  given  on-  the  subject  of  the  French  decrees; 
and  that  war  ought  to  have  been  declared  against  one  nation  as 
"Weil  as  the  other.  To  this  there  are  two  replies,  fine,  that 
the  French  government  did  repeal  its  decrees,  although  in  a 
▼ery  ungracious  and  uncourteous  mamier.  But  ungracious,and 
Uncourteous,  and  indecorous  as  it  was,  they  were  repealed.-— 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH.     , 


2^ 


Ma- 

hon, 
a,  J. 
J.K. 

Tall- 

liams, 


•f  the 
and 
•ecor- 
ofG, 
ionor, 

seable 
luucil, 
jbmit, 
ence." 
icil  re» 

id  and 

ly,  and 
ivsona- 
wick- 

lefensi' 

Ind  ac- 
(ifice  oi 
Ites."- 

ist  and 
mdior 

single 

•renee. 

in  the 

lat  the 
krees; 
It  ion  as 
.,  that 
th  in  a 
is,and 

lied.— 


That  this  was  the  fact,  I  appeal  to  Mr,  Otis.  He  has  complete- 
ly settled  this  point  for  ever.  On  the  14th  of  .Tauuary,  1812, 
ns  we  liHve  seen,  in  a  confidential  letter  to  a  friend,  he  declar- 
ed, not  that  the  decrees  were  unrepealed — but  that  ^''th£  repeal 
ivas  less  formal  than  it  should  have  bcen.^^  The  reader  who  does 
not  tind  that  this  is  a  decisive  admission  that  they  were  actual- 
ly repealed,  must  be  wilfully  blind. 

The  other  reply  embraces  an  important  fact.  When  the 
question  of  war  against  Great  Britain  was  under  discussion  in 
congress,  Mr.  M'Kee,  of  Kentucky,  UJ^  moved  for  a  declaration 
of  war  against  France  as  well  as  her  enemy.  The  motion,  on  a 
division  of  the  house,  was  negatived  by  a  very  large  majority. 
Ten  members  only*  voted  in  the  affirmative,  of  whom  [p^  stV' 
en  were  ttemocrats — and  U^^  but  three  federalists  !  All  the  other 
federalists  voted  in  the  negative !  This  for  ever  closes  the  clmi- 
or  on  the  iiu'r»Ject  of  the  propriety  of  declaring  war  against 
France. 

Here  I  make  a  solemn  pause.  The  orders  in  council  were, 
as  we  have  seen,  one  of  the  most  prominent  grounds  of  war. — 
I  have  estiblished  their  existence  and  their  flagitious  injustice 
at  the  time  of  that  declaration.  Yet  the  senate  of  MaBsachu<- 
setts  h;>s  declared  that "  the  war  was  founded  in  falsehood!!  /" 

When  1  stated  the  enormous  transit  duty  the  British  ministry 
attempted  to  collect  for  IJJ^ permission  to  trade  with  France^  \ 
mentioned,  that  to  such  an  c^xtravagant  length  was  their  viola- 
tion of  neutral  rights  and  of  our  independent  sovereignty  car-* 
ried,  that,  wonderful  to  tell,  they  affected  to  consider  the  |)er- 
mission  to  trade  on  these  terms,  as  a  special  favor!  Lest  the 
reader  might  doubt  or  disbelieve  this  astonishing,  this  mon- 
strous, this  dishonorable,  this  unparalleled  fact,  1  give  him  th«s 
int>st  unequivocal  authority — the  celebrated  Francis  James 
Jpckson.  This  gentleman,  in  a  letter  ta  the  secretary  of  state, 
•latecl  Oct.  11, 1809,  expressly  states — 

*'  rrj*  The  option  given  to  neutrals  to  trade  with  the  enemies  of  Grent  Prit- 
ain  tluV>ugh  British  ports  OF  PAYMENT  OF  \  TRANSIT  DUTY,  was  ori- 
finaliy  dfvisad  and  intendedas  a  MITIGATION  of  what  is  certainly  more  cor^ 
rf(t,  hut  more  rigid,  in  priHciple— THE  TOTAL  AND  UNQUALIFIED  IN- 
TERDICTION OF  ALL  TRADE  WITff  THE  ENEMY  !  !  »»^ 

There  is  one  point  of  view  in  which  the  pretensions  of  Eng- 
land ought  to  be  considered^  to  show  their  palpable  and  shock- 
ing injustice,  their  utter  disregard  of  the  rights  of  this  natioDi 

*  Sf e  this  fact  stated  in  the  speech  of  Mi".  Clav,  speaker  of  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States,  January  8,  IBl'S.  Weekly  Rejister,  vokime  iii- 


284 


THE  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


and  their  total  departure  from  the  most  solemn  professions  pre- 
viously made. 

By  these  professions  England  had  pledged  herself  to  repeal 
the  orders  in  council  as  soon  as  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees 
Vfere  repealed,  so  far  as  those  decrees  affected  our  intercourse 
^ith  England.  We  had  no  right  to  demand  of  France  to  go 
further  than  this  in  her  repeal.  It  would  iidve  been  the  most 
arrogant  presumption  for  our  government  to  have  prescribed  to 
France  any  regulation  of  such  parts  of  her  trade  as  we  were 
iiot  interested  in.  Yet  England  did  require  a  repeal  of  her  de- 
crees as  they  affected  her  trade  with  other  nations,  as  a  sine  qua 
nan  to  the  repeal  of  (be  orders  as  they  affected  the  trade  of  the 
United  States. 

This  has  been  repeatedly  denied,  and  with  the  utmost  confi- 
dence. But  demal  is  not  disproof.  And  unfortunately  for  the 
friends  of  England,  the  fact  has  become  m^itter  of  historical  re- 
cord. It  is  to  be  found  in  a  document  of  the  most  indisputa- 
ble authenticity.  On  the  10th  of  June,  1812,  only  eight  days 
before  the  declaration  of  war,  Mr.  Foster,  the  British  minister 
at  Washington,  wrote  a  letter  to  our  government,  in  which 
this  idea  is  distinctly  and  unequivocally  avowed  in  the  follow- 
ing words  t 

*^  I  have  no  hesUation,  sir,  in  saying,  that  Great  Britain,  as  the  case  has  bither> 
to  stood,  never  did,  nor  ever  could  engage,  witlnut  the  grossest  injustice  to  her- 
self and  her  allies,  as  well  as  to  other  neutral  nations,  to  repeal  her  orders,  as 
affecting  America  alone,  leaving  then)  in  force  against  other  states,  upon  a  condi- 
tion that  France  would  except,  singly  and  specially,  America  from  the  operation 
of  her  decrees."  ' 

Whatever  reprobation  the  system  here  avowed  loudly  calls 
f€*T  on  the  ground  of  its  flagrant  injustice,  we  must  approve  the 
eandor  of  Mr.  Foster,  which  clothes  it  in  all  its  genuine  and 
intrinsic  deformity,  and  holds  it  up  to  the  abhorrence  of  the 
fair  and  upright  part  of  mankind  of  all  nations. 

Engl  md  at  this  time  stood  pledged  to  this  country  by  repeat- 
ed declarations,  promulgated  with  the  utmost  solemnity,  to  (>ro- 
ceed  pari  passu  with  France.  But  notwithstanding  solemn 
pledges  so  often  reiterated^  she  at  last  fairly  comes  out  with  her 
declaration,  that  the  repeal  of  the  decrees  as  affecting  America 
was  to  profluce  no  effect  on  the  orders  in  council  as  affecting 
this  country.  I'hat  is,  as  plainly  as  can  he,  that  unless 
ife  could  prevail  on  France  to  cease  the  operation  of  her  de- 
crees upon  British  trade  generally,  we  had  no  reason  io  hope 
for  a  relaxation  nf  the  rio;or  and  injustice  of  her  orders  in  coun- 
cil.   Tiu»  h  a  new  expiaaatiuu  of  u  pari  passttf  aad  would  of 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


205 


>Hseir,  had  it  stood  alooe,  afTordcd  full  juetificBtion  of  tLc  decla> 
ration  of  hostilities. 

No  man  who  has  the  least  regard  to  his  character — who  ie 
not  deprived  by  faction  and  party  violence  of  the  moral  sense 
— can,  aftev  a  perusal  of  the  preceding  observations  and  facts, 
hesitate  what  sentence  to  pronounce  on  the  accusation,  that 
•'  the  war  was  founded  in  fahchood.^ 


'  >» 


CHAPTER    XLVI. 

Inquiry  into  the  justice  of  tlie  war  conthntcd.  A  clear,  erplicU, 
and  unanswerable  defnce  of  it,  on  the  ground  vf  imprcsstnent 
alone,  independent  of  all  fhe  otiur  grievances,  bt/  the  unexcep- 
tionable tebtimcny  of  the  Hon.  James  Lloyd,  esq.  of  Massackur 
aetts. 

Impressment. 

Of  the  enormity  of  this  horrible  grievance,  which  [CT'  cries 
to  heaven  for  vengeance,  I  have  given  such  copious  details,  iu 
chapters  31  to  38,  that  I  need  not  enter  deeply  into  it  here. 

That  it  was  ample  and  adequate  cause  of  war,  no  man  can 
deny,  who  reads  the  letter  from  commodore  Porter,  page  214— 
and  the  extract  from  the  log  book  of  the  Gaerriere,  page  215 — 
whereby  it  is  indisputably  established  that  there  were  no  less 
than  the  enormous  number  of  forty-tive  American  impressed 
seamen  on  board  three  British  vessels. 

1  must  once  more  beg  leave  to  introiluceto  the  reader,  James 
Lloyd,  esquire.  When  I  shelter  myself  under  such  authority 
as  Messrs.  Otis,  Pickering,  Lloyd,  &c.  I  deem  myself  impreg- 
nable. 

Extract  of  a  kiter  from  the  Honorable  James  Lloyd  to  the  Honorable  Mr. 

Perkins, 

"  If  Great  Britain  did  claim  and  exercise  the  rljlit  to  impress  into  her  service 
lli(?  real  bona  fide  native  citizens  of  the  United  Stales,  an  interminable  war  witii 
her,  or  with  all  the  nations  of  the  eart!)  (if  it  could  not  be  otherwise  prevented) 
might  be  alike  just,  necessary  and  coraraend.ible.  The  ocean,  for  the  use  of  the 
gr»^at  family  of  minkind,  should  own  no  chartered  privileges,  in  a  time  of  nt-u- 
trality,  while  abstaining  from  injury  to  other!"  it  shonid  he  as  free  as  air  to  all 
who  nnyigate  It.  and  the  IMPRESSMENT  OP  A  N  VTIVE  \MERIC  \N  CIT 
IZEN  innocent  of  crime,  and  owing  elsewhere  no  primary  or  paramount  allegi- 
ance,  iod  prosecuting  a  lawful  commerce  in  a  vfstel  of  his  own  country,  ir:,  as  it 
ri'spccts  the  individual,  ami  as  it  regards  an  infrinirf  merit  of  riitlits,  \S  GROSS  A 
VIOLATION  \S  IF  HE  WERE  ARRESTED.  TORN  AND  TRAN-POlir- 
ED  INTO  SL\ VERY  FROM  HIS  PATERNAL  ROOF  OR  DOMESTIC 
ALTAR.*'— Boston  Ceotii:cl,  M^rchG,  1813. 


260 


THE  OLIVE  MANCH. 


The  minil  glows  with  animation  on  reading  these  noWr, 
these  dlgnifietl,  these  manly  sentiments,  worthy  of  the  nrost  il- 
lustrious heroes  of  the  revolution !  What  a  wondefui  contrast 
between  tliem  and  the  groveling  report  of  the  committee  of  the 
legislature  of  Massachusetts !  This  single  extract  were  suffi- 
cient to  justify  the  war,  had  there  been  no  other  ground  than 
impressment  alone. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  French  revolutionary  war, 
till  the  declaration  of  hostilities  took  place,  our  vessels  wero 
arrested  wherever  met  with  by  Britisli  vessels  of  war — the 
crews  overhauled — the  British  captains  seized  and  enslaved 
whom  they  pleased — as  they  were,  in  the  strong  language  of 
Oobbett— "  ACCUSERS,  WITNESSES,  JUDGES,  AND 
CAPTORS." 

England  would  have  made  war  against  all  the  nations  of  £u< 
rope  in  succession,  had  they  dared  to  impress  her  seamen. — 
And  what  right  had  she  to  claim  a  religious  veneration  for  her 
ilag,  when  she  was  in  the  daily  practice  of  violating  ours  in 
the  grossest  manner  ? 

I  request  the  reader's  attention  to  this  subject.  Mr.  Lloyd 
unites  "  tJu  claim''*  and  "  the  exercise,^"*  The  former  is  unim- 
portant in  itself,  and  does  not  afTect  the  question.  Suppose 
England  to  "  claim  a  righf^  to  our  vessels — to  our  territory — 
to  our  persons — it  is  no  cause  of  war.  But  the  moment  she  at- 
tempts  **  to  exercise  the  right"  to  seize  any  of  them,  resistance 
becomes  a  duty. 

It  thus  a|)pedrs,  that  the  expression  "  claim"  is  mere  verbiage, 
I  do  by  no  means  believe  it  was  employed  to  delude  the  reader. 
But  I  aver  that  such  is  its  effect. 

VU^  "  The  exercise'^  then  "  by  Great  Britain^  of  tlie  right  to 
impress  into  her  service  the  real  bona  fide  native  citisens  of  the  U. 
States^  would^^"  by  the  explicit  and  unexceptionable  declaratioa 
of  James  Lloyd,  ^^  justify  an  hUerminahU  war  with  her,^* 

The  question,  reader,  is  thus  reduced  within  a  narrow  com- 
pass. It  only  remains  to  be  ascertained  whether  "she  exer- 
cised"  the  execrable  "  right  of  impressment"  of  "  real  bona  fide 
citizens"  or  not.  If  she  di<l,  the  war,  according  to  Mr.  Lloyd, 
was  just.  To  prove  the  fact  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt,  I 
6all  in  very  high  authority.  I  will  give  up  for  a  moment  my 
own  calculation  of  7000 — the  secretary's  statement  of  6700— 
an^l  even  lord  Castlereagh's  admission  of  1000.*  I  will  rely 
upon  the  committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  and 

*  Lord  Castlereagh  in  the  British  parliaraeot,  !  am  assured  and  conBdeJ^tly  bc; 
lleye,  adautted  this  number. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCK. 


267 


upon  Ihe  Rev.  Mr.  Taggart,  mtinbtT  of  congress  firorn  that 
state. 

The  latter  admits  there  were  three  hundred  impresied  Ame- 
rican seamen  on  board  tlie  T'rilish  navy  on  the  declaiation  of 
war.  And  a  committee  of  t!ie  house  of  represeiita'ives  of 
M 'ssachuselts,  {"-^  [iZr"  as  fur  as  their  inquiries  went,'")  admit 
that  thrre  were  eleven  impressed  natives  of  Ihe  state  on  hoard 
thHina^3^ 

I  ;iro!'ee<l  losjirallj-.  As  "  Ihe  exercise  of  the  right'*  of  im- 
pressint;  tlie  [TT^  "real  hona  fide  native  citizens  of  the  L'nited 
SK»te8  into  the  service  of  Great  Britain,  vvouhl  justify  ;,n  HT'  in- 
irrmiriable  war  with  her  or  all  the  nations  of  ihe  earth'* — and  as 
wf  have  clenrly  estahlished  that  there  were,  ffj^  at  all  events, 
300  native  citizens  of  the  United  States  so  impressed — it  fol- 
lows that  Mr.  Lloyd  must  justify  the  late  war — and  will  not 
dare  to  assert  that  it  was  ^^  founded  on  falsehood  "     Q.  E.  D. 

Before  1  close  the  subject,  I  beg  leave  to  introduce  higher 
personages  on  the  stage. 

The  prince  regent  has  publicly  declared,  that,  "  it  is  known 
to  the  world  that  this  country  [G.  Britain]  was  not  the  aggressoir 
in  this  war." 

And  the  lords  of  the  admiralty,  in  their  proclamation,  dated 
April,  1814,  (see  page  60,)  express  their  regret  on  the  subject 
of  "  the  unpro^wked  a^^ression  of  the  American  government  in  de- 
darinpc  war  after  ail  the  ccuiscs  of  its  original  complaint  had  been 
rancved." 

To  enter  the  lists  against  such  ifbrmidable  antagonists,  is  re- 
ally bold  and  daring.  But  I  venture  to  assert,  and  hope  I  have 
proved,  that  the  war  was  not  "■  founded  in  falsehood ;" — that ' 
Great  Britain  was  notoriously  "  the  aggressor;" — and  that  none 
of  ''the  original  causes  of  complaint  had  been  removed"  previ- 
ous to  the  declaration  of  war. 

Just  as  this  page  was  going  to  press,  I  met  with  an  important 
document,  which  bears  powerfulijr  and  unanswerably  on  this  to- 
pic.   It  is  entitled 

"  Ad  abstract  of  <he  returns  or  lists  received  fioip  gen.  Lywao,  o.f  Aiperican 
seamen  and  citizens,  who  have  been  iqipressed  or  held  on  board  his  Britannic  ma- 
I  jesty's  ships  of  war,  from  the  let  of  October,  1807,  till  the  3iBt  of  MaFcb,  1809. 

The  whole  aumber  of  impressed  men  todndcd  in  these  re- 
I  turns,  is  873 

Of  whom  were  discharged  287 

Applications  unanswered  103 

In  ships  on  foreign  atatioofi  ^8 

D«8«rte4  Q!^ 


263 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


British  sut^jccts 

Having  voluntarily  entered 

Married  in  England  or  Ireland 


08 

34 

7 


The  rem^iiinins;  2C4  were  refuged  to  he  discharged  on  various 
grounds  of  irregularity  of  documents,  &c.  &:c.  But  let  it  lie 
borne  in  eternal  remembrance,  that  of  the  whole  number  873, 
there  were  only  9B  who  were  detained  as  British  subjects ! 

This  single  document  is  of  itself  abimdantly  suflkient  to 
condemn,  beyond  the  |)0^ver  of  appeal  or  Justification,  the  odi- 
ous prnctice  of  impressment.  Ei&;ht  hundred  and  seventy- thrtc 
persons,  sailing  under  the  American  tlag,  which  ought  to  have 
ensured  them  full  and  complete  prott'ction,  are  seized  with  ev- 
ery circumstance  of  outrage,  oppression,  injury,  an«l  injustice, 
as  British  subjects — are  torn  from  their  friends  and  families  and 
country — are  compelled  to  fight  the  battles  of  Great  Britain^  at 
the  risque  of  being  slaughtered  by  her  enemies — they  are  sub- 
ject to  the  most  ignomaiious  punishment,  if  they  dare  refuse  to 
serve ;  and  yet,  good  heivens  !  what  an  aimmination  !  when 
their  cases  are  fully  investigateil,  it  is  found  ,thnt  only  08  ol 
them  are  asserted  to  be — though  th/y  were  all  stolen  under  pro 
fence  thai  they  were — British  suhjicts ! ! ! 

I  make  a  solemn  appeal  on  this  subject — not  to  the  United 
States — not  to  the  Briti4i  nation — not  to  France — but  to  tlie 
whole  world — and  bohlly  aver,  and  dare  contradiction,  that  no 
nation  ever  perpetrated  such  atrocious,  such  horrible,  such 
lawless  violence  on  another  nation,  in  a  state  of  pretended  pe:<ce 
and  friendship ;  and  that  no  nation,  with  equal  means  of  defence 
and  offence,  ever  before  submitted  to  such  humiliation,  such  de- 
gradation, as  has  been  heaped  on  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

turbulence  of  Boston,  Boston  acts  on  Massculiusetts.  Ma.mi 
chusetts  acts  on  ths  other  eeistcrn  states.  Jealousies  etnddiscodl 
sedulously  excited.  Hateful  picture  of  tJie  southern  statcs.- 
Commercial  and  anti-commercial  states.  Enquiry  into  ih(\ 
claims  of  the  eastern  states.  Yankecism,  Morm  and  rr/ij 
gious  people. 

Boston,  the  metropolis  of  Massachusetts,  hf»s  been,  f'»r«| 
lon^Iteriod,  and  more  particiiUirly  since  the  close  of  the  rtiio 
of  federalism,  the  seat  of  discontent,  complaint  and  turbuleoce I 


THK  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


209 


riou? 
it  be 
r873, 

snt  to 
\e  (uii- 
^  thru; 
3  luive 
ilh  ev- 
justice, 
Iks  and 
ita'm,  at 
are  sub- 
refuse  to 
I !  when 
ily  08  ol 
n'der  pro 

e  United 
)ut  to  tlie 
,  that  no 
ule,  such 
i\ei\  pe  ce 
i  defence 
sucli  i\«- 


Mass* 
Hnd(liscod\ 

finto  m 
and  rcli] 


I  been,  f^T'l 

U  the  i>'''^1 

turbuleocf 


It  h»s  lietn  ilstlf  iTsllesg  and  nneasy — aiul  has  prrnd  rrsllcss- 
iw^s  nud  iiriuaHiiH'»8  in  every  directiun.  It  haB  thwartid,  hnr- 
r.issed,  and  emltarraBsed  the  general  go\ cinincnt,  incomiKiialdy 
nunc  than  all  the  rest  of  the  union  togctlier. 

\V  liatcvcr  dltticulty  or  «lis»lMss  arosf  iVoin  tlie  extraordinary 
circtirnsl'inceB  of  the  times — and  srreat  ditHe-ully  and  (list re*? 
wvr*:  iiirvilaltle — was  agiiraNaled  antl  ni-.jjnif'ed  t<»  the  iiigheet 
degree,  for  thi.^  pnr|»o8eof  inflaming  the  iml»lic  pnssions.  The 
leiu'ejs  in  (he  husiness  were  clamonms,  \>lien  ne  were  at  [leace 
in  JTJ^KO,  and  in  IP.Oti,  for  war  iijrainst  Knjiiand,  on  acrojMit  of 
lier  ilepredations  on  llieir  commerce,  and  in  io07,  on  account 
of  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake.  They  w<  le  t([ually  ehimor- 
oiis.  as  \te  have  sfen,  in  1803,  for  war  aj^.-'in^l  Spain,  for  the 
ipNrruplion  of  i lie  rijiht  of  deposit  at  Ntw-Oi'e.'ins,  ?  nd  <!e- 
noiinced,  intliemost  virtdent  style,  the  iin!  eciiily  and  eoward- 
i{e  of  government.  Yet  from  the  niomen*  whm  wtir  wa?  de- 
clared, they  clamoured  for  peace,  and  n'l  r'>;.aled  !h«  uar  ag 
wicked,  unjust,  an<l  unnecessary,  although  li.e  causes  if  war 
were  incomparahly  greater  in  1812,  than  in  1703,  18(i3,  IPOG, 
or  IC07.*  They  made  e\ery  j>ossil>Ie  ellorl  to  raise  ol  striic- 
tions  and  diPTiculties,  in  the  persecution  of  the  wrr;  and  [T,  ^V^f 
rfjnrhatcd  the  adminutralion  for  their  imhcciUly  in  carnjivg  il 
on.  They  reduced  the  government  to  banUruptcy,  as  1  inist  1 
shall  prove;  i\ni\[Cr  rfproarhcdif  for  its  mccssiliis and crbar- 
ras.wtcnls.  In  a  word,  all  their  mo\emen!s  have  had  and  still 
have  lut  one  oliject,  to  enfeeble  and  distrait  the  government. — 
Thisoliject  has  heen  too  succesi-fully  attained. 

With  a  population  of  only  33,000  inhaWitants,  andvilh  n 
commerce  quite  insignificant,  compared  v\ith  that  of  Nevv-Vork, 
rhih'.delphia,  Baltimore,  or  Charleston,  Boston  has,  by  manage- 
ment and  address,"  acquired  a  dejrre  of  influr  nee  1  eyond  all 
proportion  greater  than  its  due  share — greater  in  fact  than  the 
a'.iove  four  cities  com?*in«d — a  degree  of  influence  which  hag 
Ih  n  exercised  in  srch  a  manner  as  to  become  dangerous  to 
public  and  private  prosperity  and  haj'piness,and  to  the  peace  and 
pc'imanence  of  the  union.  It  brought  us  to  the  very  verge  of 
its  dissolution,  and  nearly  (o  the  awful  consequence — a  civi! 
\\ar. 

The  movers  of  this  mighty  piece  of  machinery — this  lever 
that  puts  into  convulsive  motion  the  whole  <»f  our  political  fab- 
ric, ar«  few  in  number.     But  they    are  possessed  of  inordinate 
tveallh — cf  considerable  talents — great  energy — and  overgrown  . 
Vifluence.     They  afford  a  signal  proof  hov  much  a   fpw  mea 

*  Sec  chnptf  rs  43  and  44. 


TilK  OlilVE  IHlANCn. 


»p 


may  eflccl  by  eiicrjjy  unil  concert,  more  e3|»ecially  whtn  Itiry 
are  not  very  scru|mlous  about  tbc  in<iins,  providc^d  the  cnch 
are  ticcomptislu'd.  A  norl'iP''  >  '..onrcilfracy  hu8  bten  their 
grand  object  for  a  number  oi'  -  .*>'8  Tboy  have  repeatedly 
advocatetl  in  the  public  prints  .  .jp.ration  of  the  states,  on  ac- 
count uf  a  pretended  discordance  ct*  vie\v<,  aiul  interests  of  the 
iliflerent  sections. 

This  project  «f  sepnration  was  formed  shortly  after  the  ndop- 
lionuf  the  federal  consiitulion.  Whether  it  was  venture*!  be- 
fore ttie  public  eiirlier  than  17t)0,  I  linow  not.  But  of  its  pro- 
mulgation in  that  year,  there  is  the  most  indubitable  evidence. 
A  most  elaborate  set  of  papers  was  then  published  in  the  city 
of  Hartford  in  Connecticut,  the  Joint  production  of  an  associ- 
ation of  men  of  tlie  tirst  talents  and  inlluencc  in  the  state. — 
They  appeared  in  the  Connecticut  Couraut,  pul)lishcd  by  Hud- 
son and  Goodwin,  two  eminent  printers,  of,  1  believe,  consider- 
able revolutionary  standing.  There  were  tlicn  none  of  the 
lon^  catalogue  of  grievances,  which,  since  that  period,  have 
been  fabricated  to  justify  the  recent  attempts  to  dissolve  the 
union.  General  Washinu^ton  was  president ;  Jolin  Adams,  au 
eastern  citizen,  vice-president.  There  was  no  French  influ- 
ence— no  Virginia  dynasty — no  embargo — no  non-intercourse 
— no  terrapin  policy — no  democratic  madness — no  var. —  la 
fine,  every  feature  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  was  precisely 
according  to  their  fondest  wishes. 

These  essays  under  the  signature  of  Pelham,  were  republish- 
ed in  Philadelphia,  in  a  paper  called  the  New  World,  edited 
by  Mr.  S.  H.  Smith. 

To  sow  discord,  jealousy,  and  hostility  between  the  diflferent 
sections  of  the  union,  was  the  first  and  grand  step  in  their  ca* 
reer,  in  order  to  accomplish  the  favorite  object  of  a  separation 
of  the  states. 

In  fact,  without  this  efficient  instrument,  all  their  eflbrti? 
vould  have  been  utterly  unavailing.  It  would  have  been  im- 
ppssible,  bad  the  honest  yeomanry  of  tlie  eastern  states  contin- 
ued to  regard  their  southern  fellow -citizens  as  friends  and  breth- 
ren, having  one  common  interest  in  the  promotion  of  thf  gen- 
eral welfaie,  to  make  them  instruments  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  intend  to  employ  them  to  operate  the  unholy  work  of  tlts- 
troying  the  ooble,  the  august,  the  s{)leadid  fabric  of  our  union 
and  unparalleled  form  of  government. 

For  eighteen  years,  therefore,  the  most  unceasing  endeavours 
have  been  used  to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  east- 
ern states  towards,  and  to  alienate  them  from,  their  fellow-citi- 
zens of  the  southern.     The  people  of  the  latter  section  have 


THE  Ol.IV^E  IJUANCII. 


2il 


been  ponrlraycd  m  demons  liicii^i^ate,  and  di'stlfntc  of  nil  tl»c 
godil  <Mi>ililie8  thiit  di^ntly  or  adorn  hiiniaii  nitiiro — lh(t<ic> 
(j'lirc  rateem  nnd  logjrd — that  entillc  lorc9|K'cl  ;iiid  vtner.ilinn. 
Notliiii^  can  exctuul  tlio  virulence  of  llirse  carlcatiir*  ?  ;  some  oi' 
which  \Toidd  havo  suited  tiie  Cerocious  inhaldtanlsof  New-Zeal- 
and, rather  tiuin  a  civilised  or  polished  nation. 

To  illustrate,  and  remove  all  doubt  on  tliis  subject,  1  siibjoiu 
an  extract  from  Pelhanrs  essay,  No.  1. 

*'  Negroes  arc,  in  all  rr«pcct<«,  oxcppt  in  regRrd  to  life  nnd  tleath,  the 
culile  of  the  ciliznuMof  the  southern  states,  fftluif  wire  ^oorl  for  food, 
ihe  jirohabitity  is,  that  even  Ihe  pou-tr  of  dt»tfoyin\^  Ouir  lives  would  be  cn- 
joifed  by  their  owntrs,  as  fully  as  it  i»  over  the  lives  of  their  cattle.  It  ran- 
no/  br,  that  their  laws  pmhibit  the  owners  from  killing  their  slaves,  because 
those  slaves  are  human  beings,  or  btcaute  it  is  a  moral  evil  to  destroy  thtm. 
If  that  were  the  ca«e,  how  can  they  justify  their  being  treated,  in  all 
other  respects,  like  brulei  7  for  it  is  in  this  point  of  view  ulone,  that  nc- 
prnes  in  the  (.outhern  states  are  considered  in  fuel  as  different  from  cattle. 
Tli-iy  are  bought  and  sold — they  are  fed  or  kept  hungry — tlu'y  are  cloth- 
ed or  reduced  to  nakedness — they  are  beaten,  turned  out  to  the  fury  of 
the  elements,  and  torn  from  their  dearest  connexions,  tdth  as  liltlc  r«> 
morse  as  if  they  tare  beasts  qf  the  field." 

Never  was  there  a  more  infamous  or  unfounded  caricature 
than  this — never  one  more  disgraceful  to  its  author.  It  may 
not  be  amiss  to  state,  that  it  greatly  enhances  the  turpitude  of 
the  writer,  that  at  the  period  when  the  above  was  written,  there 
were  many  slaves  in  Connecticut,  who  were  subject  to  all  the 
disadvantages  that  attended  the  southern  slaves. 

Its  vile  character  is  further  greatly  aggravated  by  the  consid- 
eration that  a  large  portion  of  these  very  negroes,  and  their 
ancestors,  had  been  purchased  and  rent  from  their  homes  and 
families,  by  citizens  of  the  eastern  states,  who  were  actually  at 
that  moment,  and  long  afterwards,  engaged  in  the  Slave  Trade. 

I  add  a  few  more  extracts  from  Pelliam : — 

"  We  have  reached  a  critical  period  in  our  political  existence.  The 
question  must  soon  bs  decided,  whether  we  will  continue  a  nation,  at  the 
expense  nen  of  our  union,  or  sink  with  the  present  mass  of  difficulty  into 
confusion  and  slavery. 

"  Many  advantages  were  supposed  to  be  secured,  and  many  evils  a- 
voided,  by  an  union  of  the  states.  I  lihall  not  deny  that  the  supposition 
\va8  well  founded.  But  at-  that  time  those  advantages  and  those  evils 
weie  magnified  to  a  far  greater  size,  than  either  would  be  if  the  ques- 
tion was  at  this  moment  to  be  settled. 

"  The  northern  states  can  subsist  as  a  nation,  a  republic,  without  any 
connexion  with  ihe  southern.  It  cannot  be  contested,  that  if  the  southern 
elates  were  possessed  of  the  same  political  ideas,  an  union  would  still  be 
uiore  desirable  than  a  separation.  But  when  it  becomes  a  serious  ques- 
tion, whether  v;(j  shall  give  up  our  government,  or  pai-t  with  the  statee 


}iW''- 


i 


;«e^w;. 


i.'j.4'':   J 


272 


THE  OLlVr.  BRANCH. 


^olltl^  of  the  Potomar,  no  man  nortli  of  tliat  river,  whose  heart  is  not 
thoroughly  domocratlc,  can  heftitate  whut  decision  to  nia!<e. 

"  I  shall  in  tiie  future  fiapcrs  coiisidor  souic  of  the  great  events  which 
icii'l  teail  (o  a  si/niralivn  of  the.  United  Slain;  ;  show  the  importance  of  Cc- 
tainini;  their  |)rcscnt  constitution,  even  at  the  ex.,«ensc  of  u  .scparatiuti  ; 
Ciid.aruitr  to  ^trurc  tlic  impossibiHli/  of  un  union  for  anij  lon<r  perio'l  in  fu- 
ture, both  from  the  viornl  and  political  habile  of  the  citizens  of  the  soutiicrn 
stales  ;  and  anally  examine  carefully  to  see  wheth'n*  ivt  have  not  alnadj 
eyjiroachtd  Hie  era  when  tlitt;  must  be  divided.^^ 

It  U  im{>03si'!le  for  a  mm  of  inleirj^ence  an<l  candor  lo  rend 
flit'se  twiiMcts,  wUiioiiL  let'lini];  a  deckled  conviction  tint  tiie 
wiiler  and  his  fri^^nds  wire  delerrriined  to  use  all  their  endeav- 
ours to  dissolve  the  union,  and  endanicer  civil  war  andidl  its 
horrors,  in  order  lo  (jrojTiC'le  !lif  ir  ■•ersonal  views.  This  mfords 
a  C(»m;)leie  clue  to  all  the  seditious  proceedings  that  h;*,  euo 
curi'etl  siut'e  that  period — the  unceasing  etlbrts  to  e\Cite  liio 
ruiblic  mind  to  that  feverish  si.ite  of  dodcord,  jealousy,  anil  ex- 
as;)t'r!ition,  which  was  neeess  iry  to  prepare  it  for  convuision. 
The  parlies  int<  rested  would,  on  the  slasreof  a  separate  confed- 
eracy jierfonn  the  i.rilliant  parts  of  kinzi-:,  and  princes,  generals 
iind  gener.ilis^iinos — whereas  on- the  L:;ran*' sia^e  of  a  i;eneru! 
union,  em!)r.icing  all  the  states,  they  are  obi'y;e(!  to  susititln  char- 
acters of  periraps  a  seconjl  or  third  rate.  "  BcUer  to  rule  in  hell, 
than  obey  in  hcavcn.^^ 

The  unholy  spiiit  that  inspired  the  wriler  of  the  above  ex- 
tracts, has  been,  from  tliat  hour  lo  the  present,  incessantly  em- 
ployed to  excite  hostility  between  the  ditfcrent  sections  of  the 
union.  I'osnch  horrible  lenijlhs  has  this  sijirit  been  carried, 
that  many  pan'.graphs  have  occasionally  appeared  in  the  Doi- 
ton  papers,  intended,  and  well  calculated  to  excite  the  negnn^s 
of  the  southern  stales  to  rise  and  missucre  their  masters.  This 
will  undoubtedly  appear  incredible  to  llie  reatler.  It  is  nevci- 
theless  sac ledly  true.  It  is  a  species  of  turpitudu  and  base- 
ness, of  which  the  W(*rld  his  {>rod'Jceil  feu  e\am;des. 

Thus  some  proi;ress  was  made.  But  it  wms  inconsiderable. 
While  tlie  veomtnrv  <>f  tiie  c.stern  state?  weve  enriched  'v  a 
beneficial  commerce  with  tbesoilhern,  they  did  rud  i-ei  <l"s- 
posed  to  quarrel  with  lliem  f  )r  Ibeir  sup[)03ed  want  oi^  a  titie 
degree  of  pietj'  or  morality. 

A  deeper  game  w;ts  re([uisite  to  he  |)layed,  or  "dl  the  pains 
taken  so  far,  would  have  !>een  wholly  fruitless.  And  this  wis 
sedulously  undertaken.  The  press  litenlly  groaned  ui'h  cf- 
fori s  to  prove  live  points,  wholly  desti'-iie  <.f  fon:id*t!-»u. 

First,  That  the  eastern  slate:i  were  sj^k  re.ameiitly  ecmiui_r- 
eial. 


ris 


THE  OLIVE  BRAN'CIL 


272 


r^econrtly,  That  the  states  south  of  the  Suoqiiehanna  were 
svlioHy  agricultural. 

Thirdly,  That  there  i3  a  natural  and  iaevituble  hostility  be- 
twetn  commercial  and  agricultural  states. 

Fourthly,  That  this  hostility  has  uniformly  pervaded  the 
whole  southern  section  vt'  the  union.     And 

Fifthly,  That  all  the  measures  of  congress  were  dictated  by 
this  hostility  ;  and  were  actually  intended  to  ruin  the  commer- 
cial, meaning  the  eastern  states.  • 

I  do  not  assert  that  these  miserable,  the^e  contempli!)!e,  thesr 
deceptions  positions  were  ever  laid  down  in  a  rrcular  form,  as 
(hrses  to  argue  upon.  But  1  do  aver,  that  they  form  a  basis  of 
(hree-fourtha  of  all  the  essays,  paragraphs,  squilis,  and  crackers, 
thnt  have  appeared  in  the  Boston  papers  ajrainst  the  administra- 
lion  for  many  years  past.  '•  The  Road  to  Ruin,"  ascribed  to 
John  Lowell,  no*-  liefore  me,  is  remarkable  for  its  virulence, 
its  acrimony,  its  intemperance,  and  for  the  talents  of  the  writer. 
He  undoubtedly  places  his  subject  in  the  slronjy;est  point  of  light 
possible  for  such  a  subject.  But  if  you  extract  from  his  essays, 
Ihc  assumjition  of  these  positions,  all  the  rest  is  a  mere  caput 
mortimm — all  "  sound  and  fury."  On  these  topics  the  changes 
are  rung  in  endless  succession.  The  same  ol)servation  will  ap- 
pi}',  and  with  equal  force,  to  hundreds  and  thousands  of  egsaye 
and  paragraphs,  written  on  the  same  topic. 

Never  was  the — s;utta  nan  ri,  sed  sccpe  cadcndo — more  com- 
pletely verified.  These  positions,  however  absurd,  however 
extravagant,  however  ridiculous  they  appear  in  their  naked 
form,  have,  by  dint  of  incessant  repetition,  made  cnch  an  im- 
pression upon  the  minds  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  the 
i-astern  states,  that  they  are  as  thoroughly  convinced  of  tlieir 
truth,  as  of  any  problem  in  Euclid.  - 

Boston  having  acted  upon  and  inflamed  Massachusetts,  that 
state  acted  upon,  ahd  put  in  movement,  the  rest  of  the  eastern 
states,  more  particularly  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  Now 
Him' shire  and  Vermont  are  but  partially  infected  with  the 
turbulent  and  Jacobinical  spirit  that  predominates  in  Massachu- 
sells.        "        , 

It  thus  happens,  that  a  people  proverbially  orderly,  quiet,  so- 
ber, and  rational,  were  actually  so  highly  excited  as  to  be  ripe 
for  revolution,  and  ready  to  overturn  the  whole  system  of  so- 
ciil  order.  A  cons>iracy  was  formed,  which,  as  I  havestnter^. 
and  as  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  promised  (air  to  produce  a 
convulsion — a  diisnhdion  vf  tint  uhwn — and  a  civil  war^  nnlesg 
tile  seduced  people  of  lliat  section  of  the  unioa  could  be  recuv/^ 

7.  2. 


'M3 


i4.   ; 


5^1,  yjj.' 


'  fev.  ■' 


274 


»n 


# 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


if 


rrinl  from  tlic  Tilal  delusion  ih'^y  lajored  under,  ami  restored  to 
their  reason. 

1  sliiill  very  brieily,  and  wiiliout  inncli  ailcnlion  to  order  or 
resjulirity,  consider  these  positions.  They  are  not  entitled  it) 
a  serious  refutation,  hut  merely  as  tliey  have  been  made  the  in- 
struments of  producing  so  much  mischief. 

Before  I  toucli  upon  the  commercial  points,  I  shall  offer  a 
few  observations  on  the  \\\^h  and  exalted  i)retensions  of  the 
people  of  the  eastern  stales,  lo  superior  morality  and  relJirion, 
over  the  rest  of  the  union.  There  has  not  been,  it  is  true,  <)uite 
80  much  parade  with  these  excliisive  claims  as  on  the  su'ijti: 
of  commerce.  Perhaps  the  reason  is,  that  there  was  nopolit- 
ic:d  purpose  to  he  answered  by  them.  But  that  tlie  peojile  ol 
that  section  of  the  union  are  in  general  thorou2;h!y  persuaded 
that  they  very  farexct  I  the  rest  of  the  nation  in  !  olh  reli;_Mon 
and  morals,  no  man  who  has  l»een  conversant  with  tiu:m  can 
deny.  Tids  folly  of  self  rl;;hteousness,  of  exalting  ourselves 
above  others,  is  too  general  all  over  the  world  ;  but  no  where 
more  prevalent,  or  to  greater  extent,  than  in  the  eastern  statt>. 
To  pretend  toip.stitute  a  comparison  between  the  religion  and 
morals  of  the  i)eopIe  of  Boston  and  those  of  Philadelphia,  New- 
York,  or  BaUiniore,  would  be  regarded  as  equally  extravag.itif 
nnd  absurd,  with  a  comparison  of  the  gambols  of  a  cow  to  liu 
spri:;htly  and  eleg\nt  cnrvetings  of  an  Arabian  courser.  The 
-Rev.  Jedt'diah  Morse  has  in  some  degree  devoted  his  geograjiliy 
to,  and  dis:;r:ice,d  it  b}',  the  perpetuation  of  this  vile  prcjudec. 
Almost  every  page  that  respects  his  own  seciion  of  tb.e  urii<.ii 
is  highly  encomlaslic.  He  colours  with  the  flattering  tints  uf 
a  partial  and  en-unoure^l  friend.  But  when  once  he  passes  li.e 
Susquehann  lb,  what  a  hideous  reverse  ! — Almost  every  tl.'-r.i 
is  there  frigldful  caricature.  Society  is  at  a  low  and  melaii- 
chofy  ebb,  and  all  the  sombre  tints  are  employed  to  ele\  ate, '  y 
the  contrast,  his  favorite  Elysium,  the  eastern  states.  He  ('rs 
his  pen  in  gall  when  he  hi-s  to  pourtray  the  manners,  or  haHl  =, 
or  religion,  of  Virginia,  or  Maryland,  'hither  of  the  Caroliii;!; 
er  Georgia,  or  the  vrtslein  couiitry. 

I  shonid  en-.er  far  into  the  consi<leration  of  this  procf  <1  ire 
of  Mr.  Moise,  iHit  that  it  b  is  been  'I'dy  discuesed  by  a  sui-eri- 
or  pen.  Tiie  e'ditor  of  the  F(Mt  Polio,  fiitnseif  a  decided  O  i!- 
cralist,  repro'.afes,  and  pronounce?  a  just  and  ittrual  condem- 
nation on  tiie  illiberalii'V  oi"  mrikin'.-:  a  school,  or  indeed  any 
other  book,  a  vehicle  to  excite  Jinirn!>sities  between  fellow-cili- 
zens    of  ditfeient  portions  of  tlie  s:\ine  nation. 

The  ch;vr»ct«T  nf  the  eastertj  sl.iles  fur  morality  lias  been 
various  at  various  times.     Not  long  eiuc**'  it  w.is  :it  a  very  low 


THE  OLH  E  BH/VNCIf. 


27ii 


eM)  itnlctjl.  I*  i=?  v.llh'n  the  rnrmorv  of  ili.tsf  ov»r  v '!()?o 
c'iiii'.s  liO  iMZor  isas  evor  mov^rd  ;i  liarxest,  that  V;ti»!uc  aikl 
gh  .rivcr  were  roi^iirilcd  Ji)4  nearly  synoMimius.  And  inis  was 
ii!)!  anionii;  (!ie  low  and  illiberal,  llse  hn?e  and  vii!i;ar.  1 1  \ivf- 
vatlcd  all  raiiUs  oi'  society.  In  the  mii'.dle  ami  soul  hern  .^i'atra 
tr.ulers  wc'c  naiveroally  v(  ry  mucli  on  tlieir  <:;u:inl  against  Van- 
ke«'  irio!.;i  when  (h'aiing  with  tii(;se  of  Ihe  eastern. 

'i'hey  now  aricu'n'.fi  to  themsvlves  (und,  iW  parly  purposes, 
(heir  el  iiriis  ar.'  fometlmcs  adinitlrd  i-y  llieir  politieal  IVIends) 
to  he,  as  I  have  stated,  a  superior  order  to  Ihrir  fell.>w  citizens. 
"^jMiey  look  down  upon  (hose  (»f  (he  «;»nth\vard  with  as  much 
Ci)nlemj>t,  i\ijd  with  as  much  roniK'aliou  too,  ;ii-.  did  the  rbar:- 
soo  of  ohi  on  lli:^  (U"3;)ii;ed  Pul)!i(*.'!n. 

I'oth  of  those  vie  as  are  e-r(»ssly  erroheous.  'i'hey  never,  as 
a  people,  merited  t'le  O;  pro!;viwni  nn<i(  r  which  (liey  formerly 
la!>ored.  There  ^verc,  it  is  (rne,  rn.ujv  worthUss  miscreants 
among  them,  who,  on  their  emi«:rati«n  to  t!)e  otlier  stales,  were 
gfnilly  of  base  tricks,  wliich,  by  an  illiher.ility  disiiraceful  to  jnr 
species,  but  nevertheless  very  common,  vtero  char::e«l  to  the  ic- 
coiuit  of  the  fntiM!  people  of  the  f,.^tern  states,  and  brought 
them  under  a  most  undeserved  odiu.n. 

I  feel  a  pride  and  pleasure  in  doing;  justice  to  the  yeomrinry 
©f  the  eastern  stat<  s.     'i^hey  will   not  suiVer  in  a  comparison 
with  the  same  class  of  men  in  any   part  ttf  the  world      'J'hey 
are  n;)riy;h(,  soher,  orderly',  and   regular — shrewd,  intelilirent-, 
and  well-informed — and  1  l)elieve  there  is  not  a  irreater  «!ei!;roe 
of  genuine  native  urbanity  amon?  the  veomanrv  of  any  coun- 
try  imder  the  canopy  of  heaven.     And  it  is  lamentaide  and  un- 
aceountahle  how    tl    y  have  allowed  '5;'  mselves  lo  lie  so  e<rrc* 
p,io"5!y  dup.ed  as  the;,  h-^vp  been.     I  have  known  them    ioncr: 
and  my  resiiect  fir  tit  n  \v\^  ^radu'tly  increased  in  r!»-o;ioriion 
as  my  knov.le(i:;e  of  L'lern  '  ^   exlrnded.     TJnt  I  shaii   never 
admit  any  excliisl'-e  o**  supe  ':!n>Jnen(  cl.iim  to  the  virtues  which 
]   know   (liey  praspss.      And  I  h:\ve  no  heiiia'ion  in  averring;, 
tli.U  aUhouirh   Do^Io-k  er  Hart  fori!,  or   Newhavf  n,  may  exhif  it 
ralber  morv  npfuarancc  t»f  relisjion  atid  p.iety,  (ban  New-York, 
or  PhiliM'iclphia,  or  Baltimore,  yet  the  latter  cities  possess  as 
iri  ''di  of  the  realfhf.     It  wf>uld  astonish  and  friirhten  many  of 
the  pious  [)eoj)le  i.j  New-York  or  Philadelphia,  to  be  informed 
— but  they  may  nevertheles:^  ndy  upon  the  ir?formation  as  indu- 
bitably tnte — that  a  lar^e  po^.  .»i.  of  the  cleriry  of  the  town  of 
Bo?lon,  are  absolute  rnilarian? .;  vn»l  scout  the  idea  of  the  di- 
finiiy  of  .lesns  CfriFt  as  couiole'*  !y  and  r"splici(ly  as  ever  Dr, 
Trii^stly  diit     Thh  is  a  dijire-tsion.     1   did  not  intend  to  intro- 
clijce  ib    But  since  it  is  here,  let  it  remaiu.     And  kt  rae  addb 


*.. 


276 


#    THE  OLIVi:  BRANCH. 


that  the  present  principal  of  Harvard  Collegie  \v«s  known  to  Ii« 
an  Unitarian  when  lie  was  elected.  This  t'icl  csUijiiaUts  the 
verj'  great  extent  and  prevalence  cI'  the  doctrine. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

Affogancc  of  the  claims  of  the  eastern  states  on  the  suhjcct  of 
commerce.  StoUislical  tables*  Comparibon  of'  the  exports  of 
the  several  stales. 


The  high  and  soundine;  pretensions  of  the  eastern  stales  on 
the  subject  of  commerce  have  been  almost  universally  admiiled 
No  person  has  ever  thought  it  worth  while  to  examine  into  the 
actual  state  of  the  facts.  It  has  heen  presumed,  that,  in  a  mat- 
ter where  falsehood  and  deception  were  so  easily  detected,  such 
cr  'fident  assertions  would  not  he  hazarded,  unless  they  rested 
on  a  strong  foundation.  And  in  drawins:  th%linf  of  demarca- 
tion between  the  eastern  states  and  the  rest  or  the  union,  in  the 
minds  of  the  mass  of  the  community,  all  to  the  north  and  east 
of  the  line  was  rei:;arded  as  devoted  exclusively  to  commerce  j 
all  to  the  south  ami  wv-st,  chiefly  to  agriculture. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  c<jinceive  a  greater  mistake.  The 
reader  will  be  astonished  at  the  view  I  shall  lay  before  him. — 
I  have  been  inexpressibly  surprised  myself,  and  even  now  can 
hardly  credit  my  own  statements.  They  are  nevertheless  in- 
disputable. 

TABLE  A. 

^Table  of  Exports  from  the  United  States,  of  FOREIGN  and  domestic  pre 
duclioyis  nnd  manufactures,  from  1791  to  1802.  Carefully  extracted) >'.m 
tut  treasury  returns. 


Maittnchnsftts 

New  York. 

Pennsylinnia. 

S.  Carolinn. 

Maryland 

1791 

2,519,000 

2,505,000 

3,436,000 

2.693,000 

2,239,000 

179<2 

2,»8a,000 

2,555,000 

3,820,000 

2,428,000 

2,6-3,000 

1793 

S,755,(K)0 

2,9.S2,(XX) 

6,958,000 

3,191,000 

3,665,000 

1794 

5,292.000 

5,442,000 

6,643,000 

3,867,000 

5,636,000 

1795 

7,117,000 

10,304,000 

11,518,000 

5,998,000 

5,811,000 

1796 

9,949,000 

12,203,000 

17,513,000 

7,620,000 

9,201, 0(X) 

1797 

7,:,02,000 

13,308,000 

11,446,000 

6,505,000 

9,811.000 

17915 

8,639,(»00 

14,300,000 

8,915,000 

6,994,000 

12,746,000 

1799 

11,421,000 

18,719,000 

12,431,000 

8,729,000 

16,293,000 

1800 

11,326,0^)0 

14,045,000 

11,949,000 

10,663,000 

12,2i»4.<)«')0 

IBOl 

14,870,000 

19,851,000 

17,438,000 

14,304,000 

12,767,000 

UO^Z 

1:3,492,000 

1 3,79-2 ,0<K) 

12,677,000 

10,639,000 

7,914,000 

$98,770,000    129,941,000    124,744,000    83,631,000  101,026,006 


THE  OLIVE  13UANCIT. 


% 


•277 


1791 
1792 
t793 
1T94 
17?5 
179ti 
1797 
1798 
1799 
!L00 
!80l 
1  02 


Cmmclitiit. 

710,000 
879.000 
7T'>  000 
6  I  -  000 
81?'  000 
1,4>/.W^0 
?U  OoO 
76...00O 
1,1 4.  .000 

i,in,o'JO 

1,446,000 
l,b06.000 


RhoiU  IsLnvl. 

470,000 
G91<,000 
610.000 
954, 00 

i.c:':  000 

l,,"*,'.-  0(/0 
9  7.-,  ,00 'J 

9  i ;  000 
i,uj:»  uoo 
i>:--  000 
i,ro':  000 
2,i.s^:,ooo 


Viiginia. 

S,1.')I,000 
^,.'»r»':\0<»() 
f;:,9i.7,0(0 
3.3:1,000 
.S,4'0  000 
:',-.6r  0  0 
4,"  0,.  COO 
6.11.  000 
C,'..M>v  000 
4,4.  0  000 
.^C5.^l  00 
3,97!  OOu 


4  ■' ;  .000 
439,000 
5':i;.0  0 

ij6:«.ooo 
e^.^ooo 

9;  0,000 

(Ui  OUO 

9li1  000 

1,. 7.0, 000 

1,174.000 

1,75j.OOO 

i,i;.i4.ooo 


Humpshire . 

14-\000 

1151,(00 

I9i;,ooa 
ir..«  000 

£i'9.000 
37!  000 
£75  000 
66 ;  000 

36 -.  i-oa 

4Si  000 

5:).^,ooo 

565  (jOO 


$  li,3^l>,000  14.11.^0OO       5.^,1   5  0(yO  11,lo^J,000       3.»'/J9,000 


f'trront 


1791 

1792 
1793 

17^4 

1:5 

1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1«00 
li'Ol 


20  000 
57,1.00 
57  000 
31  0')/ 

$  16.)  UUO 


3.r 

rohnn 

5'i 

i.OOO 

5-i 

7  OtO 

S6 

ooo 

3^ 

:  COO 

4!' 

•.(.00 

67 

J  ,000 

5i( 

J  000 

537,000 

4« 

^  000 

76 

\000 

ii7 

i,000 

5j« 

'000 

I'ti  000 

e:.  o*'0 

54,000 
5-  OCO 

i:i(.'.('00 
5;  .000 

IJ.OOO 
61, 00 J 
9,Oi.O 
5*000 
25  OOo 
?6  COO 


6,764.000 


l)tl  n-nre. 

119,000 
IS.^,  000 

f'.r('00 
CO  000 
15  000 
£0'  000 

9^.000 

1BS,0(;0 

S97,0'  0 
41!. ,000 
66    000 

A.'.0  000 


491,000  3,(X>9 ,000 


N.  Ti.  Tn  thv-  |)rf'ce«<ing  lalilo  of  expoits,  tl)P  fii-urps  Leiuw  thoiisaiids 
an- miii'oinily  <iiiit(«'(l,  ay  not.  itiHteual  to  tlie  tiilciilaliou— and  atiectiiig 
ctjiiuily  botli  t-jilf"  oT  the  quotion. 

CGmparad'vc  vir.v.ic/  Ihe  exports  from  ihc  diprml  dcdes^cf  for- 
(iiSr  nu-f  tfoincdic  ariicics.  fruu   171  i    /o'  1302,  nnlumuhi.— 
fc.'e  la.)!c  A. 

I.  Manlnnd  cxporled  eii^ht  <im(s:;?  much  f^f?  C«>iin<c'iicol ; 
scvfQ  tunes  as  ini.cli  ns  Hluxle  Isiaiui ;  tvto  pt^rccnl.  more  lltiin 
"  Uio  tii-eat  tommercijii"  s;.iU*'  of  iMassMhifscIts  ;  uiui  \  er>  ne.^r- 
ly  ,(s  tnucli   as    iMassacljustlls,  Ne\\h  .n)i)Sl!ire,  aiul   Vtrn»ont 

unilrd. 


P»larvl- -n<! 

Mi?SS-.clU!S!'j(s 

TV'  wrr.iMi.sli.re 
V'trm^yat 


9^,770,000 

3,r.L(>,()00 
1C5.(,00 


101,02C.000 


•102,704,000 


i^-*?8 


fiTB 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Connecticut 
Hhodt  isliujii 


12,323,000 
14,113,000 


11.  Maryland  exported  above  330  per  cent,  more  than  Ncn-- 
Hampshire^  Vermont,  Conncdiciiti  and  Rhode  Island. 


Mnrvland 
^\Mvhnmj)shire 
Vermont 
Connecticut 
Hhode  Island 


3,820,000 

165,000 

12,328,000 

1  1,113,000 


101,20,000 


30,435,000 


Til.  South  Carolina  exported  nearly  six  times  as  much  us 

Rhode  Island;  nearly  seven  times  as  much  as  Connecticut; 

above  twenty  times  as  much  as  Newliamj)shire;  five  hundred 

times  as  much  as  Vermont;  and  MO  per  cent,  more  than  those 

four  states. 

South  Carolina  83,631,000 

]Se\\hamp8hire  3,820.000 

Connecticut  12,328.000 

Khfde  Island  14,113,000 

"Vermont  165,000 

30,435,000 

IV.  Virginia  exported  73  per  cent,  more  than  the  four  minor 
eastern  states. 

Virginia  '  53.125,000 

N.  Hauipshire,  Vermont,  &c.   See  No.  2.  30,435,000 

V.  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  exported  8  per  cent,  morf 
ihan  the  five  "  ffreat  commercial  eastern  statcs.^^ 


Virginia 
South  Carolina 

Massachiisetls 

i\.  Hami>snite,  Vermont,  Sic. 


53,125,000 
83,631,000 

-    136,75C,00C 


98,770,000 
30,4J5,000 


-120,205,000 


VI.  North  Carolina  expoited  70  [>er  cent,  more  than  iVew- 
Hampshire  and  Vermont. 

North  Carolina  5,764,000 

Newh  rnpstJJie  8,820,000 

Vermont  105,000 

-^ 3^904,00* 


■<■■    -■■■]■■•     i; 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 

* 

VTI.    Georgia  exported  nearly  as  much  as  Connecticut: 


210 


n 


<jrorKi.'i 
Connecticut 


I2.ir,2,0Ci() 


VII F.    ^CF  The  five  soutJurn  slates  exported  nearly  twice  as 
much  as  the  five  great  eastern  states ! ! ! 


Maryland  -  -  . 

Virginia  - 

North  Carolina 
Soiitli  Caroliua 
i'u'ovghi  -  - 

Five  eastern  states.    See  No,  5. 


101,02(5,000 

tJ,7CI,000 
8<,«»:}«,000 
12.162,000 


-250,708,000 
IJ), 203  000 


IX.    Pennsylvania  exported  nearly  as  much  as  the  "five 
screat  commercial  eastern  states." 


I'pnnsylvariia 

rive  tastcru  states.     See  No.  5 


TABLE  B. 


12l,741,00e 
129,20j,000 


FOREIGN  PRODUCTIONS  and  MANUFACTURES  fxported  frnm  tha 
Unittd  Suites  from  1  b03  to  1813.    Cnnfully  taken  from  the  treasury  rdurm. 


Md/tsnchnsdts, 

180:i  $3.3ti9,00« 

1804  IO,.'>ni,000 

1805  rj,7.'{»,C00 

1806  14..')77,000 
1307  13,92y,000 
vm  8,tnB,000 

lyoi)    (;,ii!*,ooo 

IHiO  7,2:?  1.000 
I!; 1 1  ^.192,000 
\\]\'l     2,b'<H,0UO 

s;;i;)      294,000 


ConnictuHl. 


130  5 
l8(tJ 
liiOj 

mi 
iao3 

1309 
1810 
IBM 
1812 
1813 


$  10  000 

L'!«,0»K) 

90  000 

103,000 

103  000 

13.000 

11,000 

5  000 

38,000 

5,000 


Ncn-  York. 

3,101.000 

8,380,000 

13,331,000 

13,709,000 

16,400,000 

3,2.3  000 

4.ii3i,000 

fi.3l3  000 

3,3 18,000 

2,3^8  000 

1,121,000 


Pennsylvoma. 

3,304,090 

«,8.'l,000 

9,387,000 

13,809  000 

12,0»5.000 

2,94l>,000 

4,8)0,000 

6,2  n, 000 

3  8t>3  UOO 

1,313000 

327,000 


81,324,000        78,032,000        65,118,060 


Rhode  Island. 

nil  000 

81"  000 
l.JOtiOOO 
1,112  000 

9 1.-). 000 

102.000 

620,000 

45t;,000 

62i  000 

150  000 
2,000 


Virs^inia. 

r»t,ooo 

39>,000 
6  60,000 
428  000 
367,000 
18.000 
107,000 
189,000 

as.otw 

17.000 


S.  Carolini. 

917.000 

2.300.000 

3,108.000 

2.9H>,000 

3,783,000 

2<5O.00O 

385  000 

40U.000 

210,000 

11.000 

53,000 


Mfiryland. 
1,37 1, UOO 
5,213.000 
7,'t.')0  000 
10.91t).000 
10.2«2.000 
1,95B,0»0 
4,05<^,000 
3,213.000 
2.820  000 
1,929.000 
1,00  J, 000 


14,420.000       60.214,000 


501,000  C,953,000 


2,35:),0CO 


Georgia. 
23,000 
71.000 
43,000 

34,000 


3,000 
11,100 


190,000 


N.  Hampshire. 

51,000 

2*.2,000 

213.000 

383,00d 

314,000 

2.000 

&5,000 

,         8,000 

53,000 

9.000 


y 


1,. 336,000 


230 


rp 


TiiE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Vcrinonf. 

N.  Carolina^ 

Ncw-Jcrsff/. 

Jl'lawarc. 

15103 

27,000 

20,000 

2  10,000 

1«04 

55,000 

>      0,000 

517,000 

l8v):i 

07,000 

12,000 

280,000 

18)6 

102,000 

3,000 

7.000 

37^1.000 

1807 

5'),o)r) 

4,000 

5,000 

151,000 

18.)8 

25,000 

8,000 

7(),0i)0 

18)0 

40,000 

50,000 

41,000 

1810 

20,000 

2,000 

37,(K)0 

^      40,000 

1811 

538,000 

4,000 

•                                   ,  - 

1812 

131,000 

1810 

1,000 

1 

1,075,000 

01,000 

107,000 

1,713,000 

Comparalive  views  of  foreign  nrl ides,  erporled  /rom  1803  ^o  1013.     Pee 

piTcoding  Table  R. 

I.     iMnrylanil  exported  al:ovc  five  times  as  much  as  (lie  fmir 
minor  eastern  states. 


Maryland 
Conncoticut 
Rhode  [sland 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont 


501,000 
0,053,000 
1,380,000 
1,075,000 


50,214,000 


9,015,000 


II.  South  Cnrolin'^  exported  nearly  twice  as  much  as  Cr»ih 
necticut  and  Rhode  Island  ;  ahove  ten  times  as  m'lch  as   Now 
H.»m;)shire;  and  aljove  forty  per  cent,  more  than  the  lour  mi 
nor  eastern  states. 

South  Carolina  14,420,000 

Connecticut  '  501,000 

Rhode  Island  6,953,000 

7,454.000 

New  Hampshire  l,3B0,nu3 

Four  minor  eastern  stales,  No.  1.  D,9U),000 

III.  Maryland  an  I  '^outh  Carolina  exported    nearly  eighty 
per  cent,  of  the  amount  exported  by  Massachusetts. 

Maryland  50,214,000 

South  Carolina  1  •, 420,000 

64.034,000 

Massachusett«  ,  8l,314,00« 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^81 


IV.    Virginia  exported  above  Iwenty  per  cent,  more  than 
Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire. 


•  Virginia  ^ 
Connecticut 
New  Hampshire 


501,000 
1,386,000 


2,355,000 


1,887,000 


TABLE  C. 

DOMESTIC  PRODUCTIONS  and   MANUFACTURES   exported 
from  Iht  United  States  from  1U03  to  1813,  carefully  extracted  from  the 
Ireasury  returm. 


Massachvsetln.  New-York.  Penntylvania.  S.  Carolina.  Maryland. 


1803 
1804 
1805 
1800 
J  807 
1G08 
1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 
1813 


$  5,309,000 
6,303,000 
5,697,000 
6,621,000 
6,185,000 
1 ,508,000 
6,022,000 
5,761,000 
6,042,000 
3,935,000 
1,514,000 


7,626,000 
7,501,000 
8,098,000 
9.053,000 
9,957,000 
2,362,000 
8,348,000 
10,928,000 
8,747,000 
6,603,000 
1,060,000 


4,021,000 
4,178.000 
4,365,000 
3,765,000 
4,809,000 
1,066,000 
4,238,000 
4,751,000 
5,694,000 
4,660,000 
3,249,000 


6,863,000 
5,142,000 
5,957,000 
6,797,000 
7,129,000 
1,401,000 
2,801,000 
4,881,000 
4,650,000 
2,024,000 
2,815,000 


3,707,000 
3,938,000 
3,408,C0O 
3,661,000 
4,016,000 
764,000 
2,570,000 
3,275,000 
4,553,000 
3,956,000 
2,782,000 


4,986,000  85,283,060  44,796,000  50,523,000  36,630,000 


Connecticut.     R.  Island.      Virginia.     Georgia.     N.  Hampshire. 


1803  $1,238,000 

1804 

1,486,000 

1805 

1,353,000 

1806 

1,522,000 

1807  J, 51 9,000 

1808 

597,000 

1809 

655,000 

1810 

762,000 

1811 

994,000 

1812 

720,000 

1313 

968,000 

664,000 
917,000 
1,065,000 
949,000 
741,000 
139,000 
658,000 
874,000 
944,000 
604,000 
234,000 


5,949,000 
5,394,000 
4,945,000 
4,626,000 
4,393,000 
508,000 
2,786,000 
4,632,000 
4,798,000 
2,983,000 
1,819,000 


2,345,000 
2,003,000 
2,351,000 

82,000 
3,710,000 

24,000 
1,082,000 
2,234,000 
2,557,000 
1,066,000 
1 ,094,000 


443,000 
453,000 
389,000 
411,000 
365,000 
12  2,000 
201,000 
225,000 
315,000 
194,000 
29,000 


11,614,000  7,789,0U0  42,833,000  18,548,000   .3,147,000 


Aa 


2C2 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Vermont.    N.  Carolina.    iV.  Jersey 
1S03  $80,000  020,000     21,0t0 
1804  135,000  919,000     24,000 
1803  101,000  767,000    20,000 

1806  91, -000  7B6,000    26,000 

1807  148,000  740,000     36,300 

1808  83,000   117,000     12,000 

1809  125,000  322,000  260,000 

1810  406,000  401,000  3V<2,<100 

1811  32,000  793,000  1,000 
J  81 2  7,000  489,000  4,000 
1813  795,000     10,000 


.    Delaware.    Orleani, 
187,000 

180,000  1,392,000 
77,000  2,338,000 

123,000  2,357,0?)0 
77,000  3,1<J1,000 
38,000  537,000 
96,000  344,000 
79,000  1,763,000 
70,000  2,501,000 
29,000  1,012,000 

133,000  1,013,000 


Coluvtbia. 
1,412,000 
1,157,000 
1,135,000 
1,091,000 
1,303,000 
281,000 
681,000 
084,000 
2,060,000 
1 ,593,000 
1,387,000 


1,217,000  7,0»,000        815,000.1,097,000     16,408,000       13,111,000 

Comparative  viavs  of  dotnestw  articles,  exported  from  1803  l8i:^ 

See  preceding  Table  C. 

I.  South  Carolina  exported  within  eight  per  cent,  of  (he 
t^hole  amount  exported  by  Massachusetts ;  nearly  seven  timt^s 
as  much  as  Rhode  Island ;  above  four  times  us  much  as  Con- 
necticut ;  and  above  twice  as  much  as  the  four  minor  eastern 
slates. 

South  Carolina    '  ^  50^23,000 

Massachusetts  ' '  "^  54,985,000 

New  Hampshire  3,147,000 

Vermont  1,217,000 

Connecticut  11,614,000 

Rhode  Island  7,789,000 

23,707,000 

II.  Virginia  and  Maryland  exported  more  than  all  the  east- 
ern states.  .  . 


irginia  '     . 

Maryland 

Massachuretts 
'  N.  Hamp.  Ver.  R.  Island,  &  Conn. 


42,833,000 
36,630,000 

54,985,000 
23,767,000 


-79,463,000 


78,752,000 

III.  North  Carolina  exported  almost  seventy-live  percent, 
more  fhctn  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,  and  nearly  as  much 
AS  Rhode  Island.  ^^ 

North  Carolina  7,053,OOo 

New  Hampshire  3,147,000 

Vermont  1,217,000 

■   ^   ^  —      ,  I,      4,364.000  ] 

Rhode  Island  7,789,000 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


2&3 


IV.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  tliau  tli« 
four  mioor  •astern  states. 

N©rlh  Carolina  7,055,000 

lieorgia  18,548,000 

25,603,000 

New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  &c.  (No.  1 .)  23,707,000 

Y.  Georgia  exported  nearly  twenty  per  cent,  more  than  Coq* 
Dccticut,  New  Hampshire,  and  Vermont. 

Georgia  18,54U,O0O 

Connecticut              "  11,61 4,000 

New  Hampshire      ^  ^              3,147,000 

Vermont  1,217,000 

•  ' 15,077,000 

VI.  The  district  of  Columbia  and  the  state  of  Ueorgia  ex- 
ported thirty  per  cent,  more  than  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
Connecticut  an<'       ode  Island. 

Columbia  '      13,144,000    " 

Georgia  '.    '        'V       '  18,548,000 

"'  31,69*,000 

New  Hampshire,  Verm.  Conn.  &c.  (No.  1.)         23,767,000 

VII.  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina,  exported  a 
bove  sixty  per  cent,  more  than  the  live  eastern  states. 

Virginia  43,833,000 

Maryland  36,630,000 

South  Carolina  50,523,000 

129,986,000 

Five  eastern  states  (in  No.  2)  78,752,000 

VII  f.  The  district  of  Columbia,  of  ten  miles  square,  export- 
ed more  than  Newhampshire,  Vermont,  and  Rhode  Island. 

Columbia  13,144,000 

NewhamiJshire  ""  3,147,000 

Vermont  1,217,000  '-^ 

Rhode  island  '        '/  7,789,000 

.   '  : 12,153,000 

IX.  The  state  of  Virginia  exported  above  half  as  much  as 

the  five  eastern  states. 


Virginia 

The  five  eastern  states  (No.  2.) 


42,833,000 
78,752,000 


X.  Virginia  exported  nearly  as  much,  and  South  Carolina 
U  per  cent,  more,  than  Pennsylvania. 


K-Xi 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


5, 


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'•<>       ^      M.    %^ 


/- 


i/. 


^ 


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1.0 


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1.25 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


%  /g. 


284 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Virginia 
South  Carolina 
Pennsylvaoia 


42,833,000 

,    50,523,000 

44,796,000 


-  XI.  Virginia  exported  five  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  moi'e 
than  Rhode  Island  ;  three  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than 
Connecticut;  and  almost  a  thousand  percent,  more  than  New- 
Hampshire  and  Vermont.  ,  '       • 

Virginia  42,833,000 

'     Rhode  Island     '    •  '•    •      ■"         7,789,000 

Connecticut  11,614,000 

Wev.hampshire  .3,147,000 

Vermont             ?  1,217,000 

.>...:,.  '  4,304,00 

XII.  \XT  The  dkirid  of  Colmnlia  and  Virginia  exported 
inore  than  Massachtsetts ! 

Columljia  .  '•  ^ .     ^  .       13,144,000  v 

Virginia  ■-,.  •..   <■■  v^  42,033,000 

'..  /;                                • 55,977,000 

Massachusetts  ,     .  ..  54,980,000 

XIII.  n:^  TJie  dlaUi^  of  Cvhimlia  exported  more  than  Cow 

r::ikiit  and  Fcrmont.  x_ 

'    Columbia  --.--'<.,",-/''.■■,;?'  ir^,144;OO0 

Connecticut  11,014,00^ 

•   Vermont  1,271,000 

12,831,000 

XIV.  [IT'  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  than  Mas- 
sachusettSj  Rhode  Island,  Ncmhajnpshire  and  VenrxiVt,         ^ 


South  Carolina 
Georgia 

Massachusetts 
Rhode  Island 
Newhampshire 
Vermont 


50,523,000 
28,548,000 

54,986,000 
7,789,000 
3,147,000 
1,217,000 


60,071,000 


.^•*  ,<.-'i'*^V.r-5i.    -*• 


67,139,000 


XV.  South  Carolina  exported  abo^e  450  per  cent,  more  than 
Connecticut;  above  six  hundred  per  cant,  more  than  Rliock 
Island;  and  above  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than 
these  two  states. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


2d!i 


South  Carolina 
C'»nntcticut 
Rhode  Ishind 


50,523,000 

11,614,000 

7,789,000 


XVI.  Maryland  exported  above  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  the 
four  minor  eastern  Btntes. 

Maryland  '  36,630,000 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (No.  1.)        "  23,767,000 

XVII.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  exported  more  than  the 
fbur  minor  eastern  states. 

North  Carolina  7,055,000  - 

Georgia  18,584,000 

25,693,006 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (No.  1.)  '  23,767,000 

XVIII.  South  Carolina,  Columbia,  and  New-Orleans  export- 
ed more  thnn  the  five  eastern  states. 

South  Carolina  50,523,000       ^ 

Columbia  ^     »  13,144,000 

New-Orleans         '  16,408,000 

80,075,000 

"  Five  eastern  states  (No.  2.)        '  78,752,000 

XIX.  The  five  southern  states,  the  district  of  Columbia,  and 
N^w  Orleans,  exported  above  two  hundred  and  thirty  percent, 
more  than  the  five  eastern  states,  and  within  ten  per  cent,  as 
much  as  the  middle  and  eastern  states. 

Virginia,  Maryland,  and  South  Caro^ 


Una  (No.  7.) 
North  Carolina 
Georgia 
Columbia 
N«w  Orleans 

Five  eastern  states  (No.  2.}, 
New- York 
Pennsylvania 


129,086,000 

7,055,000 

18,548,000 

13,144,000 

16,408,000 

78,752,000 
86,283,000 
44,795,000 


■185,141,000 


■208,831,000 

r  am  tired  of  this  investigaton.     I  sicken  for  the  honored 
the  human  species.     What  idea  must  the  world  form  of  the  ar- 
ro!;ance  of  the  jiret^nsions  on  the  one  side — and.  on  the  other, 
of  the  folly  and  weakness  of  the  rest  of  the  union,  to  have  isO' 
long  suffered  themi  to  pass  without  exposure  and  detection  I  - 

Aa  2 


'f^^i 


m: 


286 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


The  naked  fact  is,  thnt  the  demagogues  in  the  eastern  states, 
not  datislied  with  deriving  all  the  beneQts  frotn  the  southern 
section  of  the  union,  that  they  would  from  so  many  wealthy 
colonies — with  making  princely  fortunes  liy  the  carriage  and 
exportation  of  its  bulky  and  valuable  proiluctions — and  supply- 
ing it  with  their  own  manufactures,  and  the  manufactures  and 
productions  of  Europe  and  the  East  and  West  Indiei,  to  an 
enormous  amount,  and  at  an  immense  profit — have  uniformly 
treated  it  with  outrage,  insult,  and  injury.  And,  regardless  of 
their  vital  interests,  the  eastern  states  were  lately  courting 
their  own  destruction,  by  allowing  a  few  restless,  turbulent  men 
to  lead  them  blindfolded  to  a  separation,  which  wais  pregnant  with 
their  certain  rtiin.  Whenever  that  event  takes  place^  they  sink  to 
their  native  insignificance. 

If  a  separation  were  desirable  to  any  part  of  the  union,  it 
would  be  to  the  middle  and  southern  states,  particularly  the  lat- 
ter, Tvho  have  been  so  long  harassed  with  the  complaints,  the 
restlessness,  the  turbulence,  and  the  ingratitude  of  the  eastern 
states,  that  their  patience  has  been  taxed  almost  beyond  en- 
durance. ^^Jeshurun  waxed  fat  and  kicked,''^  And  he  will  be 
severely  punished  for  bis  kicking,  in  the  event  of  a  dissol^utioD 
of  the  union. 

It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  a  very  large  portion  of  the  ex- 
ports from  the  eastern  states,  consists  in  the  productions  of  the 
southern  states,  first  transported  to  Boston  and  other  ports, 
coastwise.  So  that  even  the  comparisons  1  have  made,  which 
are  so  mortal  to  the  pretensions  of  the  eastern  states,  place 
them  on  far  better  ground  than  they  really  deserve.  For  ex- 
ample— suppose  among  the  exports  of  these  states,  two  millions 
of  dollars'  worth  of  cotton,  one  million  of  dollars'  worth  of 
flour,  one  million  of  dollars'  worth  of  naval  stores,  all  drawn 
from  the  southern  or  middle  states — they  appear  four  millions 
of  dollars  slronoer  oiT  the  face  of  the  argument,  than  they  are 
in  fact  and  in  truth.  And  there  is  no  doubt  that  this  ie  the 
•^se  to  a  vast  extent* 


CHAPTER   XLIX. 

Comparison  of  the  exports^  foreign  and  domestic,  of  the  diffcrfnl 
states^  from  1 791  to  1 813.    Glance  at  tonnage. 


-  *• 


To  enable  the  rea<Vr  to  fo^m  a  fair  comparison  between  the 
commerce  of  the  ditferent  »tat€»,  I  amiex  a  synoptical  view  ot 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


281 


lerti 
lihy 

M>'y- 

and 
io  an 
rmly 

S9    of 

rrling 
t  men 
( with 
ink  ii> 

ion,  it 
tie  lat- 
t«,  the 
"astern 
od  en- 
will  be 
olution 

the  CT- 
!  of  the 
:  ports, 
,  which 
s,  place 
For  ex- 
millions 
orth  of 
dmwD 
millions 
hey  are 
8  16  th€ 


(ho  whole  of  our  exports  from  the  organization  of  the  federal 
gDvernmcnt  till  the  close  of  1813.  He  will  see,  at  a  sinii;le 
glance,  how  very  erroneous  are  the  opinions  that  have  hitherto 
prevailed  on  this  suhject;  and  how  high  eren  the  forei2;n  com- 
merce of  the  southern  states  soars  over  that  of  the  boasted 
^'comtncrcial  states. ^^ 

General  total  of  txports  of  foreign  and  domestic  productions  from  the  year 

1791  till  i)*iiUnctusirc. 

Mn$sachusefts.      Netv-York.       Pe>iint!>l>a'\ia.     S.  Crrolina.        Maryland. 

A  98,770,000  129,941,000  124,744,000  83,631,000  10l,02G,000 
78,052,000  65,118,000  14,41*0,000  50,2>4,000 
8i,28S,000      44,796,000      50,5-^3,000      36,630,000 


B    81,324,000 
C    54,985,000 


$235,079,000 

Connecticut. 
A     12,328,000 


B 
C 


501,000 
11,614,000 


293,276,000  234,658,000  148,574,000  187,870,000 

Rhode  Island.  Virginia.  Georgia.     N.  Hampshire 

14,113,000  53,125,000  12,162,000    3,829,000 

6,953.000  2,355,000  190,000    1,386,000 

7,789,000  42,833,000  18,548,000        3,147,000 


24,443,000      28,855,000      98,313,000      30,900,000 


8,962,000 
Columbia, 


Vermont,    N.  Carolina,  N,  Jersey.     Delanare.    Orltans. 

A        165,000      6,764,000    491,000    3,009,000  ^     ^ 

B      1,075,000  61,000    187,000    1,713,000 

C      4,217,000      7,055,000    815,000    1,097,000  16,408,000  13,144,000 

2,457,000    13,880,000 1,313,000    5,819,000  16,408,000  13,144,000 

EXPLANATION. 

The  first  line.  A,  is  taken  from  the  table  A,  page  276.  It  contain^  tht 
Krhole  amoOnt  of  the  exports  of  foreign  and  domestic  articles,  from  179(1 
to  1802. 

The  second  line,  B,  is  taken  from  the  table  B,  page  279.  It  contains 
the  whole  of  the  foreign  articles  exported  from  1802  to  1813. 

The  third  line,  C,  is  taken  from  the  table  C,  page  281.  It  contains  all 
the  domestic  articles  exported  from  180t  to  1813. 


i 


m^-:^. 


?  ^Je«nt 


;een  the 
I  viewot 


Eastern  Section. 

Mass.  235,075,000 
N.  Ham.  8,362,000 
Vermont  2,457,000 
II.  Island  28,855,000 
Con.         24,443,000 


299,192,000 


Middle  Section. 

N.Jersey  1,313,000 
Delaware  5,5' t»  ,000 
N.  York  293,276,000 
Penn.      234,65«,000 


vrfK- 


534,766,000 


Souther 

Maryland 

Virginia 

N.  Carolina 

S.  Carolina 

Georgia 

Orleans 

Columbia 


■■■■>■ 


n  Section 

187,870  000 
98,313,000 
1.3,880,000 

148,574,000 
30,000,000 
16,408,000 
13,144,000 

509,089,000 


238 


Ml 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


I  cannot  allow  these  tables  to  pass  Mrithout  requestinf^  attpn^ 
tion  Ut  iliem  in  the  most  particular  manner.  As  they  ihrow  an 
immense  flood  of  light  ou  a  subject  most  egregiously  misiimtpr- 
stood,  and  on  which  the  most  ruinous  errors  have  prevaiicd,  it 
behoves  the  reader  to  test  his  opinions  by  them,  and  lay  aside 
the  prejudices  and  misconceptions,  if  any,  which  he  may  have 
formed  on  these  topics. 

All  the  late  confusion,  the  tendency  to  disorganise  the  cuuo^ 
try,  to  overturn  the  government,  and  to  introduce  civil  \Nar, 
arose  from  the  errors  prevailing  on  the  subject  of-  commerce,  of 
which  the  eastern  slates  pretended  to  be,  and  were  absurdly 
and  riiliculously  believed,  the  exclusive  guardians  and  prouc- 
tors.  It  is  now  clearly  and  indisputably  established,  thi.t  the 
commerce  uf  th«  eastern  is  very  far  indeed  inferior  to  that  uf 
the  southern  states.  It  appears,  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt 
or  denial,  that  the  five  eastern  states,  since  the  formation  of  the 
government,  have  exported  of  foreign  and  domestic  articles, 
(tj*  including  an  immense  amount  of  southern  productions^  only 
about  1 2li9,000,000 

of  which  a  vast  proportion  was  of  foreign  productions.  £ut 
that  the  southern  stales  have  in  the  same  period  exported  to  fo- 
reign countries  no  less  a  sum  than 

$609,000,000  ^ 

UJ^  principally/  of  their  own  productions  or  manufactures^  excli^ 
sive  of  the  prodigious  amount  of  their  cotton,  tobacco,  rice,  na- 
val stores„&c.  exported  by  the  eastern  states.  The  southern 
section  of  the  union,  which  has  been  «o  cru«lly,  so  wickedly, 
so  unjustly  vilified  and  calumniated  for  its  hostility  to  com- 
merce, is  therefore  actually  more  interested  in  its  preservation 
tlian  the  eastern  states,  in  the  proportion  of  five  to  three.-— 
There  is  no  instance  to  be  found,  of  so  palpable,  so  gross,  so 
unfound^<l  a  calumny,  resting  on  sueb  a  sandy  foundation,  so 
open  to  detection,  and  so  pregnant  with  most  ruicous  conse' 
queuces,  having  remaioed  so  long  without  investigation. 


^.       '    ■  ,  *  , 

From  a  view  of  the  preceding  tables^  it  appears  tfiat  flie 
commerce  of  four  of  the  eastern  states-is  to  the  last  degree  in- 
Sign!<icant,  compared  with  that  of  the  southern  states,  as  will 
apjiear  on  the  following  comparisons : — 

I.  Virginia,  since  the  organization  of  the  government,  has 
exported  four  times  as  much'  as  Connecticut  ;-nH>re  than  three 
times  as  much  ais  Ehude  Island)  twelve  times  as  mucji  as  l^ew 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


261 


i  an 
(ler- 
il,  it 
ksUle 
have 

JOUI> 

war, 
L-e,  of 
uriUy 
roKC- 
t  the 
hat  of 
doubt 
ol  the 
ticies, 
f,  only 

.    But 
I  to  fo- 


exclt> 
ice,  na' 
uthern 
kedly, 
com- 
rvatioD 

ree. — 
rosB,  so 
tion,  8« 

conse*^ 


llTat  tlie 
Igree  in- 
^*     will 


as 


lent,  bas 
tin  thr«6 

aaNew 


08,213,000 


Hampshire;  forty  times  as  much  as  Vermont;  and  above  fifty 
per  cent,  more  than  those  four  states.  .   /<   . 

Virginia         ' 
Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 
Newhampshire 
Vermont 


24,443,000 

28,835,000 

8,362,000 

2,457,000 


64,117,000 


II.  Maryland  has  exported  nearly  eight  times  as  much  as 
Connecticut;  above  six  times  as  much  as  Rhode  Island ;  twen- 
ty-three times  as  much  as  Newhampshire ;  and  almost  three 
times  as  much  as  the  four  minor  eastern  states. 

Maryland      '  137,870,000 

Connecticut  '  24,443,000 

Khode  Island  28,855,000  '• 

Newhampshire  8,362,000   .      ^ 

Vermont  *  •  2,457,000 

64,117,000 

III.  North  Carolina  has  exported  almost  thirty  per  cent, 
more  than  Newhampshire  and  Vermont. 

North  CnrolTna       ^          .^^  13,880,000 

Kewhamiiohii'o        -      -    -^^  8,302,000 

Vermont                   "'  '  ^"^  *''  "^     2,457,000 

/  io,ei9,ddo 

i  V.  Georgia  lias  exported  more  than  Connecticut  or  Rhode 
Island;  and  almost  three  times  as  much  as  Newhampshire  and 
Vermont.  * 

Georgia  30,400,000 

Connecticut  24,443,t)00 

Rhode  Island  ''  28,855,0t)0 

NeWliampshifC  8,362,000 

Vermont                ^  2,457,000 

'■^<^-  .       —  10,891,000 

V.  South  Carolina  has  exported  above  five  times  ?is  much  as 

Rhode  Island;  above  six  times  as  much  as  Connecticut;  and 

one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  the  four  minor  eastern 

states. 

South  Carolina  •  148,574,000 

Rhode  Island  ^.  -    .  24,855,000 

Connecticut  -  24,443,000 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (See  No.  1.)    *  64,1 1 7,000 


2P- 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


VI.  New  Orleans  and  the  district  of  Columbia  have  exporf- 
ed  more  of  domestic  productions  in  eleven  years,  than  either 
Connecticut  or  Rhode  Island  in  twenty-three,  of  foreign  and 
domestic. 


New  Orl^iins 
Columbia 

Connecticut 
Rhode  Island 


16,408,000 
18,144,000 


29,552,000 
24,443,000 
28,855,000 


VII.  New  Orleans  has  exported  nearly  twice  as  much  in 
eleven  years  as  Newbampshire  in  twenty-three. 

New  Orleans  ,         16,403,000 

Newbampshire  8,362,000 

VIII.  niT*  Virginia,  Maryland^  and  Columbia,  have  exported 
tnore  than  the  nhole  five  eastern  states ! !!!!!!! 

Maryland  187,870,000 

Virginia  .  _  98,313,000 

Columbia  13,144,000 

■    »  299,327,000 !  1 1 
Five  eastern  states  '       j  299,192,000!!! 

IX.  [HiP  The  southern  sUHea  hoot  exported  75  per  cent,  more 
ffian  the  five  eastern !!  i 

Southern  >  500,089,000!!! 

*     Eastern  -     v    .?      ;  ^  -^     '    fi99, 1 92,000! !? 

Since  the  preceding  pages  were  written,  I  have  examined  an 
interesting  work,  entitled,  **  A  geographical  and  statistical  view 
of  Massachusetts  proper,  by  Rodolphus  Dickinson,"  published 
anno  1813.  It  greatly  elucidates  the  subject  I  have  been  dis- 
cussing ;  and  places  the  unsoundne*s  of  the  high  commercial 
claims  of  Massachusetts  in  nearly  as  strong  a  point  of  light  as 
any  of  the  documents  I  have  given. 

"The  exports  in  1809  from  Boston  and  Char  lestoD,  of  American  product 
tions  and  mnnufactures,  were  4,009,029  dollars,  of  which  the  value  of  rice,  cot- 
ton, flour,  tobacco,  staves,  and  naval  stores,  TtJr  bemg  principally  the  product  oj 
ike  sovJhern  states,  nas  2,294,109  dollars.  »♦ 

The  writer  adds,  ^       >.     t 

"  This  it  is  presumed,  bears  a  rehtire  prpportion  in  amouQt,  to  the  ej^erts  *f 
other  yeajs,"    Page  78.. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


291 


It  thus  appears,  that  although  Boston  has  disturbed  the  tran- 
qiiiility  of  the  United  Strites  by  her  imp  tssioned  complaints 
on  the  subject  of  commerce,  and  the  injury  it  has  sustained  by 
the  hostility  of  the  southern  states,  she  is  indebted  tu  those 
states  for  rOiisiderably  more  than  half  of  the  American  articles 
she  ex|>oris.  She  moreover  tinds  an  invaUiabie  m  trkei  with 
them  for  the  chief  part  of  her  immense  foreign  importations, 
and  for  her  valuable  mannfacturcfs. 

It  really  makes  my  heart  ache  with  vex  tion,  to  find  that 
such  mighty,  such  ruinous  errors  prevailed  on  those  important 
topics — errors  that  generated  the  most  bab  ful  pasisions,  which 
were  hourly  increased  by  artificial  excittmcnts,  and  threatened 
ns  Mith  the  most  awful  consequences. 

The  reader  must  not  he  8urj)ri8ed  if  I  often  rcpe;»t  this  senti- 
ment. For  "  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth 
apeaketh ;" — and  being  convinced  this  was  beyond  all  compar* 
ison  the  most  awful  danger  that  threatened  us,  it  was  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  that  it  engrossed  so  large  a  portion  of  my  atten- 
tion. 

I  shall  conclude  this  topic  with  one  observation,  that  as  far 
as  my  knowledged  extends,  or  as  far  as  I  am  capable  of  judging, 
there  has  rarely  occurred  an  instance  of  une  nation  so  very 
highly  indebted  to  another  as  the  eastern  states  are  to  the  south- 
ern, and  yet  making  such  a  very  miserable  and  ungrateful  re- 
turn. 

1  imagined  that  in  the  preceding  chapters  I  had  fully  ex- 
hausted the  comparison  of  the  commercial  importance  of  the 
several  sections  of  the  United  States.  I  had  at  all  events  con- 
-vinced  every  man  whose  mind  was  open  to  conviction,  that 
the  arrogant  claims  on  this  subject,  of  the  eastern  states,  were 
utterly  unfounded,  and  that  the  ixtiddle  and  southern  sections 
had  as  much  more  interest  in  the  ,r  lection  of  commerce  than 
their  eastern  brethren,  as  the  mercviant  who  loads  a  waggon 
with  lO^GOO  dollars  worth  of  goods,  has  more  interest  in  the 
intercourse  between  the  seller  and  the  consumer,  than  the  owa- 
%T  of  the  waggon. 

But  I  find  i  did  not  do  full  justice  to  the  subject  A  new 
view  of  it  has  been  presented  to  the  public  by  the  indefatiga- 
ble editor  of  the  Weekly  Register,  which  far  transcends  the 
views  I  took.  But  even  Mr.  Niles  has  not  pursued  the  argu- 
ment to  the  full  extent  of  M'hich  it  is  susceptible. 

The  ex'iorts  of  cotton  from  the  port  of  Savannah  alone,  from 
the  20th  of  March  till  the  30th  of  June,  1815,  a  period  of  three 
months  and  tea  days,  were 


mm] 


*./5.v 


Ii02  THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 

Sea  Island,   21,000  bales,  each  300  lbs.  at  13:J 

centg,  2,100,000 

U[)Iand,  35,582  bales,  each  300  lbs.  at  twcntj^ 

cents,  3,331,000 


5,434,000 
Supposing  all  the  other  articles  to  amount  to       1,006,000 

6,500,000 

ami  also  supposing  the  exports  of  the  remaining  eight  months 
and  tvte  ity  days  to  amount  to  half  that  sura,  it  is  at  the  rate  of 
nearly  10,000,000  dollars  for  the  year. 

A  review  of  the  tahlcs  in  page  287,  will  show  that  the  whole 
of  the  exports,  of  every  kind,  foreign  and  domestic,  from  the 
state  of  Massachusetts,  for  twenty  three  years,  were  only  235,- 
000,000  dollars,  which  is  an  average  of  about  10,000,000  per 
annum,  whereof  considerably  more  than  half  was  foreign.  It 
therefore  follows  that  the  domestic  exports  of  the  single  port 
of  Savannah  this  year  will  etjual  the  average  of  the  exports  of 
every  kind  from  the  mighty,  the  powerful,  the  commercial  state 
of  Massachusetts,  from  the  time  of  the  organization  of  the  gov- 
ernment till  the  close  of  the  year  1813  !!  ! 

Tonnage, 

The  eastern  states,  which  maintained  such  arrogant  commer- 
cial claims,  on  the  ground  of  their  exports  and  imports,  like- 
wise preferred  high  pretensions  on  their  transcendant  superior- 
ity of  shipping.  These  towering  claims  are  unfounded,  al- 
though not  in  the  same  degree  with  the  others.  Let  the  reader 
decide.  \  have  before  me,  a  statement  of  the  tonnage  of  the 
United  States  for  two  years,  from  which  I  make  a  few  extracts, 
in  order  to  inter  these  pretensions  in  the  same  grave  with  the 
rest. 


'■«  ^ 


Tonnage  of 

1809 

1810 

Boston, 

133,257 

149,121 

New  York, 

243,5J3 

268,548 

Philadelphia, 

121,443 

125,258 

Baltimore, 

102,434 

103,444 

Portland, 

33,007 

32,599 

Portsmouth, 

27,719 

28,820 

Bath, 

23,033 

20,344 

New  bury  port, 

36,574 

39,100 

Salem, 

43,537 

..     41,4C2 

-  Norfolk, 

40,940 

47,643 

Charleston, 

40^819 

52,888 

THE  OLIVE  imANCU. 


2fW 


OOO 


000 


From  llio  uhove  statement  it  appouid  that  in  the  yeir  1«10, 
the  tonn  5c  of  Norfolk  as  well  ub  Charleston  was  considcrjibly 
superior  to  that  of  any  port  in  the  eastern  or  middle  states,  ex- 
cept Boston,  Now  York,  and  Philadelphia  ;  and  that  tlie  Ion 
ivi'j^c  of  Baltimore  was  more  than  double  that  of  any  port  in 
tlu'  eastern  st/itc,  except  Boston. 

The  aiigregMie  tonn  »ge  of   Vermont,  New-  ^v 

Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Con- 
necticut, in  1811,  was  (tons)  lor.,000 

The  city  of  Baltimore  in  the  lame  year  103,000 

that  is,  within  5000  ton.^  of  the  whole  amount  of  the  tonnage  of 
these  four  states,  which  have  made  snch  a  clamour  on  tl>e  sub- 
ject of  commerce.  The  tonnage  of  lh<!  whole  district  of  3la- 
ryland  for  that  year  was  143,000  tons,  beinjj;  an  ev.cess  of  05,000 
tons,  or  nearly  one  third  more  than  tlio?e  states  ! !  !*' 

The  clearances  from  the  port  of  Savannah,  [\J^  exclusive  of 
coasters,  for  April,  May,  ami  .June,  181  ">,  were  101,  and  the  en- 
tries, also  [t^T"  exclusive  of  coasters,  were  203.  Whereas  the 
foreign  entries  into  the  port  of  Boston  for  five  months,  March, 
April,  May,  June,  and  July,  1815,  were  only  212 — and  the  for- 
ei.i;n  clearances  only  270.  That  i^,  the  foreia;n  entries  into 
Savannah,  m  three  monthSy  were  203,  ami  into  Boston  in  five 
months,  only  212  !  What  a  dev elopement  of  the  relative  com- 
merce of  both  ports !  how  utterly  beyond  all  expectation  o^ 
.calculatioQ ! 


m 


CHAPTER  L. 


Another  source  vf  excitement  among  the  citi!:ms  of  the  eastern 
states.  Duties  on  imports.  Statistics.  Southern  states  pay 
very  near  as  much  as  the  eastern.     Wonderful  delusion. 

Those  men  whose  unceasing  efforts  were  employed  to  ex- 
cite the  passions  of  the  yeomanry  of  the  eastern  states,  and 
prepare  them  for  insurrection  and  a  dissolution  of  the  union, 
raised  a  great  clamour  on  the  subject  of  the  enormous  amount 
of  duties  paid  by  those  states,  and  the  insignificance  of  th^ 
sums  paid  by  the  southern  section  of  the  nation.  They  thence 
inferred  the  injustice  and  the  inequality  d  the  union,  and  its 
oppressive  operation  upon  the  former  section.  ' 

f 

*  See  Weekly  Regi;;ter,'vol.  VIII  page  370,  from  wluch  I  have  extracted .thcgS 
facts, 

Bb 


ij-a»4^ 


201 


tv 


THE  OLIVE  DUANCn. 


Tl»ifc  item  of  complanit  is,  if  popsihie,  more  fdliacJous  llinn 
file  out;  (liBciigsed  in  tliu  preredina:  clin|iltr8,  The  diflaUvau- 
1  ige  13  tdi  on  the  olhfr  side  of  llie  (|ue8tioii.  Thr  t'Hs;*;in 
atales  import  Uirt^tly  tVom  Kuropr,  and  from  the  l>st  and  Wts« 
Intlics,  for  tlio  8ii|»j»ly  of  tlif  southern  atatos.  'Die  fornifr,  ii 
is  true,  have  to  Itond  or  \)ny  \\w  duties  in  the  first  instance. — 
This  appears  wonderfully  to  their  advantajre  in  tiie  labh  8  of 
iiuties.  Jiut  it  can  hardly  he  nccetpary  to  inform  the  reraler, 
that  the  merchant  wlio  bonds  the  duties,  U  not  tlie  acturd  \)uy- 
cr  of  them.  Mr.  Edward  'J'honison,  (»f  this  city,  lias  import- 
ed, during  this  year,  and  of  course  will  pay  duties  on,  probuhlj' 
above  2,000,000  of  dollars.  1  think  it  likely  that  his  consump- 
tion  is  hardly  2,000.  Who  can  be  so  ijjuorant  as  to  pretend, 
that  the  |;overiinitnt  is  beholden  to  him  for  the  amount  of  the 
duties  !  'J'hey  arc  (.aid  by  the  farmers  in  Chester,  and  Unci;-, 
:in4l  Lnncastt  r,  and  Delaware,  and  Berks  counties,  d:c.  &:e, — 
Tiic  duties  arc  added  by  the  merchant  to  the  first  cost,  with  a 
prolil  on  both — and  the  ultimate  consumer  is  the  real  payer. 

The  eastern  sl;des  thus  levy  taxes  not  merely  on  Marylauil, 
Vir;;inia,  North  and  ^'outb  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  but  even  on 
Pennsylvania;  for  stranj^e  as  it  may  soem,  it  is  nevertheless 
true,  that  notvvitiistanding  the  Immense  wealth,  the  ardent  e n- 
terprize,  and  the  s::<  it  commercial  advant;i2;e8of  Phila(lelplii;% 
immoderate  qnanlilies  of  East  India  and  Chinese  pjoods  arc 
sent  for  sale  here,  from  I'oston,  Salem,  and  other  f'asiern  perl?. 

But  even,  imiependent  of  tlie  importation  of  the  eastern  for 
tlie  southern  stales,  the  ar2;ument  is  nnf;iirly  staled.  If  the  fir- 
mor  actually  consumed  all  the  Ibreiirn  articles  they  import,  tl.c 
duties  they  pay,  comj)ared  with  those  paid  by  the  souti'.dr, 
states,  will  not  warrant  Ihcir  hohlinj^  the  hiji;h  and  arrogant, 
antl  insulting  tone  they  have  always  assumed. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  opinion  on  the  sr.b 
ject,  I  annex  a  set  of  tables  of  the 

Nd  amount  of  the  dulics  paid  hythe  Afferent  States  from  thcijm 
1791  to  1812  inclusive,  taken  from  the  records  of  the  trcasvr\j 
department^  and  submitted  to  congress  by  Joseph  Nourse,  Esq. 
register  of  the  treasure/, 

Vermont. 


N.  Hampshire 

1791 

$53,000 

1792 

41,000 

1793 

44,000 

1794 

38,000 

1795 

44,000 

1.000 


Connecticut. 

i?.  Jskwl 

206,000 

146,000 

142,000 

4(J,noo 

154,000 

.13n,i)wa 

171.000 

*   SO.ttOO 

1^5,000 

2-14  00^ 

THE  OLIVi:  liUANClI. 


206 


1706 
1707 
1700 
170') 
1  ")no 

I  sol 

1802 

I  ro.J 

ISO-l 

1  r,o.) 

liU)!) 
ISO  7 

ir.oH 

1»0() 
IfllO 
Mil 
lii]2 


r>n,ooo 

'J  7,000 
7'J;00'.) 

on,ov)0 

1  1 2,000 

i;?n,oo) 

110.000 
122,000 

lo;i,ooo 

100,000 
117,000 
00,000 
1(MH)0 
30,000 
Z)3,000 
02,000 
122,000 


« 

1,715,000 

Massacfiuiftls. 

KOI 

$977,000 

1792 

678,000 

I79:i 

im  003 

\V.)t 

J, 004, 000 

i:v> 

IJU.OUO 

ITfHJ 

1,:H3  1,000 

i;i!7 

I,:<72  000 

1T"3 

1,108,000 

1?:)!) 

i,t!o;,ooo 

1800 

i,;t7«.ooe 

I'iOl 

'j,929jmi 

lilUJ 

i,i2:»,ooo 

vm 

2,490,000 

I80( 

4,«^:{0,ooo 

moi 

»,;!0},ooo 

li'.Oti 

3,5  J  J  000 

Ili07 

3,176,000 

I30{ 

1,18  (,000 

UWO 

i,;rn,ooo 

IIMO 

2,77i,000 

IHtl 

i,ait),ooo 

1^02 

2,719,000 

1,000 

1,000 

2.(V)') 
2,000 


1,000 


0,000 
0.000 

r»,ooo 

110,000 


Ml, 000 

1  l.'»,0()0 

127,000 

£«0,000 

100,000 

32H,000 

202,000 

301,000 

3  IH,000 

3.")  1,000 

325,000 

3  1. 1,000 

107,000 

V20,000 

157,000 

210,000 

829,000 


117,000    5,153,000 


137,000 
271','-)00 
10  1,000 
200,000 
303,000 
2^.1,000 
1  73,000 
2C  (5,000 
421,000 
310,000 
301,000 
123,000 
270,000 
35,000 
.135,000 
3115,000 
452,000 

5,120,000 


N.  York. 

1,581,000 
1,160  000 
i,IOj,0UO 
l,8tiO,000 
2,000,000 
U.LW.OOO 
li.Oil*,000 
1,74:1000 
2,373.000 
2,711,000 

:<,8io,ooj 

2,-190,000 

3,^24,000 

3,«72,000 

4,83>,()00 

4,87.'>,000 

4,926,000 

2,761,000 

2,981,000 

4,119,000 

1,971*000 

2,890,000 


Pennsylvania. 

1,491,000 
1  0116,000 
1,^0-1,000 
l,47.<,000 

2, '^7 1.000 

2.012,000 

1,7  13,000 

l,0'i!9,000 

I,2:>0,000 

1,53,0000 

2,123,000 

1,410,000 

1,655.0(0 

2,()0!<,000 

2,300,000 

3,017,000 

3,162,000 

1,647,000 

1,105.000 

2,f)3i*,0"0 

l,8-;0.00iJ 

2,O5'O,O0O 


MaryUinil.       Fir,:;lnia. 


611,000 

419  000 

810,000 

7!>5,000 

523.000 

7ti  1.000 

J,M5,000 

8UJ.000 

J,ltil,000 

623,000 

1,001,000 

634,000 

936,000 

1,538.000 

1,130.000 

1,N6,000 

1,033,000 

588,000 

155.000 

928.000 

722,000 

1,78'.'.,000 


80,000 
4  71,000 
3li8.00O 
389,00i) 
39R.O0(» 
508,000 
(;0i5,000 
629,000 
896.000 
611,000 
716,000 
689,000 
71.1,000 
002,000 
805,000 
(120.000 
506,000 
110,000 
257,000 
461,000 
195,000 
610,000 


44,333,000  62,274,000  -11,32^,000        i;0,.31'>,00a      12,565,000 


N.  Carolina. 

1701  $  115,000 

1702  76,000 


S.Carolina.      Georgia. 

533,000    01,000 
300,000    53,000 


Columbia.       Orleans 


l;r)6 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


1703 

63,000 

350,000  , 

35,000 

• 

■   ;  • 

1       K04 

78,000 

051,000 

87,000 

<.a " 

1      1 705 

90,000 

710,000 

54,000 

1700 

r>8,000 

50,000 

31,000 

1707 

105,000 

700,000 

02,000 

.1  708 

1 20,000 

230,000 

:»t 

1709 

154,000 

858,000 

- 

(800 

r?6,ooo 

1,150,000 

liJOl 

1?5,000 

1,002,000 

f)f)3,000 

04,000 

1802 

252,000 

280,000 

211,000 

133.000 

f 

j      1 803 

150,000 

040,000 

1 82,000 

143  000 

1      1 804 

186,000 

718,000 

180.000 

128,000 

270,000 

1      1 805 

1 05,000 

8  ^3,000 

05,000 

110,000 

342,000 

i      .!  806 

202,000 

871,000 

1  83,000 

137.000 

301,000 

1      iSO? 

KM;, 000 

735  000 

480,000 

123,000 

4c0,0C0 

U                                       1  O/AO 
■              1  l>UO 

If)  000 

225,000 

35,000 

20,000 

7  7,oro 

1      'COQ 

05,000 

377,000 

0,000 

00,000 

134,o;o 

1      1810 

58,000 

'  507,000 

13  4,000 

50,000 

244,OC0 

1    ]nn 

44,000 

338,000 

50,000 

45,000 

148,0CU 

1     "'^ 

47,000 

433,000 

200,000 

80,000 

137,000 

1           i 

',G:>',()00 

12,005,000  2 

,007,000 

1,132,000 

2,202,000 

XT'  T"  llifise  lables,  as  in  those  of  exports,  there  is  no  account  takeo 
oi'  any  s^ums  below  1000  dollaicp.  This  operating  eiiually  on  both  giiles, 
oa.'inot  hllect  tlie  comparison,  which  h  the  object  in  view. 

From  the  fore<foJng  tables,  the  ('ollo\^ing  resulle  appear. 
1.     The  southern  states  have  paid  nearly  as  large  an  amcuut 
of  duties  to  the  governmeui,  us  the  eiisicrn. 

Maryland  .  20,345,000      ,     . 

Virginia  12.565,000 

North  Carolina        ■'"- '  2,021,000 

South  Carolina         .  12,605.000 

Georgia  2,007,000      >. 

Columbia  .  1,132,000 

Orleans  -  2,202,000 

54,437.000 

Mnssachusetts  44,338,000 

New  Hampshire  ;,  1,715,000 

Vermont  ..,..'.,.  147,000 

Connec'icut  5,453,000 

Rhode  Island  5,420.000 

12,735.000 


57,083,009 


TlIK  OLIV  E  imANCft. 


297 


If.     Tile  sinj;lc  state  of  South  Carolina  paid  very  nearly  as 
much  duties  as  the  four  nanor  eastern  states. 

• 

Smith  Carolina  12,675,000 

Four  minor  eastern  states,  (see  No.  l.j  12,763,000 

III.  New-Orleans  paid  twenty  per  cent,  more  in  nine  years, 
than  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont  in  Iwenly-lwo. 

Orleans  2,202,000 

New  Hampshire     '  1,715,000 

Vermont  .  147,000 

^  *:  >r^ 1,862,000 

IV.  Virginia  paid  nearly  as  mucli  as  the  four  minor  eastern 

'States.  .     '    ' 

Virginia  '  ,     12,665.000 

Four  minor  eastern  states  (sec  No.  1.)  12,735,000 

V.  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  paid  nearly  ninety  per  cent*, 
more  than  the  five  eastern  slates. 


New  York  ^ 

Vennsylvania     *** 

Five  eastern  states  (see  No.  1.) 


62,274,000 
41,325,000 

-l  03,599,000 

57,83,000 


VI.  South  Carolina  paid  more  than  twice  the  amount  of  du- 
ties paid  by  either  Connecticut  or  Rhode  Island ;  seven  limes  as 
much  as  Newhampshire;  and  ninety  times  as  much  as  Vermont. 

South  Carolina  ^                             12,665,000' 

Connecticut  ,                                           5,463,000 

Rhode  Island  ■    >          ;                   ^                5,420,000 

Newhampshire  \              1,716,000 

Veuiout  ^  ^              147,00fr 

Spiopsis  of  duties  paid  from  1791  fo  1812. 

Eastern  Section.  Middle  Section.  Southern  Section: 


Mass. 
N.  Hamp* 
Vermont 
Connect. 
R.  Island 


44838,000 

1,715,000 

147,000 

5,463,000 

5,4^0,000 


57,083,060 


N.  Jersey  259,000 
Delaware  1,223,000 
New  York  62,274,000 
Penn.  41,325,000 


Maryland  20,345,000 
Virginia  12,565,000 
N.  Carolina  2,621,000 
S.Carolina  12,665,000 
Georgia  2,907,000 
Columbia  1,132,000 
Orleans        2,202,000 


105,081,000 


54,4d7«000 


Bb2 


298 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Those  who  consider  the  very  expensive  habils  of  tlie  plan- 
ters of  Virginia  anil  South  Carolina,  and  the  immense  amount 
of  foreign  gomis  received  in  those  states  from  the  eastern  ones, 
as  well  as  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  and 
how  very  large  a  proportion  of  the  foreign  merchandise  import- 
ed by  Massachusetts,  is  exported  to  the  other  states,  will  pro- 
bably be  led  to  believe,  that  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  actu- 
ally consume  each  as  much  of  dutiable  articles,  and  of  course 
in  fact  really  pay  as  much  duties  as  Massachusetts.  I  acknow- 
ledge this  is  but  a  rough  calculation.  But  a  dtie  consideration 
of  the  great  number  of  coasters,  which  in  time  of  peace,  are 
plying  from  the  ports  of  the  eastern  and.  middle  to  those  of  tho 
southern  states,  wdll  afford  a  strong  support  to  this  opinion.  A 
very  large  [)roportion  of  the  cargoes  of  the  coasters  bound  to 
the  southern  ports  consists  of  imported  goods;  and  the  residue 
generally  of  articles  of  domestic  manufacture.  The  return 
cargoes  are  all  of  raw  materials  for  these  manufactures,  or  arti- 
cles of  the  highest  value  for  exportation  to  Euro(ie  and  else- 
where. It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  of  a  mor«  advantageous 
commerce  for  the  mother  countries,  as,  in  this  case,  the  middle 
and  eastern  states  may  be  justly  styled.  I  repeat  it,  and  hojje 
the  solemn  truth  will  be  borne  in  constant  remembrance,  that 
the  southern  states  are  virtually  colonies  to  those  states  whose 
demagogues  have  never  ceased  slandering  and  persecuting 
Ihem. 

I  dismiss  this  part  of  my  subject,  I  hope  for  ever.  I  trust  that 
the  most  incorrigible  effrontery  will  never  dare  again  to  haz- 
ard an  assertion  of  the  commercial  superiority  of  the  eastern 
states. 


'.  "t 


\    r. 


CHAPTER  LI.     -. 


•  ^kv:-f 


TaUacy  of  the  opinion  of  any  hostility  in  the  southern  against  Ike 
eastern  states.  Commercial  and  agricultural  states  mutually 
dependent  on,  and  beneficial  to  each  other. 

Having  completely  settled  the  question  on  the  subject  of 
Ihe  comparative  pretensions  of  the  different  sections  of  (he 
Union  to  commercial  pre-eminence,  I  proceed  to  consider  the 
positions,  which  assert  the  necessary  hostility  of  an  agricultuF- 
al  sectioQ  of  a  country  to  a  coaamercial  one — the  actual  exi# 


TtiE  OLIVE  r.UANCir. 


2GJ) 


ist  that 
haz- 
astcrn 


Lject  of 

of  Ihe 

ler  the 

IcultiiV' 


t»nce  of  that  lioslilily  in  (he  southern  states — and  i(3  bancfiil  hi' 
lluence  on  the  measurts  of  congress. 

Oil  tliese  fallacious  positions  liie  changf  3  have  Y.cv.n  nmiX  iti 
endless  succession,  not  merely  I'y  a  crowd  tf  an^>njnicus  v ri- 
te rs,  but  even  jjublic  i.odies,  whose  stations  entitle  Ihoni  to  re- 
spect, have  di9<j;raced  tiiennselves  hy  their  disseminaticn.  1  ftfl 
flatislied  that  the  lucubrations  on  this  sulject,  published  in  Bos- 
ton alone,  would  fill  fulio  volumes.  Throughout  the  \Tho!e, 
^Irong  and  confident  and  unfounded  assertion  Is  substituted  in 
the  place  of  fact,  reason,  and  argument. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  an  idea  of  the  errors  prevul^^.tt 
on  this  lt>i)ic,  I  annex  a  few  extracts. 

•'  77i."y  have  sern  at  fir  it  an  ill  concealed,  but  nl  h'^i  ^J'  'in  open  rind  nnd'n 
s;uiscd  jeidiwyof  the  ivcriUh  arid  pojier  of  the  commerdiK    I'lics,  rptrrdins:  in  cun- 
iiniirl  rjfjrts  to  efnbarrass  and  dcsiiuy  Uiat  Vjuimcrc:^  uMch  is  their  life  and  svp- 
prrt.'^ 

This  is  the  language  of  a  report  (o  tho  legi«ltiture  of  Mr.ssn- 
chusetts,  made  by  a  joint  committee  of  both  houses,  Fel).  18, 
1814,  on  which  was  grounded  the  most  infitrnmatory  appeals 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  This  report  asserted  the 
propriety  and  justice  and  necessity  of  forcible  leslsidnce  to  tiio 
measures  of  the  general  government,  adding, 

*'  The  question  is  not  a  question  oi  jwiccr  or  righi  ;viih  this  kgi':'r.tur£i, 
mi  oi  lime  or  cxiKditncyP  .,  .  •   ,:  ;» 

The  committee  proceed — 

"  There  exists  in  all  parts  of  this  cominonvvealth  a  fear,  anJ  in  many 
a  settled  belief,  that  the  course  offoreig7i  end  domestic  police;  pnrswd  by 
the  government  of  the  United  tftates  for  several  years  past,  has  iis  foun-' 
dation  in  a  deliberate  intention  to  impair^  if  not  to  destroy,  that  free  spirit 
and  exercise  of  commerce^  which,  aided  by  the  habits,  manners,  andinstl- 
tntious  of  our  ancestors,  and  the  blessings  of  divine  providence,  have 
been  the  principal  source  of  the  freedom,  wealth,  and  general  prosperity 
of  this  recently  happy  and  flourishing  peojile. 

"  These  opinions  are  not  confined  to  the  maritime  borders  of  ;he  state, 
\vhose  interests  are  more  immediately  atfected,  and  whose  irihaliitant* 
have  daily  before  their  eyes  perishing  ships,  deserted  warehouses,  and 
starving  mechanics  and  laborers  ;  but  are  loudly  responded  frcru  the  in- 
terior, where  the  people  generally  sympathise  ia  the  present  distress  of 
their  brethren  on  the  sea-coast,  and  v,  iseiy  foresee  in  their  ruin,  their 
oAvn  approaching  wretchedness." 

The  committee  continue^— 

'•The  memorial ists  see,  in  this  deplorable  descent  from  national  great- 
ness, [tT^  a  determination  to  Harass  and  annihilate  that  spirit  of  commerve 
vihich  has  ever  been  the  handmaid  of  civil  and  reH5iou&  liberty  ;  and  to 


rV'*    \ 


m 


^k,'^ 


300 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


[jy  bricik  Ihc  free  spirit  of  this  people  by  depriving  them  >f  their  civil  tifi- 
ployments,  and  thus  forcing  the  sons  of  commerce  to  populate  anil  «.'ik 
rich  tlie  wilderness,  for  the  benefit  of  those  whose  avaiice  has  contribu- 
ted largely  to  the  war  now  desolating  the  country." 

This  is  (he  strain  and  style  in  which  this  miserable,  this 
hacknied,  this  destructive  prejudice  has  been  a  hundred  thou- 
sand times  reiieated,  without  even  the  shadow  of  foundation.— 
Although  these  extracts  are  abundantly  suflieient  for  my  pur- 
pose, yet  I  judge  it  not  improper  to  make  a  short  addition  from 
the  address  of  the  Hartford  convention. 

"  Events  may  prove  that  the  causes  of  our  calamities  are  deep  and 
permanent.  They  may  be  found  to  proceed,  not  merely  from  the  lilintl- 
ne?s  of  prejudice,  pride  of  opinion,  violeucc  of  party  spirit,  or  the  con- 
fusion of  the  times  ;  but  they  may  be  traced  to  implacable  combinations  of 
individuals  or  states  to  monopolize  power  and  office,  AND  TO  TRAM- 
l»LE  WITHOUT  REMORSF  TTPON  THE  RIGHTS  AM)  INTE^ 
RESTS  OF  THE  COMMl^yRCI  AL  SECTION  •  OF  THE  UiNlON. 

"  The  administration,  after  a  long  perseverance  in  plans  to  baffle  every 
effort  of  commercial  enterprise^  had  fatally  succeeded  in  their  attempts  at 
at  the  epoch  of  the  war." 

The  convention  enter  into  an  enumeration  of  the  cause? 
which  have  led  to  the  public  distress,  and  close  the  catalogue 
with 

"  T-astly  and  principally,  a  visionary  and  superficial  theory  in  regard 
to  commerce,  ITT^  ACCOMPAISlE3>  BY  A  REAL  HATRED,  BUT 
A  FEIGN  KD  REGARD  TO  ITS  INTERESTS,  and  a  ruinous  perse- 
verance  in  efforts  to  render  it  an  instrament  of  coercion  and  war." 

Never  since  faction  first  disturbed  the  peace  of  mankind,  and 
made  this  earth  a  suitable  abode  for  demons  incarnate,  did  slie 
emi^loy  a  more  hollow,  fallacious,  or  unfounded  pretext  to  justi- 
fy her  lawless  proceedino;8,  than  is  here  to  be  combatted.  It  is 
»ot  mprely  untrue.  It  is  the  reverse  of  truth,  it  has  not  even 
the  shadow  of  |)lausibility.  '  ' 

In  all  this  wretched  etfort  to  excite  the  hostility  of  fellow  cit- 
izens against  each  other — to  prepare  the  inhabitants  of  one  sec- 
tion of  the  country  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  those  of 
another — to  renew  in  this  holy,  this  blessed  land,  the  horrors  of 
thcFrench  revolution — to  enable  American  Marats,and  Dantons, 
and  Legendres,  and  Robespierres,  to  rule  ua  with  a  rod  of  iron 
— an  all-important  and  overwhelming  fact  is  kept  wholly  out  of 
sight — a  fact  which  destroys  the  whole  of  this  miserable  decla- 
mation as  completely  as  ever  the  broad  glare  of  the  torch  of 
truth  dispelled  the  Cimoieriaa  darkness  of  error  ancl  delusion' 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


jyoi 


lI  en- 
Ir'i'ou- 

,  tbis 

tliOU- 

ion. — 


eep  and 
e  blincl- 
the  con- 
ations 0/ 
IBAM- 
I  INTE- 
NION. 
iffU  evtry 
tempts  at 


This  mighty  fact  escappd  my  alttntion  in  all  (lie  former  edi- 
tions of  this  book.  Jt  is,  that  ali  the  measiiies  which  are  as- 
«uuieil  as  full  proof  of  hostility  to  comraerce,  and  charged  to  tlie 
de  'it  of  thfi  southern  states,  have  been  supported  by  ihc  pow- 
erful commercial  states  of  Pennsylvania  an<l  New  York;  siea- 
dily  and  undeviatiivrjy  hy  the  IbrnHM*,  and  by  the  latter  >\i!h 
very  few  and  slight  exceptions.  And  further,  that  a  conside- 
r;ible  part  of  thera  have  been  supiioiled  by  lesiiectable  porti  ,ns 
of  (he  representatives  in  congre;:*,  from  Newliampsiiire,  \  er- 
m  »ni,  Ilbode  Island,  and  even  Massa('husetl3 — for  the  tiuee 
fifet  states  were  till  lately  ffeipiently  re[)resenU«l  abiiost  \s holly 
iiV  democrat?,  who  pretty  generally  advocited  the  measures 
lie! pin  repioUated.  And  it  is  further  to  lie  remarked,  tliat  tlie 
}:rr\'il  ci  tnmercial  cities  (»f  ihe  union  b.ive  bi(Mi  verv  genovallv 
represeuied  by  citi/,ens  who  have  i;iveii  ibeir  full  aid  and  sui)- 
p.m  to  tiie  meiisiir«  s  in  question.  The  mipaity  for  and  against 
llifi  adir.inistratioii,  even  in  i^dassichusells,  till  lateiy  rarely  ex- 
C(  c^ded  J  or  l',Oi) ).  The  f;leetion  I'uv  f-;«jvtrMor  in  th.st  state  ia 
1812,  wr.s  coat*  iiUil  with  grerit  ardor.  The  friends  and  the  en- 
emies of  the  udjninistrcition  m;ule  the  utmost  exeriioiis  to  call 
forth  their  wh'ilu  slreuiilh — and  tlie  volea  were  for 


Caleb  Strong 
El  bridge  Gerry 


52,690 
51,326 


and  it  is  well  known  that  IMr.  Sullivan  and  Mr  Gerry,  the  de- 
mocratic c?mdid  tes,  were  elected  four  or  five  times  within  a 
Buace  of  ten  years,  which  embraced  neiriy  the  whole  of  \Uc 
rae.tsun  s  thus  violently  denounced.  And  I  presumi'  no  rniu 
of  eauilor  vv.'ll  i\i'\iy  tiiat  the  struggle  bet*v."en  the  different  can- 
didates on  these  occasions  was  as  fair  and  unerring  a  criterion 
of  the  voice  of  the  state  on  the  approval  or  reprobation  of  the 
measures  «»f  the  gener:»l  government,  as  if  the  votes  had  been 
tnkeu  for  president  of  the  United  States. 

Let  us  for  a  moment  suppose,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that 
the  eastern  states  are,  as  they  i»retend  to  he,  exclusively  comr 
merci  il — and  that  the  southern  are  exclusively  agricultural. 
This  is  placing  the  case  in  the  mostadvnnt  igeous  point  of  light 
its  friends  could  desiiC.  Could  there  be  any  stronger  bond  of 
affinity  between  two  nations,  or  two  sections  of  the  same  na- 
tion, than  the  mutual  want  which  this  supposed  case  impliee? 
The  agricultural  portion  would  have  imi-erious  necessity  for  the 
shi[is,  the  seamen,  and  the  capital  Of  the  commercial  portion, 
for  tlie  purchase  and  lrans;)ort.dion  of  her  superfluous  produc- 
tions.    And  the  navigation  and  capital  of  the  commercial  per- 


•m 


^^ 


302 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


tion  woulil  fiiul  all  the  {ulvantages  they  could  require  in  tUt; 
transportation  and  sale  of  the  productions  of'  the  other.  The 
agricultural  portion,  as  1  have  already  stnted,  ^voul(^be  merely 
}ji  the  situafion  of  colonies  to  the  conunercial.  AVhat  has  ul- 
ivjiys  been  the  grand  advantage  of  colonies  to  parent  countries  ? 
Mer«ly  to  increase  their  navigation — to  aftbrd  an  asylum  lor 
their  superubunJant  population — to  furnisli  raw  materials  for 
the  employment  of  their  artisans  and  manufacturers — and  to 
purchase  the  productions  of  tiie  labors  of  those  artisans  and 
manufacturers. 

"  All  these  f;ivorable  effects  have  been  prodixed  on  the  east- 
ei'n  by  their  conncxioii  and  intercourse  with  the  western  and 
southern  statps.  It  thertfore  irresistibly  follows,  that  the  latter 
have  literally  been  but  colonies  to  the  middle,  and  more  particu- 
larly to  the  eastern  states.  The  hardy  and  enterprising  Yon- 
kees  [kfuvido  every  bay,  river,  creek,  and  inlet  of  the  southern 
3'ate3  ;  and  fi»r  their  notions  carry  off  the  solid  coin  of  the 
country  to  ret^lenish  their  cotfers.  They  every  where  under- 
sell and  undermine  the  established  southern  storekeepers.— 
Morf  over,  the  cotton,  the  rice,  the  flour,  the  tobacco,  and  the 
naval  stores  of  liie  southern  states  have  enabled  the  shi[)-o\vn- 
era  of  the  eastern  slates  to  am^ss  those  overgrown  nabob  for- 
tunes, which  render  them  too  aspiring  to  submit  to  the  equal 
form  of  government  which  we  enjoy.  They  have  literally 
lived  upon  the  industry  of  the  southern  states.  Without  tlie 
latter,  their  section  of  the  union  would  rank  very  low  indeed 
in  the  scale  of  nations. 

This  state  of  things,  so  eminently  advantageous  to  the  easN 
ern  states,  has  never  created  faction,  or  complaint,  or  convul- 
sions, or  threats  of  dissolving  the  union,  in  the  southern.— 
They  have  cheerfully  supported  a  government  whose  chief  At- 
tent  ion  has  been  directed  to  the  promotion  of  commerce — ami 
which  nerer  did  and  never  would  have  experienced  any  vriy 
great  dilficulty  with  foreign  nations  but  from  the  cupidity  ol 
the  mercantile  interest. 

It  requires  little  eftbrt  to  prove,  and  little  capacity  to  per- 
ceive, that  there  is  a  commercial  rivalry  between  lioston  iind 
Providence — between  Philadelphia  and  New  York — between 
Baltimore  and  Philadelphia.  But  that  a  serious,  thinking  peo- 
ple, like  those  of  the  eastern  states,  should  have  ever  been 
duped  to  believe  that  there  is  any  real  cause  of  jealousy  or  hos- 
tlity  between  the  commercial  and  agricultural  sections  of  Ihe 
cojuitry,  is  a  folly,  of  which  it  is  hardly  possible  to  tind  a  paral- 
lel in  the  history  of  the  madness  and  ideocy  of  the  hurjnn  spe- 
ciea. 


mg 
qiiai 
rine, 
fraiis 
chan 
Por 
comi 
sble 
dejK 
Tl 
Tiir 
upon 
them 
a^rici 
there 
niPHs 
their 
iii<j 

C(?a»m 
«re»  a^ 


THE  OLIVE  HIIANCH. 


203 


;1  Uw 

The 
erely 

:\a  al- 
iries  ? 
im  tor 
Is  for 
nrt  ;o 
[15  and 

e  east- 
rn  aiH\ 
e  latter 
larticii- 
ig  Yon- 
nutliei-n 
of  the 
3  under- 
apers. — 
and  the 
ilp-own* 
ibob  for- 
le  equal 
lUerally 
Uout  the 
indeed 

the  easl« 

con  V  111- 

them.— 

chief  at- 
iFce— pnd 
ny  vfiy 
)iUity  01 

to  per- 
iston and 
-between 
lldng  iieo- 
Iver  been 
?y  or  bos- 
kns  of  the 
|(1  a  para!- 


To  view  the  sulijcct  once  more — allhoiiph  it  really  docs 
not  deserve  I'lirllier  attention.  ISuppoae,  still,  the  southern 
states  wiuUly  agricultural,  ami  (he  middle  and  eastern  vvholly 
commercial,  and  (hut  the  ibrmcr  have  an  overwhelming  majori- 
ty in  the  leiiislatureof  the  union.  How  could  it  ever  enter  in- 
to the  mind  of  any  rational  ljein<j;lo  imagine,  that  the  m:ijority 
could  for  a  moment  be  ignorant  of  the  plain  truth,  that  every 
stroke  aimed  at  cjmnK.rce  was  a  stroke  at  their  own  vital  iute> 
rests  ? 

]{  is  well  known,  that  the  representatives  of  the  southern 
and  western  stales  arc  generally  g:entlemen  of  the  highest  grad« 
of  talents  in  congress.  From  causes  which  it  is  neither  neces- 
sary nor  pru|>er  here  to  detail,  the  middle  states  luue  rarely 
niide  as  respectable  a  fii;ure  in  that  liody  as  could  have  been 
wialud.  Tlie  eastern  have  not  been  quite  so  unfortunate.  It 
re((uires,  ho\vev*r,  but  a  moderate  portion  of  candour  to  ac- 
knowledge, that  although  they  are  oc^asionally  represented  in 
cunoress  by  men  of  consideraljle  talents,  they  are  in  the  ag- 
gregate far  beljw  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  and  Kentucky. — 
And  couhl  this  plain  truth  escape  the  Eiipescs,  the  Gileses,  the 
Clays,  and  the  Popes,  that  it  wr.s  impossible  to  injure  commerce 
without  intlicting  an  equal  injury  on  agriculture  ? 

The  agricultural  portion  of  this  great  nation  could  infinitely 
better  disj)en3e  with  the  commercial,  than  the  latter  with  the 
former.  Never,  since  commerce  first  began,  did  a  nation,  hav- 
ing bulky  raw  materials  to  sell,  and  having  demands  for  large 
quantities  of  mercliandi?-e,  find  any  difliculty  in  creating  a  ma- 
rine, or,  iim'.dst  naval  competitors  for  her  trade,  in  securing  the 
transportation  of  her  commodities,  and  the  purchase  of  mer- 
chandize, on  fair  and  advantageous  t«rms.  Hut  the  decay  of 
Portugal,  Venice,  Genoa,  the  Hanse  Towns,  and  other  great 
commercial  states,  proves  that  a  nation  possessed  of  a  consider- 
able marine,  may,  if  it  affront  or  offend  the  nations  on  which  it 
depends,  l.»e  reduced  to  its  native  and  intrinsic  insignit^.cance. 

Theei'.slcrn  states  labor  under  ver}'^  great  disadvantages. — 
The  sterility  of  their  soil  will  leave  them  eternally  dependent 
upon  tha  southern  states  ;  for  their  situation  imperiously  forces 
them  to  have  recourse  to  manufactures  and  commerce.  Their 
agriculture  must  always  be  comparatively  insigni^cant.  Thty 
therefore,  I  repeat,  owe  their  greatness  principally  to  the  im- 
mensely valuable  trade  they  carry  on  with  those  states,  which 
their  ungrateful  writers  and  demagogues  are  constantly  vilify- 
in?;  ?nd  abusing,  ami  which  afford  the  principal  pabulum  for  Uie 
ct  .n»merce  of  the  middle  and  eastern  states.  Those  demaeogues 
are, as  I  have  stated,  unceasingly  exciting  animosities  betwetn 


301 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


the  two  scctiona  of  the  union,  by  pretending  a  rivalry  of  iui^ti>- 
esfs,\vhicli  h  wholly  unfounded.  There  i8,let  me  repeat, real  caijs^ 
of  Jealouay  between  Rhode  Island  and  Masi^actiusetts  :  but  nonr 
between  eiiberof  them  and  Virgiuiii  or  ^outh  Curoliuii.  'J'lic 
latter  are,  and  will  probably  forever  continue,  great  agricullural 
states.  Their  immense  and  growing  productions  will  find  the 
most  valuable  employment  for  the  shipjUng  and  for  the  manu- 
i'acturcs  of  the  eastern  and  middle  states. 

Sbouid  a  separation  lake  place,  which  I  hope  and  trust  in 
the  goodness  of  Heaven  is  far  remote,  the  enstern  states  will 
rei)'.  nt  it  first  and  last.  They  will  have  reason  eternally  to  la- 
ment  the  unhallowed  counsils  of  those  restless  demagoj^ues, 
who  shall  have  jilmigcd  them  into  the  abyss  of  ruin.  Thdr 
h:irdy  sons,  who  now  migrate  to  the  south irard  and  west v\ aid 
by  hundreds,  will  a'landon  their  native  soil  by  thousands — and 
daily  add  streugth  to  the  rival  section  of  the  nation,  and  equal- 
ly enfeeble  the  i)arent  slates.  The  latter  will  dwindle  into  the 
insignificance  from  whicli  tliry  have  been  elevated  by  the  trib- 
ute they  have  levied  upon  Virginia  and  her  southern  sisters. 

The  horrors  of  an  immediate  CIVIL  WAR,  and  of  a  con- 
stant BOIvDER  WAR,  svch  as  formerly  existed  between  Ewif- 
land  and  Scotland,  are  the  only  considerations  that  render  asip- 
aration  from  Massaclmsclls  a  measure  to  he  at  all  deprecated.— 
Were  we  insured  from  these  two  evils,  the  separation  would  he 
an  advantage  to  the  rest  of  the  nation;  for  she  has  harrassed 
(he  national  councils  to  a  most  intolerable  and  shameful  de- 
gree. 

She  has  appeared  determined,  if  she  coidd  not  nde  the  counln} 
herself,  to  send  it  to  destruction  headlong.  She  has  been  for  yeurs 
the  source  of  most  of  the  difficulties  of  the  union.  We  should 
not  have  had  war  but  for  her.*  And  among  the  features  of  the 
present  crisis,  the  most  lamentable  one  is,  that  she  cannot  suf- 
fer the  consequences  of  her  folly,  her  arrogance,  her  restless 
ncss,  her  faction,  her  jacobinism,  her  anti-Washingtonism,  willi- 
out  inflicting  an  equal  degree  of  misfortune  on  her  innnccnl 
neighbours.  Could  siie  sutfer  alone,  it  were  "  a  consummadcn 
most  dcvoutlif  to  he  rjishedy  A  strong  navigation  act,  anddis- 
eriminatins  duties,  wo(dd  soon  bring  her  to  her  senses,  and  con- 
vince her  of  the  immeasurable  folly  and  madness  she  has  been 


*  This  assertion  has  been  cavilled  at  by  a  Boston  writer  but  not  refuted  Ro: 
ton,  by  her  jncobinical  opposition  to  the  peaceabie  roeaiinrfs  adopted  tocb'aiii 
from  England  tint  redress  for  wiilch  slie  herself  had  so  loudly  insisted  on  tlf  in 
terfereuce  of  governiuent— and  by  her  excitement  of  a  similar  opposition  throiigli 
out  the  e.istf  rn  states  gener.illy,  dpfeatcd  lho?e  measures,  and  encouraged  En»- 
?and  to  proeecd  in  her  wttrages — which  finally  led  to  war. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


305 


i^uilty  of.  Tliey  wouUl  sink  her  to  her  proper  level — llml  lev- 
4.1,  which  her  migraterul  soil — hti  insigoit'icdnce  in  point  of  pop- 
ul.'Uion — and  the  narrow  limits  of  her  territory,  prescribe — and 
which,  1  repeat,  nothing  but  tiie  advantages  she  has  derived  fr(>in 
her  persecuted,  insulted,  outrage',  and  defamed  sister  statts, 
could  have  enabled  her  to  pass.  She  would  repent  of  her  in- 
fatuation, and  most  anxiously  seek  to  be  resloretl  to  a  conl<  d- 
eracy,  on  the  major  part  of  which  she  had  unceasinLlv  levied 
heavy  contrihutioiis,  and  to  which  she  owed  all  (hat  piosjterity, 
that  wealth,  and  that  alHuence,  which  had  rendered  her  dizzy, 
inflated  her  w  ith  pride  and  arrogance,  and  brou^iit  on  her  down 
^all. 


CHAPTER  LII. 


MuHCiij  the  sinavs  of  War.     Associalicns  to  pracni  the  sticccas  cf 
the  Loans.     Efforts  to  lanknfpt  the  CovcrnnLni, 

Money  has  long  been  f>roverMa!Iy  styled  the  sinews  of  war. 
It  is  no  misnomer.  Soldiers  cannot  l>e  raised — nor  put  in  mo- 
tion— nor  arrayed  in  the  tield  of  l.attle,  witliout  money  to  clothe 
and  to  feed  them.  A  government  at  war,  and  destitute  of  funds 
or  credit,  must  succumb  to  its  adversary — bend  the  neck  tti  the 
yoke— make  humble  submission — and  receive  the  law  from  the 
ttmcpieror.  To  these  truths  history  beare  ample  and  uniform 
testimon3% 

Under  this  impression,  shortly  after  the  declaration  of  war, 
there  was  a  combination  formed  to  prevent  the  success  of  the 
Idans  authorised  by  congress.  I  believe  that  nearly  all  those 
who-entered  into  this  scheme  resided  in  the  eastern  states,  f>ar- 
tirularly  4n  Boston,  which  was  the  grand  focus  of  the  conspi- 
racy. 

No  measure,  howevgr  atrocious^  ever  was  destitute  of  a  plau- 
sible plea  to  palliate  or  Justify  its  enormity.  This  high  handed 
conspiracy  to  destroy  the  credit  of  the  a;overnment  of  their 
country,  which  originated  among  the  '*  moral  and  religious  peo- 
ple" of  Boston,  wa-s  predicated  upon  two  positions  : 

First,  that  England  was,  and  had  always  l:>€en,  willinsr  to 
make  a  treaty  with  us  on  fair  and  honourable  terms ;  and  that, 
so  great  was  her  magnanimity,  she  would  t-Aiv  no  »dvi«nt.'!j.M-  of 
any  em'jarrassmentsordillicuities  that  might  arise  from  thetleS' 
truction  of  the  public  eredit. 

,-..  -       ...   -  Cc  '-       ' 


300 


THE  OLIVE  BUANCH. 


Brcondiy,  that  our  administration  ^vus  so  obstinately  det^^r- 
inined  to  continue  the  >var,  that  it  would  make  no  ptuce  wlai« 
it  liad  tlie  means  of  carrying  on  hostilities. 

A  corollary  from  these  positions  was,  that  if  the  txnsj  ira- 
tors  prevented  the  success  of  the  loans,  and  deprived  tl.<  irov- 
ernment  of  the  means  of  [»ro8tculing  the  war,  vse  sliouid  ju 
consequence  have  peace.  * 

These  extravagant  positions  must  excilc  the  amazemenuf 
any  calm  observer.  "  But  as  scon  as  he  should  U;  acqu  inted 
">vith  the  nature  and  existence  of  prejudice,  passion,  ol  stin;.- 
^ry,  vvilfulnesfl,  \>ickednes3,  and  alove  all,  wilh  the  th.ir.jclf  r 
"and  influence  of  party  sjiirif,  the  m^aUry  would  ^  uisi.  at 
"once  :  for  it  would  llien  see  that  these,  j«iu1  no(  reason,  de- 
"  cide.  Reason  cusksfor  fads  and  argumaits.  Prrjudicc^  pas- 
"  sion^andUic  rcsl^  ad  for  iutthcs,  sounds,  jioise,  and  Jury.  By 
"  Ihose  th(y  arc  impeUid — by  these  they  decide.''' j; 

Our  8;overnment  had  given  lour  strong  awd  irr/f^islihle  proofs 
of  a  disposition  to  conclude  the  war,  which  must  carry  convic- 
tion to  every  candid  mind. 

First,  ontlie  27th  of  June,  1812,  it  had  ofTered  the  British 
government  an  armistice  on  the  simj>le  and  reasonable  condi- 
tions of  suspending,  during  the  negociation,  the  outrageous  in- 
jury of  impressment,  and  surrendering  the  American  seamen 
previously  impressed.  QJ='  The  suspension  of  impressment  al 
that  period  could  not  have  occasioned  Great  Britain  any  possible 
iUsadvoMa^e  ;  for,  having  nearly  annihilated  all  the  rival  na- 
vies of  Europe,  her  stock  of  sailors  could  not  require  to  be  re- 
punished  t)y  impressment  from  our  vessels.  And  as  she  luiJ 
at  tli  times  professed  a  willingness  to  surrender  our  seamen, 
there  could  have  been  no  difficulty  on  the  second  point.  She 
ought,  therefore,  to  have  met  our  amicable  overtures  with  frank- 
ness. If  she  were  fighting  for  her  existence,  as  has  been  said  a 
thousandtimes;lfit  werejeopardized  by  our  hostility;  it  was  the 
quintessence  of  madness  and  folly,  not  to  have  withdm  wn  us  from 
the  nUmhe^^f  her  enemies  when  she  could  have  effected  that 
grand  object  on  such  easy  terms,  without  impairing  her  credit 
or  character. 


K,. 


r.    4* 


*  This  paragrapli  was  written  in  Srpfember  last.  The  rf BUlt  of  the  negocia- 
lions  at  Ghent  fully  estahlisbes  the  folly  as  well  as  the  wickediies!!  of  these  pro- 
ceedings. The  public  mind  has  been  since  very  considerably  undeceived  ou  turse 
Joints.  I  have  heard  gentlemen  rejoice  at  the  success  of  the  illustrious  htro, 
ackBon,at  New  Orleans,  as  leading  to  peace,  who.  one  or  two  years  since,  were 
80  miserably  deluded  ai>  to  believe  that  the  road  to  a  cessation  of  war  lay  through 
the  defeat,  disgrace,  and  disaster  of  the  arms  of  theirnative  country  ! 
f  The  Examiner,  by  Barent  Gardenier,  vol.  i.  page  57. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"«1 


J^tfcondly,  it  hml  prom.itly  accepted  I  he  Uiissian  muliation 
far  the  termidadon  of  hustilities. 

Thirdly,  lo  remove  nil  diificulty  on  the  important  subject  of 
i;n;»rps8ment,  an  act  was  passed  by  congress,  on  the  3d  oil 
M«rch,  1S13,  m'iking  such  provisions,  to  commence  from  the 
nioseof  the  war,  as  to  secure  Great  Britain  against  the  sitluc- 
tion  or  emjdoyment  of  her  seamen  on  hoard  out  vessels,  piiblic 
or  private.* 

Fo.irthly,  and  most  particularly,  in  the  appointment  of  three 
ministers  to  negoci.ite,  Mr.  Bayard,  a  decided  federalist,  was 
chosen — a  gentleman  of  high  standing  with  his  own  party — of 
coniiderd.)le  talents — and  strenouusly  opi»osed  to  the  adminis- 
tration. Unless  his  instructions  had  been  fair  and  honorable, 
he  would  not  certainly  have  accepted  the  appointment. 

In  the  appointment  of  ministers  in  England  or  elsewhere,  I 
believe  no  similar  instance  has  occurred  of  the  choice  of  a 
person  hostile  to  the  administration  who  appointed  liim.  It  was 
a  very  great  effort  to  remove  suspicion  and  jealousy  from  the 
public -mind.  Nothing  but  the  incurable  folly  and  madness 
engendered  by  faction,  could  possibly  resist  the  fair  inference 
warranted  by  this  appointment.  But  it  was  wholly  unavailing;. 
F'tction  is  now,  ever  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  deaf,  and 
dumb,  and  blind,  to  reason  and  common  sense. 

These  four  facts  notwithstanding,  the  persuasion  was  gener* 
al  among  the  "  Peace  Party^''  that  the  government  w  as  averse 
from  closing  the  war.  The  talents  of  the  federalists  iu  the 
eastern  states  and  elsewhere,  were  now  put  in  requisition  to 
impress  this  idea  on  the  public  mind.  The  most  unceasing  ef- 
forts were  employed  on  the  subject.  The  leaders  of  the  party 
affected  to  be,  and  the  others  were,  in  flexible  in  the  opinion  : 

In  consequence  every  possible  exertion  was  made,  particu- 
larly in  Boston,  to  deter  the  citizens  from  subscribing  to  the 
loans,  in  order  to  disable  the  government  from  carrying  on  the 
war,  and  of  course  force  it  to  make  peace.  Associations  were 
entered  into  in  the  most  solemn  and  public  manner  to  this  ef- 
fect. And  those  who  could  not  be  induced  by  mild  means, 
were  deterred  by  denunciations.  A  folio  volume  might  be  fill- 
ed with  the  lucubrations  that  appeared  on  this  sul:)ject. 

The  pulpit,  as  usual  in  Boston,  came  in  aid  of  the  press,  to 
secure  success.  Those  who  subscribed,  were  in  direct  terms? 
declared  participators  in,  and  accessaries  to,  all  the  "  murders^ 


CfiA 


•  ^raong  tfie  memScrs  who  voted  against  this  bill  were  Messrs  Joslah  Qurncey' 
v\(\  I>'in  Hinrlo'ph.    Their  aotivcs  must  have  tieen  very  extraordiaar^i    Lc*.' 
iiOt  hthom  thcM* 


ao3 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


as  they  wero  Irrmrd,  Ihnlmiglit  tHke  plnrc  in  tlin  *'  unhohi^un- 
tis^htiONs;  n>ii'u,-t,  ahn.ninabL.,  and  accursed  wtir.^''^ 

ro»'riaI»l(;  us  to  judjf*^  of  the  \vick««lMes9  of  these  proccr<l- 
in;:»,  \v{  un  cKHinino  whiit  wouhl  lie  the  conKPijiience  of  com- 
y.UU'  success.  No  (liininution  of  the  uiiilt  of  any  art  urigps 
fiOfti  its  faihtre  to  pro«h]ce  its  iistMl  hnd  inten<UMl  elTfrt.  The 
man  who  fiiesa  pistol  with  intent  tu  kill,  is,  in  the  eye  of  ITeav* 
eri.ii  murderer  ecpially  with  hlrn  whosr  Imll  passes  through  the 
brains  uf  his  victim. 

Il.id  com;dete  fiilccess  crowned  tlie  rrfortsof  the  conspirators, 
these  fuv'ul  consequences  wodd  havet;«ken  (dace  : 

Firat,  a  national  tianUruptey.f  The  putdic  creditors,  and 
}.li»'«e  V. ho  de^tend  on  them,  would  have  Iumii  rulni'd. 

Hetondly,  with  the  tlownf.dl  of  the  puldic  stock,  would  have 
(alien  the  stocks  of  banks,  in»urance-cum;»;inie8,|  t^'c.  Ac, 

Thirdly,  private  hankniptcy  would  have  followed  Ut  an  r\\. 
('iTnoi  9  exlent ;  and  wide  spread  ruin  would  have  pervaded  I  he 
ration.il 

FofJ'lhly,  the  national  armies  must  have  heen  dis>!)nndod,  nrul 
ihe  Ir  *n;ier3  expc-f^d  to  tho  desolatin;;  eliVets  of  the  hatiliet 
"nd  tofn:ihawk.  The  Rged  matron — the  eliasic  and  tendfT 
wife — the  blootuinsj  maiden — the  decrepid  <.cniiulsire — the  man- 
ly fither — and  the  helplesft  infant — all  would  have  heen  involv- 
ed in  one  wide,  impartial,  and  undistinguishing  destruction  ! 

Fifthly,  omr  seaport  towns  would  have  been  exposed  to  the 
mercy  of  Cockhurns  and  Gordons.  They  would  have  shared 
the  fate  of  Alexandria,  of  Hampton,  of  Uavre-de-Grace,  and 
of  Frenchtown. 

And  Sixthly,  to  close  the  awful  cataloa;ue,  our  government 
would  be  laid  at  the  mercy  of  Great  Britain  ; — and,  deprived 
of  the  means  of  resistance,  must  have  submitted  to  whatever 
ignominious  terms  she  might  choose  to  impose. 

These  were  the  results  Uiat  must  have  taken  |)Ince,  had  coni- 
[»lete  success  crowned  the  horrid  project.  Never  was  more  un- 
holy purpose  attempted. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  many  of  the  persons  engaged  in 
this  conspiracy  did  not  contemplate  such  extensive  results. — 
They  may  have  looked  no  farther  forward  than  to  the  restora^ 


*  Spc  chapter  LVI. 

f  \fler  the  at>ove  was  written,  thia  cfToct  was  producpd  to  a  certain  extent  by 
this  conspiracy, 

t  This  consequence  took  place  to  a  most  alarmina;  cleRree. 

II  Strong  traces  of  the  pernirions  effects  of  this  conspiracy  appear  througlioi:^ 
Ibc  'inion.  Souie  of  the  conspirators  fell  unlamented  victintii  to  their  own  macli- 
jmitions. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


aa» 


tlon  of  pcfiro.  Rut  the  leaders  In  the  scheme  were  too  kcm, 
too  shrt'Wil,  too  profound,  nnd  too  hostile  to  the  ggveninunt 
of  t.'ieir  country,  to  allow  ua  to  extentl  to  them  the  same  do 
gree  of  charity.  Their  minds  must  have  grasped  all  the  (dii* 
pen  lo  :s  and  aaTuI  consequences;  und  they  had  reconciled 
the.nselv?  to  the  Midc-siiread  devastation. 

The  Biiccesn  in  the  e.istern  states    was  considerahle.     Few 
m»?n  h.  '  f"  the  eounij^e  to  stem  the  tide  of  popular  delusion  when 
ift  sets  in  very  strong.     There   were  some,  however,  who  siilv 
scribed  ooenly,  in  defiance  of  denunciations  and  thieats.     Oth- 
ers, of  legs  firm  texture,  loaned  (heir  money  hy  stealth,  and  as 
clandestinely  ns  if  it  were  tteasonahle.     What,  alas  !  must  he 
the  awful  state  of  society,  when  a  free  citizen  is  afraid  of  lend- 
ins;  his  money  pUildicIy,  to  support  the  government  that  protects 
him — the    mihlesl    form  of   government  ever   vouchsafed  by 
Heaven  to  mrtn — whose  mildness  enabled  its  enemies  to  jeop- 
ardize its  very  existence  !     Who,  that  has  a  soul  to  feel — who, 
thit  has  a  spark  of  patriotism  or  puldic  spirit  in  his  frame,   but 
must  be  fired  with  a  holy  indii^nutioa  at  Buch  u  hideous,  such  a 
horrible  state  of  the  public  mind ! 

•'  Money  is  such  a  drug  (the  surest  fign  of  the  former  prospfrity,  and  j»re.fMif 
insecurity  of  trarle)  that  fnen  agiin<it  their  oonscIeruM's  their  hunour,  their  duty, 
thoir  r>r)fessinns  und  PROMISES— arp  willing  to  lend  it  5ecr<!*/j/—lo  support  tht 
very  measures  which  are  both  intended  nnd  calculated  for  their  ruin.*'^ 

This  paragraph,  the  production  of  John  Lowell,  establishee- 
the  existence  of  a  coml>ination  to  prevent  the  success  nf  the 
loans,  who  had  ^*  promised"  each  other,  or  pledged  themselves, 
not  to  subscribe  :  some  of  whom,  nevertheless,  tlid  subscribe — 
but,  to  avoid  the  reproaches  and  persecution  of  their  associates, 
did  it "  secretin/"  This  conclusion  irresistibly  follows.  These 
**  promises  not  to  lend  their  money ^'''  must  refer  to  the  combina- 
tion I  have  stated.  It  can  have  no  other  meaninsf.  And  the 
fiir  construction  of  their  lendin?  "  secrectlif  can  be  no  other 
thnn  that  they  were  liable  to  dissrrace  with,  or  persecution  from, 
their  p'irty,  if  they  were  knnivn  to  lend. 

Of  the  s;)ecies  of  denunciations  held  out  to  deter  from  sub- 
scrijitions,  s'>m^  idea  may  be  form ed  from  the  following  para- 
graphs, taken  from  various  Boston  papers. 

"  Let  no  man  voho  wishf.s  to  eoniinuf  the  war  hif  arthe  means,  by  vote  or 
ten /'■fiij'  money,  d\iie  to  prostiiatr  himsri.f  \t  the  alt4K  on  th« 
F  VST  D\Y  ;  for  ihcy  nrc  actuatfi/  as  mwh  j'nrlak'rf^  in  the  war,  as  the  soU 
ihr  who  thr>inl-  Ike  h^yotiei ;  and  THE  JUjJaMENX  OF  iiODWlLL 

AWAIT  rriE>i.»' 


7* 

iivFli 


,:i} 


St;e  Rrad  to  Ruin,  ^o.  5. 


Cc2 


310 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


/^ 


Money  lent  by  Federalists. 


'  *'  Will  federalintg  subscribe  to  tl>e  loan  ?  will  they  lend  monpy  to  our  iiationai 
nilers  i'  It  Is  iniposMiblp.  First,  bpcause  of  tbe  principlr  i  and  secondly,  be- 
cause of  principal  and  interest.  If  they  lend  money  now,  they  m,\]:t^  tbcnjselvfs 
parties  to  the  violations  of  the  constitution,  the  cruoily  oppressive  measures  in 
relation  to  commerce,  and  to  all  the  crimes  which  have  occuned  in  the  field  and 
in  the  cabinet.  To  what  purpose  have  federalists  exerted  t'lemsclves  to  gtiow 
the  wickedness  of  this  war,  to  rouse  the  public  sentiment  against  it,  and  to  siiow 
the  authorti  of  it  not  only  to  be  unworthy  of  public  confidence,  but  highly  triin- 
inal.  if  now  they  contribute  the  sums  of  motiey  without  which,  these  rulers  inu»t 
be  compelled  to  stop  ;  must  he  compelled  to  return  to  the  policy  and  measures  under 
ivhich  this  country  once  was  at  pr^ace,  and  in  singular  prosiperity. 

'*  By  the  maguanimous  course  pointed  out  by  governor  btrong,  that  is,  by  with- 
liolding  all  voluntary  aid  in  prosecnting  the  war,  and  manfully  exprt^ssing  our  o- 
pinion  as  to  its  injustice  and  ruinous  tendency  we  have  arre-ted  its  progress  j 
and  driven  back  its  authors  to  abandon  their  nefarious  schemes,  and  to  look  nnt- 
iously/or  peace  Wiiat  tlien  if  we  now  lend  them  money  i*  They  will  ntt  mzkc 
peace  ;  they  will  still  hanker  for  Canada  ;  they  will  still  assemble  forces  iind 
ahed  blood  on  our  western  frontier.  Mere  pride,  if  nothing  else,  would  make 
them  doit.  The  motives  which  first  brought  on  the  war,  will  still  continue  it,  if 
money  can  be  had.  Bat  some  tny — mill  you  let  the  country  become  bankrupt !  no, 
the  country  mill  never  become  bankrupt.  Bvs  prav  do  not  prevent  the  abu- 
sers OF  THEIR  TRUST  BEco.MiNG  BANKRUPT  Do  oot  pr»>vont  tliem  fiom  becom- 
ing odious  to  the  public,  and  replaced  by  better  men.  Q^  Any  federalist  mho 
lends  money  to  government,  must  go  and  shake  hands  ntth  James  Madison,  and 
claim  fellowsnip  with  Felix  Grundy.  fCT*  I^'thim  no  more  call  himself  a  feder- 
alist and/riend  to  his  country  !  ! !  HL  WILL  BE  CALLED  BY  OTHERS, 
INFXMOUS!  !!  !  !! 

*  But,  secondly,  federalists  will  not  lend  money,  becausft  they  nrill  never  ^efit 
(;gnin  How,  where  and  when,  are  the  government  to  get  money  t  )Jpr:y  interest? 
Aik'  Q;5='  mho  can  tell  whether  future  riders  may  think  the  debt  tontracted  under 
sucu  ■ .  cum'tances,  and  by  men  mho  lend  money  to  help  out  measures  which  theii 
have  loudly  and  cmatantly  condemned,  ought  to  be  paid.  On  the  whole,  then. 
there  are  two  very  strong  reasons  why  federalists  will  rot  lend  money — fir:<t  be 
cause  it  would  W  a  base  abandonment  of  political  andmsral  principles  ;  and  se»- 
ondiy,  because  it  ia  pretty  Ci^rtain  they  will  never  be  paid  agnir^ 

"  It  is  very  grateful  to  find  that  the  universal  sentiment  is,  that  rr?*  ANY 
M\N  WHO  LENDS  HIS  MONEY  TO  THE  GOVERN MtL.N  I.  AT 
THE  PRE  KNT  TIME.  WILL  FORFEIT  ALL  CLAIM  TO  COM.VTON 
H  )NESTY  \ND  CO VI MOV  COURTESY  AMONG  ALL  TRI  £ 
FRiRNDS  TO  THE  COUNTRY  !!!!!!  God  forbid  that  any  federalist 
should  ever  hold  up  his  hand  to  pay  federalists  for  money  lent  to  the  present  ru- 
lers :  and  federalists  can  judge  whether  democrats  will  tax  their  constituents  to 
pay  interest  to  federalists  "     Bo.«tou  Gazette,  April  11,  1814. 

"  The  war  advocates  appear  very  soretind  chaj^rined  at  the  f  ulure  rf  the  late 
loiin,  and  in  their  ravinjiS  ascribe  th<»  meagre  ?ubscriptions  to  the  trntlis  which 
have  appeared  in  tlie  federal  papers  on  the  subject.  Boston  Centinel,  March  2\, 
1813.  '  .  , 

"  Our  mwchants  constitute  an  honourable,  high-minded,  independent,  and  in- 
iellisenl  class  of  citizens  They  feel  the  oppres.sion,  injury,  and  moi-kery,  witli 
whicli  they  are  treated  by  their  governmen'.  They  will  lend  them  money  to  re- 
trace their  •«tpps— but  none  to  persfvere  in  their  present  course,  rr^  Let  evtr'j 
highrmymnnjindhi^  own  pistols^''     Boston  Gazette.  .     •     i 

"  We  have  only  room  this  ''venlng  to  nay  tliat  we  tnist  nt  true  frierd  to  hv 
t07intry  mill  be  found  imong  the  subscribers  to  the  Gallatin  loanV  New-Yurk 
Evening  Post. 

*'  No  peace  will  ever  be  made,  till  the  people  »ay  there  shall  b°  no  war. 
tbe  rich  loen  continue  to  furnish  money,  the  war  nill  continue  tUl  the  mumtaini 


if 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


3U 


are  melled  nrith  blood — till  e.vtry  Jicld  in  Antf.rira  ft  white   viihike.   hmr^.rflhc 
p^ipleV    Discourse  delivered  at  Byfiild,  April  7,  1311      Bv  Eiij.ili  Paiblt,    D. 

"  [f  this  wir  i' to  he  suppiited  hy  loans,  paper  stock  will  hreod  as  fast  and 
faster  than  merinoeg.  TliP  lieecoi,  if  your  pietures  aro  good  will  yield  t:ip  ine'r- 
est  ;  but  for  your  interc  st  of  paper  slock,  you  must  yield  a  fleece  «!'  lo.uis  annu- 
ally from  your  own  pockets  The  admiral  and  the  purser  nave  informed  thrt 
crew,  that  they  have  but  few  shot  in  the  looker  ;  they  must  he  replrT.i>lird,  or 
the  wHf  laurels  must  wither  In  our  old  wa'-,  when  piivate  men  were  public 
creditors,  and  became  sonit'w'i'it  impatient  Oi"  public  delay,  the  administration 
wou'd  promise  t!)'  mone  new  io.lar  fo;  two  nuiiflred  oid  ones,  and  try  their  pa- 
tience again,  ^j^  My  bro!hei /(inner:  f  y<uhivf.  m^ nay  to  Id,  let  it  lay  If 
ike  wnr  continues  you  will  purchasr.  your  sock  at  four  yean  old.  cficiper  Hum  ynu 
cm  raise  it  ;  so  unju-t  i«  this  offeu''  v.»  wir.  ii'  wi'iich  oiu'  rulers  iiave  plun;re<l  us, 
ir^thcRober  con>ideritio  i  of  rai'l  o  is  lint  [ry»  <Ap3/  cannot  cnwcientiuw^ly  ap- 
proach the  God  of  armies  ftr  his  blessing  upun  t(."  Bostuu  Ceutiael,  13th,  Jan- 
uary, 1813. 

The  followinj  advertisements  contain  volumes.  They  e- 
vince,  l)eyon(l  the  power  of  douWt  or  denial,  the  horrible  state 
to  which  a  few  fxctious,  violent  men,  by  their  Irrrisonable  prac- 
tices, had  reduced  the  towp  of  Boston,  when  those  who  were 
disposed  to  sniiimrt  their  own  g:overnmpnt,  were  obliged  to  do 
it  as  clandestinely  as  if  they  were  engaged  ia  some  dangerous 
conspiracy. 


i^ 


ft,',-*'  .J 


v:  U- 


The  New  Lean. 


From  the  Boston  Chronicle,  April  14,  181  i; 

From  the  advice  of  several  respected  uicp'K,  we  are  induced  to  announce  to 
A\w  public  that  subscriptions  to  the  new  loan  will  be  received  by  us  as  a,ient»  u»- 
til  the  2ith  in?t.  from  individuals,  or  incorporated  bodies,  in  *ums  of  $  500  at,d 
upwards.  The  subscriptions  to  conform  to  the  regulations  announced  by  the  sec- 
retary of  the  treasury,  dated  ith  \pril.  Paynients  may  be  made  in  Boston  mo- 
ney, or  in  any  other  in  the  United  States,  the  subscriber  paying  the  cu$tomar}> 
rate  of  discount.  Applications  will  be  received  from  any  persons  who  wish  to 
receive  their  interest  in  Boston  by  letters  post  paid,  or  hv  written  applications 
from  individuals  in  Boston,  [r7=»  ^ND  THE  NAMES  OF  ALL  SUBSCRI- 
BERS SH.\LL  BE  KNOVVri  ONLY  TO  THE  UNDERSIGNED  accord- 
ing to  the  proposals  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  (for  more  p.irticulars  see 
liis  advertisement  ;)  each  applicant  must  name  the  higheit  rate  he  will  give  :  and 
if  the  loan  is  granted  lower  than  his  proposal,  it  will  of  coarse  be  for  his  benefit : 
but  on  ti>e  other  hand,  if  higher,  he  will  lose  the  benefit  of  being  a  subscriber  — 
The  certificates,  and  all  the  business  relating  to  it,  will  be  delivered  free  of 
charge.  / 

GILBERT  &  DEAN,  Brokerat 

"  Exchange  Coffee  House,  Boston,  April  12." 


From  the' Boston  Cas«ele,  April  U,  18N_ 
THE  LOAN. 

'■■  Rub?erIptions  will  be  received  throuj;h  the  agency  of  tlie  subscriber  to  the 
2.'>lh  inst.  inclusive. 

"  To  avoid  rj;^^  the  inco7ivenii'nce  of  personal  appearance  to  subscribe  applica* 
tinns  in  writing  will  be  received  from  any  part  of  the  state.  E  ich  applicant  will 
ninic the  liighost  rate  he  will  give,  and  if  the  loan  shall  be grantrd  lower  i!>!<n 
his  proposnl,  ho  will  rcip  the  bciieHt :  but  if  higher  than  hi;  off^r,  L  will  have 


312 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


noshareinit.  The  amount,  rate,  and  rry  NAME  OP  ANY  ^PPLI^A^T 
SHALL,  AT  HIS  REQUEST,  BE  K^».VN  ONLY  TO  THE  SL'll  (  H|- 
BER  All  ilu:  budinrss  f^iiall  be  traneacted,  and  certiiicates  delivered  to  tin  sub- 
scribers without  expense." 

JESSE  PUTNAM. 

On  the  above  advertisements,  and  others  of  a  similar  chnrac- 
ter,  the  following  comments  \Nei'e  puMislied  in  (he  same  paper. 

"  How  degraded  must  our  government  be  even  in  their  ojvn  eyes,  tvhen  they  re- 
tort to  sneh  tricks  to  obtain  mgney,  which  a  common  Jew  broker  woiUd  be  ash  •vud 
c/  Tliey  mu  t  be  weil  acquainted  with  tlie  fabric  of  the  nrreii  who  are  to  lom 
them  money,  when  they  offer  that  if  they  will  have  the  goodness  to  do  it.  thrir 
Planus  shall  not  he  exposed  to  the  world.  They  know  right  well  thi^.l  rj^  ihf 
cause  is  so  sneaking  and  vile,  that  nobody  would  be  seen  in  the  bn-ad  day-t  ^  i,t  to 
lend  them  money.  However  it  is  consistent  with  the  8}  stem  ol'  deception  and 
doohle  dealing  which  they  have  always  practised. 

"  Capitalists  mny  be  induced  to  subscribe  to  the  loan,  becau-  e  it  will  lend  to 
shorten  the  nnr.  But  what  pledge  have  they  when  they  have  poured  all  their 
cash  into  the  lap  of  govemoicnt,  that  the  war  wii!  end  i' 

*'  No  one  tfbubts  of  their  rancour  and  ill-will  towards  England  ^  that  they  are 
willing  to  fight  her  as  long  as  they  can  get  money.  Well  then,  if  they  can  gull 
the  rich  men,  and  get  as  many  loans  as  they  ask  for.  will  they  not  Jight  till  th(l  is 
gone  ?  yea,  and  until  they  can  negotiate  new  loans  upon  the  saoM-  terms  9 

*'  Perliaps  monied  men  may  be  bribed  by  the  high  interest  that  is  ofTered.  Evi 
if  they  rmtnhold  Vteir  aid.  and  so  force  the  government  into  a  peac«.  will  not  their 
capital  be  better  employed,  if  engaged  in  trade  P  will  they  not  have  better  secu- 
rity for  its  payment,  and  at  their  con.mand  when  they  ask  for  it  P 

*'  On  the  whole,  we  think  it  no  way  to  get  out  of  the  war,  to  give  money  to  (hi 
government,  when  the  very  thing  that  prevents  them  from  carrying  k  on,  is  thi 
niantqf  money. ''^    Boston  Gazette,  April  14, 1814. 

'  After  having  intimidated  the  citizens  from  lending  their  mo- 
ney puljlicly,  by  the  roost  inflammatory,  and  seditious,  .'^nd 
threatening  puhlic.ations,  of  which  the  preceding  extracts  afford 
a  slight  specimen,  these  writers  revile  and  abuse  the  govern- 
ment, I)ecause  those  who  msh  to  knd,  arc  invited  by   the  hrohn 
to  do  it  secretly!  What  transcendant  wickedness  and  injustice ! 
Hundreds  of  similar  paragraphs    and  essays   were  wrillfn 
with  a  view  to  dissuade  and  intimidate  monied  men  from  si)b< 
«criliinjEr  to  the  loans.     Canting  hypocrites,  who  were  violating 
the  fundamental  laws  of  societyyencouraging  "  smuggling,"  aiu! 
*'  pei;jury," — "acquiring  ill-gotten  wealth  at  the  expense  of  |)u!)- 
lie  morals'* — and  endeavouring,  though  a  small  minority,  lo 
trample  down  the  majority,  had  the  wickedness  to  invoke  "//'< 
judscmcni  cf  God^''  upon  the  supporters  of    a  lawful  and  niiid 
government ! 

In  the  middle  states,  the  federalists  did  not  enter  into  Ihf 
project,  or  to  a  very  limited  extent.  Many  of  them  were  sub- 
scriiiers — some  on  a  very  liberal  scale.  And  thus  the  loans,  in 
spite  of  the  press,  and  the  pulpit,  and  the  efforts  of  the  cons|>i' 
rafors  succeeded,  to  their  infinite  mortification.  New  me^'n* 
were  brought  into  operation,  which  were  temporarily  crowrted 
with  success. 


P 

IttUi 


»»; 


a 


It 

b]e 

slates 
I  io/v  th 

*RoJ 

.  tiUr 
"therrt 
[he  does 
|?"i  fiot , 
hesd 
"/'•ejnl 
[>ftf,e  r 

1'^'  pansil 
f<o»eJl'/ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


313 


lli»  i-ub- 
lAlVl. 

cborac- 
5  paper, 

n  they  re- 
e  ash  'vitd 
re  to  lOuB 
lo  it.  thdr 
,,  rp=//ir 
iay-.  , '.'  '0 
•eplion  and 


lat  ibey  are 

tiey  can  pull 

ht  till  'A* '  " 

msP       „  . 
,ffered.    Bvi 

n\l  not  their 

5  better  sf  cu- 


CHAPTER    LIH. 

'■imug^ling  carried  to  affreai  excess  in  Boslon.  Specie  ahnulant 
there.  Oppressive  drnfts  on  Nefv-York:  Arrangemcnlf!  be- 
tween pcr.ions  in  Canada  and  in  Boston.  Gorcrnmeiit  BUls. — 
Treason  in  the  United  States.  Misprision  (f  treason.  Uiak 
treason  in  Great  Britain,     ilan^^ingj  dranin^  and  quartering. 

llowstrona;  soever  may  be  the  s^enernl  sense  of  llie  infamy 
of  siniiggliri'j:;,  it  has  always  pvevailed;  and  will  never  be  whol- 
ly siii>f)resse<l,  while  it  holds  out  such  great  advantages,  and 
V,  hi'e  there  are  men  to  he  found  who  worship  gain  a^  their  God. 
It  is  not  therefore  surprising,  that  the  n'^nim;ortation,  the  cm- 
hargo,  &:c.  being  denounced  is  oppressive,  unjust,  and  uncon- 
alitiitional — antl  the  war  as  wicked,  and  unprovoked,  and  cor- 
rupt, smuggling  should  be  carried  on  to  a  most  prodigious  ex- 
tent, especially  as  the  public  papers  in  Boston  repeatedly  invi- 
ted and  ?jreed  the  citizens  to  s«t  the  restrictive  system  at  defi- 
:i\^ce.  These  circumstances  conspired  to  supply  that  town  w  ilh 
smuggled  goods  oa  a  very  large  sc«le. 

Of  the  extent  to  which  smuggling,  and  fraud,  and  perjury 
have  been  carried  in  Boston,  some  idea  ray  be  formed  from  the 
following  "precious  confession,"  written  by  John  Lowell.  It 
describes  a  state  of  society  not  exceeded  in  the  most  corrupt 
countries  in  Europe. 


"  Encouragtd  nnd  prolected  from  infamy  hy  the  just  odium  against  the  moTy 
\j*  ihey  engage  in  lanless  spcruli lions — sneer  at  the  restrainti  iif  conscience — 
augh  at  perjury — mock  at  legal  rentrainls — and  acquire  an  ill-gotten  wealth  nt  th^ 
expense  qf  public  morals^  and  of  the  more  sober,  conscientious  parts  qf  the  commth 


Tm 


It  was  worthy  of  the  most  serious  reflection  of  the  honoura- 
ble and  public-spirited  federalists  of  the  middle  and  southern 
states,  how  far  they  could,  without  disgrace  and  dishonor,  "/o^- 
i  Ion)  the  lead*^  of  a  town  where  such  a  state  of  things  existed-^* 

*  Road  to  Ruin,  No.  6. 

t  Mr.  Lowe]]  denies  that  the  above  portrait  was  drawn  for  Boston.     He  save, 

I"  the  reraarl«8  were  intended  to  apply  to  otlier  states  ihrni  M  issarhusstls"— bi>t 

pp  does  not  specify  wliicJi   are  the  states.     I  have  reconsidered  the  subject,  and 

lain  not  disposed  to  admit  his  deferjce.     The  depravation  of  morais  he  describes, 

"*,  lie  says  the  remit  of '' smugg'/tng'."     And  this  is  protected  from  mfamvby 

1^'  the  jii«t  odium  against  the  war.''     Now  it  is  well  Icnown  tliat  there  was  no  |>art 

of  the  United  States  where  smngirlirjjj  was  carried  on  so  ];irgely  and  so  harefie- 

edly  as  in  Boston — and  none  where  so  much  pains  were  taken  to  excite  t!ie  [lub- 

IK-  passions  against  the  war,  or  with  so  much  success      It  is  therefore  not  in  JVIih 

liowell's  power  to  remove  the  fairness  of  the  application. 


•v: 


814 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


where  no  regard  was  paid  to  the  "  restraints  of  conscience''^ — 
where  "  perjury"  was  a  subject  of  "  laughter" — where  "  legal 
restraints'^  were  "  set  at  defiance" — and  wliere  ^^ public  morals'^ 
were  sacrificed  lo  the  acquisition  of  '*  ill-gotten  weaMh.''^ — What 
an  awful  consideration  it  is,  that  such  a  description  of  citizens 
should  have  had  it  in  tiieir  power  materially  to  affect  the  desti- 
nies of  eight  millions  of  people  and  their  posterity  !  (or  it  is  a  mot', 
frightful  truth,  that  all  the  violent,  lawless,  Jacobinical,  and 
wicked  measures,  which  were  driving  this  country  to  perdition, 
had  their  origin  in  Boston,  where  *'  perjury  and  smugjjiling," 
were  the  roads  to  fortune — and  where  "  conscience  afforded  no 
restraint."* 

Mr.  Lowell,  after  drawing  this  frightful  picture,  endeavour^ 
to  make  the  administration  answerable  for  the  whole  to  *'a  Just 
God,"  who  "  knows  how  to  treuc  ike  causes  of  human  events.^^ — 
This  is  most  sorry  and  contemptible  canting,  and  can  deceive 
no  man  beyond  the  rank  of  an  ideot.  This  hideous  derange* 
ment  of  morals  is  solely  the  production  of  faction,  which  con* 
secrates  every  means,  however  wicked,  to  answer  its  vile  pur* 
poses. 

*' Administration  liireliogs  may  revile  tlie  northern  states,  and  tlie  nicrchanb 
g^jwTsMy,  {9r  n^  this  mon^ous  dipravaiion  of  imral$^  this  execrable  course  fo 
atmuggling  anajruud.  But  tli*>rci8  a  just  God,  who  knows  how  to  trace  tlie 
causes  of  human  events  :  and  [r^  he  wUl  assuredly  visit  upon  theauth9rs  qfthit 
war,  all  the  iniquUies  of  whicfiu  ha$  been  the  occasion.  If  the  guVijf  deserve  out 
Momor  ourpity^  the  tempters  and  seducers  deserve  our  eccecralton."t 

This  is  very  just  and  true.  The  guilty  deserve  our  scorn.— 
The  seducers  merit  execration.  But  who,  let  me  ask  were  the 
seducers  ?  Those,  indubitably,  who  for  so  many  years  had 
been  employed,  by  every  means,  however  base  or  vile,  in  ex- 
citing the  people  (o  forcible  opposition  to  the  rulers  of  their 
choice — who  had,  in  the  public  papers,  openly  invited  those, 
who  needed  no  such  invitation,  to  violate  laws  fairly  and  con- 
stitutionally enacted,  which  they  falsely  denounced  as  oppress 
ive  and  "  unconstitutional,'**  These  were  ^^  the  seducersJ**  These 


.  *  \  wish  here  to  avoid  being  misunderstood.  This  statement  respecting  Bo?lon 
Is  to  be  received  witli  due  qualifications.  I  have  numerous  and  most  estimable  ar- 
qualntances  in  Boston—  equal  in  point  of  honour  and  integrity  to  any  citizens  in 
tne  United  States.  And  such  I  consider  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants.  But  in 
times  of  factions  violence,  tlie  worst  men  always  rise  uppermost ;  gain  tiie  ascen- 
dancy ;  give  the  tone  to  public  measures;  and  establish  an  arbitrary  sway -^ 
And  men  who  "  laugh  at  perjury."  and  ''  sneer  at  the  restraints  of  conscience,]' 
are  precisely  those  who  in  such  iimes  of  frenzy  bear  sway  over  their  fellow  citi- 
aens,  and  bear  down  or  force  with  them  the  dispassionate  and  well  intentioiied.- 
At  all  f>vents,  the  picture  of  Boston  is  not  mine.  If  it  be  incorrect,  1  am  notsf/ 
ffwer^b  e  Let  Mr.  Lowell  and  liis  friends  eettla  the  account  between  them. 
f  JRoad  to  Ruin,  No.  6.  .       , 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


31 


»5 


sgal 

^hal 
izens 
liesli- 
,  moEl 
^  and 
lit'ion, 

;li»g," 
led  no 


le  course  /« 
t,  trace  the 
h9rt  qfOiit 
deserve  ow 


were  the  men  on  whotn  heaven  in  its  righteous  decrees,  would 
««v?A.t'  ..'.  i-f  hiiquilits"  to  v\iucii  tlittir  nmiiituni,  Uieir  turbu- 
lence, aii>l  inrii  iuctious  spirit  hud  given  occasion. 

M=ny  .ulu:;>)e  ItrJ.ig'ij  prizes  were  seni  into  lioston,  which 
ore  it.y  i»lde  i  t  est  iCh  Oi'go')4isinlrouuced  there  y  siau^ojiiij^, 
Ttit'  middke  an  i  qj  .rn<  la  stales,  '.vaich  rt-tVHined  Uotn  iUm  pes- 
tiltTous  practice,  derived  nearly  lUl  their  supplits  ol  loivign 
meicuandize  from  rhit  town.  This  course  of  events  hned  the 
vaults  of  the  banks  in  cioston  with  inconijiaiibly  more  sj.erjie 
than  they  ever  held  before — and  r.dsi  il  ver>  heavy  balances  a- 
gaifist  tiie  banks  in  New-Yurk.  The  Piiiiadelpina  b.  nks  v\ere 
indebted  to  New  York;  tiiose  in  Bailiraore  to  Philadelphia; 
and  soon,  more  to  the  southward. 

It  ra'iy  not  be  unarausing  to  the  reader  to  explain  this  [)ro- 
cess  a  little  more  in  detail.  New  Y^ork  purchaseU  goods  large- 
ly in  Boston,  partly  for  bank  notes  and  partly  on  credit,  lor 
the  latter  portion  promissory  notes  were  given,  which  were 
transmitted  from  Boston  to  the  New-York  banks  for  collection. 
Very  large  purchases  were  likewise  made  in  Boston  by  citizens 
of  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Richmond,  Petersburg,  &c.  Pay- 
ments were  made  in  bank  notes,  9f  the  middle  and  southern 
states,  and  in  promissory  notes.  Both  were  sent  on  to  New- 
York,  the  hrst  for  transmission  to  the  banks  whence  they  were 
issued — ^and  the  second  for  collection. 

This  state  of  things  suggested  the  stupendous  iilea,  at  which 
the  reader  will  stand  aghast,  of  wielding  the  huancial  advanta- 
ges then  enjoyed  by  Boston,  to  produce  the  effect  which  the 
press  and  the  pulpit  had  failed  to  ^ccomptish'-<-that  is,  to  stop 
(lie  wheels  of  gojemmeni  hy  draining  the  banks  in  the  middle  and 
southern  states  of  their  specie^  and  thus  producing  an  utter  disa- 
bility to  fin  the  loans!! !  This  scheme  was  projected  in  the 
winter  of  1813^  14— and  immediate  arrangements  were  made 
to  carry  it  into  execution.  It  richly  earned  for  the  projectors 
the  heavy  curses  of  the  widows  and  or[>hans  and  other  persons 
on  whom  it  entailed  so  ranch  distress  and  ruin. 

Accordingly  the  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  southern  bank 
notes,  held  by  the  Boston  banks,  were  transmitted  with  de- 
mands for  their  amount  in  specie — and  drafts  were  likewise 
drawn  on  the  New  York  banks  for  the  balances  on  the  face  of 
the  books  to  enormous  amounts.  I  am  crediidy  informed  that 
the  sum  thus  drawn  was  eeves  or  eight  millions^  of  dollars 


^1 


*  When  I  wrote  this  passage  I  greatly  imderrated  the  amount  thus  withdrat^n 
from  the  middle  nod  floutliera  states,  which  Estimated  at  only  four  iniliioas(tf 
dollars.    Subsequent  enquiries  hare  satisfied  me  that  it  was  probably  double  tha^ 


3'16 


Tire  OLIVE  BhANCH. 


from  the  time  of  commenGing  these  operations  tiJI  the  Sist  of 
August,  1S14,  a  space  of  about  eight  months.  To  relieve 
themselves  from  this  pressure,  tlie  New  York  iianks  drew  as 
largely  as  tiie  state  of  the  accounts  wouM  admit,  on  those  in 
f  hilaitel|>hia — the  latter  on  those  in  Baltimore — ami  those  in 
the  latter  city  on  W  shington,  Alex  :in!na,  Jiiclimoncl,  A'c. 

A  fearful  alarm  spreHil  throuah  the  community.     'J'he  issue 
was  looked  for  with  terror.  Waggons  were  loaded  vilh  s[,'tcit' 
at  the  doors  of  our  hanks  }dm;i8t  every   week.     There   have 
heen  three  at  one  time  loadin<i:  in  Phil.idt'lj)hia.     The  hanks 
throughout  the  muldle  and  southern  states  were  obliged  to  cijiv 
tijil  their  discounts.     Bankruptcies  took  pi  tct  t<»  a  cousidert'le 
extent.     Fven  wealthy  men.  «ho  w«re  wholly  unprepared  for 
such  fv  crj«<is,  suffered  gre:<t   iiKonvenience.     Some  who  li.  d 
sU'}scTihed  to  the  loans  were  unable  to  comply  with  their  en- 
gagements: and  others  were  withlwld  from  subscribing,  by  I'le 
general  pressiire  for  money.     In  consequence,  the  loan,   hen 
pending,  partially  failed,  to  the  very  great  embarrassment  o(  ihe 
government,  and  distress  of  the  public.     This  ivas  the  nefarious 
object  in  view, 

1  have  before  me  "a  true  abstract  of  the  statements  of  the  se- 
veral bdnk  corporations  of  Massachusetts,  rendered  Jan.  1814." 
find  published  by  the  secretary  of  that  commonweahh,  IVora 
which  I  extract  the  amount  of  specie  in  their  vaults,  and  of 
their  notes  in  circulation. 


Massachusetts  Bank, 

Union, 

Boston, 

State, 

New  England,  '^'^' 

Mechanics, 


Specie, 

$2,114,164 

657,7fl5 

l,1tJ2,572 

4^59,066 

284.456 

47,391 


ti  ^rv; 


$  4,945,444 


Notes  in  drcuhtkn. 

682,708 
233,225 
369,903 
509,000 
161,170 
'      '        44,595 


2,000,601 


t)f  course  there  could  not  be  the  least  pretext  of  want  of 
specie,  to  answer  the  utmost  demand  that  could  he  reasonri'ly 
calculated  on.     They  possessec',  f'^r  every  hundred  dollars  of 

aninunt.  The  banlcs  from  New  York  to  Nor  folk  5nc1usiv*»l^,  fts  trell  BSir,"s<of 
those  to  the  westward,  were  li*erally  drained  of  their  specie,  and  nearly  rediiofd 
to  bankvuDtcy.  Two  millions  of  dollars  and  moie  have  fitqneiitly  b«t  n  cvp.  rl- 
ed  froij  Philadeldhia  for  the  East Tudies  in  single  seasons,  without  producing  an? 
sensible  effect. 


f  HE  OUV£  BRANCH.  3J7 

tbeir  notes  in  circulation,  nearly  250  dollara  in  specie^— a  state 
of  things  probably  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  banking,  from 
the  days  of  the  Lombards  to  the  present  time. 

No  man  can  pretend  that  with  the  above  enormous  amount  of 
specie  and  the  moderate  amount  of  notes  in  circulation,  these 
banks  would  have  deemed  it  either  advisable  or  necessary  to 
make  such  very  unusual  and  immoderate  drafts,  particularly 
at  the  season  of  the  year  when  this  project  was  commen- 
ced, unless  there  was  some  extraordinary  object  to  be  ac- 
complished. 

Notwithstanding  the  enormous  sums  of  specie  drawn  into  tlie 
town  of  Boston  from  New  York,  Philadel[)hia,  &c.  so  great 
was  the  drain  away  to  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  to  pay  for 
government  bills  an<l  for  smijg«;led  goods,  that  hut  a  very  mod- 
crate  sum  remained  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1813.  I  an- 
nex a  statement  of  the  amount  in  the  vaults  of  the  dilTerent 
banks  at  two  periods  subsequent  to  the  preceding  date,  from 
nvbich  an  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  pernicious  extent  to  which 
these  proceedings  were  carried. 


Massacliusetts  Bank, 

Union, 

Boston, 

State, 

New  England, 


Jt/ft/l,  1814. 

$  1,939,405 

639,789 

1,270,731 

1,114,421 

484,258 

Jan,  1,1815. 

763,682 
202,786 
691,729 
88,339 
252,832 

$  5,468,604 

1,999,368 

Thns  it  appears  that  in  six  mon4^B  the  amount  of  specie  had 
been  reduced  the  enormous  sum  of  nearly  three  millions  and  a 
half  of  dollars,  notwithstanding  the  continual  supplies  from  New 
York  till  the  31st  Aug.  1814. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  justify  the  extravagant  draftis 
above  stated,  as  merely  the  result  of  the  balance  of  trade  in  fa- 
vor of  Boston.  It  has  been  asserted,  that  it  was  no  more  than 
right  and  proper  for  the  banks  of  that  town  to  require  the  bal- 
ances due  them;  and  that  the  case  daily  occurs  of  banks  drarw- 
ing  on  each  other  in  a  similar  mode  when  balances  accrue. 

These  palliatives  will  not  stand  the  test  of  sober  examina- 
tion. A  large  portion  of  the  heaviest  drafts,  indeed  those  that 
first  excited  alarm,  were  made  during  the  winter,  when  the 
freight  was  20,  25,  or  30  per  cent,  higher,  in  consequence  of  the 
wretched  state  of  the  roads,  than  it  would  have  been  had  they 

■  D  d 


I 


31i)i 


Ml 


THE  OLIVE  BUANCH. 


\valtc4  a  few  wcrK^.  Tliis  is  a  conclinive  circumslantie  taken 
in  conjunction  vith  the  fact,  that  there  was  a  euperabunditnco 
of  specie  in  the  Boston  banks,  and  likewise  T\ith  the laboriouti, 
and  unceasing,  and  profligate  cflbrts  that  had  been  so  long  made 
to  destroy  the  pubMc  credit. 

It  is  well  known  to  every  person  in  the  slightest  degree  ac- 
4]uaintcd  with  banking,  that  wl>en  two  banke  in  different  ciii«s 
carry  on  a  large  intercourse  with  each  other,  bahinoes  will  arise 
in  favor  of  one  and  against  (he  other,  often  to  a  very  Icirge 
amount ;  which  bal.inces  remain  unclaimed  sometimes  lor 
months  together,  unUss  the  specie  be  actually  WKnted.  1  he 
banks  do  not  choose  unnecessarily  to  incur  the  expense  of  trans* 
portation — and  wait  in  expectation  of  the  balance  being  redii- 
ced  by  the  regular  operations  of  trade.  1  think  I  am  safe  in 
^snying  that  at  least  two  millions  of  dollars  are  constantly  ll)i;s 
circuiiistanced,  betwetn  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
"W'ashington,  ai;d  Richmond.  New  York  owes  largely  at  times 
to  Philadelphia — Philadelphia  at  other  times  to  New  York— 
and  so  of  banks  in  other  places.  ^i,*..  *i<t  v,-.  .  . 

To  render  tlie  stroke  at  public  credit  more  unerring,  and  la 
place  the  result  wholly  out  of  the  reach  of  contingency,  tiicrc 
was  an  arrangement  nuidc^  hy  some  persons  at  presctU  unknomi 
fvith  agents  of  the  govcrnmait  of  Lower  Canada,  whereby  an  m- 
mci%s€  amount  of  BriUsh  government  fci7fo,*  drawn  in  Quebec, 


*  These  hills  wei-e  openly  advertised  for  sale  in  the  Boston  paper?.    I  anpcv 
jriiailvcrtiseiuent  taken 

.*    f  v/VT'<.    ^rom  the  BoilonDaily  Advertiser,  Dec  16,  1814.   r   *  • . 
1  Bill  fi>n'rt«t-A'.ii?^>V;  »*\.  i»!fAit>».  »^    floO^  1  British  gcrernn^ent  hil's  'or  sale  'y 

1  ditto     *  arn    i/.(jii'^_nATn>     250  

j.  ditto     .•;•/•!;■'*.■:/•'.*  !>(!&; -iruhiLi    •*    203 


\  .  CHARLES  W.  GREEN, 

Jv  i',\     Ko.  44,  India  Wharf. 


:JX>t"  Jjj-TTj^  u*t  ^•»;§T^f  jv 


1,253 


Let  the  TeAder  after  having;  considered  thfe  above  ostentatious  mode  of  managinj 
the  Interfcurse  with  the  enemy,,  rompare  the  spirit  which  dictated  it  with  the  spi- 
rit of  thpt  revolutionary  war,  as  displayed  in  the  following  resolutions  and  ordi- 
nances taken  from  a  number  of  a  similar  character. 

'  June  2,  1775.  "  Resolved,  that  no  bill  of  exchange,  draft,  or  order,  of  any  of- 
ficer m  the  army  or  navy,  their  agents  or  contractors,  be  received  or  negociated, 
or  any  money  be  supplied  to  them  by  any  person  in  Aiuerica."  Journals  q/*  Cm- 
grfss,  vol.  i.  p?ige  105.  , 

March  27,  1781.  "  It  is  hereby  ordained,  that  the  citizens  and  inhabitant-:  of 
these  United  States  be.  and  they  are  strictly  enjoined  and  required  to  al  stais 
from  all  intercourse,  correspondence,  or  dealiats  whatsoever  with  -the  subjects  of 
the  king  of  Great  £ritaiti,  while  at  open  war  with  these  United  States,  flj  ^tS 
sfutU  nnsTver  tht  same  at  their  periL  And  the  executives  of  the  several  states  are 
hereby  called  upon  to  take  the  most  vigilant  and  effectual  measures  for  drtectit; 
^cli  intercourse,  correspondence,  or  deaKngs,  and  bringing  the  authors  thertfj, 
ff  tfkBi&i. concerned  therpin,  <» condign  punisment."    Idem,  vol.  vii.  page  60. 


•.i«- 


VHE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


:n<> 


;  t:ikeu 
nrtanco 
)orioui), 
g  made 


Eiee  ac« 


mntransmiiled  Jor  sale  to  New  York,  rhUadelphia,  and  BaUi' 
7norc,  and  disposed  of  to  monkd  men,  on  such  advantageous  tenns 
as  induced  tlum  to  make  large  purchases.  Anil  thus  was  absorb- 
ed u  very  large  portion  of  the  capital  ol'  these  three  cities. 

These  bills  were  for\varde>i  lhrouf''»  trusty  persons!  in  Koaton, 
and  the  proceeds  being  placed  to  tht  credit,  addeil  immensely 
to  the  command  the  Uoston  banks  had  acquired,  by  the  extftn^, 
of  the  smuggling  trade,  over  those  in  the  middle  and  southern 
plates. 

Let  us  here  make  a  solemn  pause.  Let  us  sfrip  these  facta 
of  the  thin  veil  thrown  over  them.  Let  us  consider  tliQm  in  all 
their  nakedues?,  in  all  their  deformity.. 

My  heart  sickens  at  tiie  investigation.  I  turn  with  disgust^ 
^uth  horror,  with  affright.  Boston,  the  cradle  of  the  revolu^ 
tion,  which  claims  so  high  a  degree  of  pre-eminence  for  her  nio- 
r2lity  and  religion,  atler  having  failed  in  her  endeavoi-s  to  pre* 
vent  the  success  of  tfie  loans,  draws  away  the  specie  from-tlie 
middle  and  southern  states,  la  bankrupt  the  government,  regard- 
less of  the  universal  ruin  in  which  it  would  involve  indiscrimi- 
nately, friends  of  war — friends  of  peace — federalists — demo- 
crats— young  and  old — men,  women,  and  children !  And,  to 
add  a  deeper  dye  to  the  transaction^  the  specie  ts  transmitted  to  Ca- 
nada, and  enables  the  enetmf  to  despatch  his  red  allies  to  snrisn  in 
blood  ontke  d^fimcless  frontiers  of  their  own  ccunlry  /*    Tins  ia- 


't 


June  21.  1782i  *'  Whereas  som^  of  the  inbabiiants  of  the  Uoitad  States, 
prompted  either  by  a  sordid  attachment  to  gain,  or  by  a.  secret  conspiracy  with 
the  enemies  of'  their  conntry,  are  wickedly  engaged  in  carrying  on  an  illicit  traf« 
iic  with  their  enemies,  whereby  a  market  is  provided  /or  British  merchandiset. 
THE  CIRCULATING  SPECIE  IS  EXPORTED  FROM  THE  UiNITED 
SrTATES,  the  payment  of  taxes  rendered  more  difficult  and  burdensome  to  the 
people  at  large,  and  great  discouragement  occasioned  to  honest  and  lawful  com- 
merce : 

**Re9olved,  that  it  be  and  hereby  is  recommeDdefl  to  the  legislatures  of  the  sev- 
r.fal  states,  to  adopt  the  most  eflS^cacioun  measui'es  for  suppressing  all  trajjic  and 
illidl  inter coune  bbtweenthtir  respective  ciHsens  and  the  enemy. 

"  Resolved,  tfiSt  tlitf  legislatures,  or  in  their  recess,  the  executives  of  the  sev- 
eral states,  be  earnestly  requested  to  impress,  by  every  means  iu  their  power,  oa. 
llieir  respective  citizens  at  large,  the  baneful  consequences  apprehended  by  coo- 
cress  from  a  CONTINUANCE  OP  THIS  ILLICIT  AND  INFAMOUS  TRAP 
FIC,  arid  the  necessity  of  their  co-operating  with  the  public  measures  by  such 
upited,  patriotic  and  vigilant  excrtious,  as  will  detect  and  bring  to  legal  punish 
rient  thou  nho  shall  in  any  manner  have  been  concerned  thertin.  Idem,  pag<^ 
301. 

*  Mr.  I)0>Tell  has  attempted  to  deny  the  exlsteoee  of  this  arrangement,  Biil 
it  stan<!s  on  too  Strong  ground  to  admit  of  beina;  disproved.  That  these  bills  to  ai^^ 
immoderate  amouat,  were  transmitted  from  Quebec  j  that  they  were  drawn  fos* 
the  support  of  the  armies  employed  in  hostilities  against  this  country  ;  that  they 
\»ere  paid  for  in  specie,  devoted  to  the  support  of  those  armies;  are  facts  too 
xtuhborn  to  be  set  aside.  I  hereby  publicly  dare  him  or  any  other  person  in  tius 
union  to  disprove  any  of  them.  Tiiey  are  abundantly  sufficient  (o  e.^t'iblls!:  th* 
iiiiqiiit}-  or,  the  cas«.  ,         ■ 


•3^0 


l^Hfi  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


the  work  of  faction,  the  heaviest  scourge  that  ever  issued  froi/i 
Pandora's  Ik>x  ! 

The  cun9equ«nces  of  those  vile  opemtions  are  still  severely 
fe!t.     Mnnj  estimable  individuals  have  been  absolutely  ruined. 

Bank  jmper  became  an  object  of  brokerage,  and  was  sold  at 
various  rates  from  three  to  ten  per  cent,  discount.  A  general 
•tngnntion  was  produced.  The  loss  fell  most  heavily  on  the 
poor,  as  IB  usual  in  ail  such  eases.  The  rich  were  enabled  to 
make  most  extravagant  profits ;  and  many  of  them  w  ere  liter- 
ally preying  upon  the  middle  and  poorer  classes  of  society.-*. 
The  entire  profits  of  business  were  swallowed  up  by  the  ex- 
travagant discounts  paid  on  bank  paper,  a  case  hitherto  mtr 
known  in  this  pert  of  the  country.  And  thus,  in  a  season  of 
distress  am!  difSculty,  the  embarrassments  of  the  citizens  were 
tWublcd  or  tvel)led.  And  what  is  the  most  daring  and  profligctf 
part  of  the  business,  the  men  who      '    ;»     •  v/'  ' '  ^ 

,     ^    ,  '^  Have  played  these  pranks  before  high  hcavcn^^ 

were  impudent  enough  to  charge  th/t  whole  of  the  distress  to  llie 
account  of  the  administration !    is     ?   *j,|^»i>-,    •'f>i.' >   .;    t 
'*-'     "  TIu  offence  is  rank— -it  smtUs  to  heaven*"^       '»   '• 

To  render  the  affair  more  shocking,  inore  gross,  more  hideous, 
those  who  perpetrated  this  wickedness,  hypocritically  refused 
to  rejoice  in  the  victories  of  their  country — as  "unbecoming a 
niorai  and  religious  people  ! !  !*' 

There  is  no  country  :n  the  world,  but  the  United  States, 
wherein  such  a  «rime  could  be  perpetrated  with  impunity.  Even 
by  our  mildest  of  all  mild  constitutions,  it  is  treason. 

'*  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  io  le* 
^^  vying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  tlieir  enemies,  GIV- 
'ING  THEM  AID  AND  COMFORT." 

If  supplying  an  enemy  with  specie  to  enable  him  to  carry  on 
the  war  against  their  native  country,  be  not  giving  bim  "  aid  ad 
comfort,^''  and  that  of  the  most  substantial  kind,  1  know  not^viiat 
are  "  aid  and  comfort.*" 

Every  man  concerned  in  the  business  of  furnishing  these 
aids  to  the  enemy,  is  ipso  facto  a  traitor — his  life  lias  beai  for- 
feited. That  he  has  not  expiated  his  crime  by  paying  the  fo^ 
feit,  he  owes  to  the  ill-requited  lenity  of  an  insulted  govern- 
ment. Every  person  "who  knew  of  the  commission  of  the  crime, 
and  did  not  reveal  it,  was  guilty  of  misprision  of  treason. 

Compare  this  offence  with  the  rebellion  in  Massachusetts  un- 
der S!u<ys;  with  the  whiskey  insurrection,  in  the  neighlioihowl 
of  Pittsburg ;  or  with  that  of  the  poor,  deluded,  ignorant  Frie?' 
You  may  as  well  compare  the  Andes  to  Mount  Pleasant ! 


TTHE  or  lA      BRANCII. 


321 


Thii  crime  in  England  woiil  Mil^uct  '^^^  perpetrator  ehhev 
to  be  hung  and  gibbetted,  or  to  >  bung,  d  iwn,  and  rpiarter  d. 
In  the  (brtncr  case,  iiia  carcase  \Nuuid  be  exi'oit^d  >^.  dev-  n 
ed  by  obscene  bisds  of  i)rey.  In  the  latter,  hit  1  .d  woui  in; 
elevated  as  un  ornament  on  the  tower  of  London,  deter  (*.  ner 
traitors  from  the  i)er()etration  of  similar  crimes. 

Let  ui  once  more,  though  the  sight  turn  us  aghast,  exaaiiqe 
this  hideous  scene — which  sinks  the  perpetrators  and  conoi- 
vers  into  the  lowest  ahyss  of  infamy. 

Men,  in  the  ''  moral  and  relirions'*^  town  of  Boston,  are 
S7*  obliged  to  lend  their  monty  to  Umr  own  government  by  stealth. 
But  ill  the  face  of  day,  within  the  knowledge  of  a  whole  com- 
mittiity,  rtT*  <A«j^  send  specie  to  the  common  enemy  to  support  him 
tti(uinst  their  own  country !  Can  human  nature  sink  lower  ? — 
They  are  0:7=  ^''too  moral  and  too  religious''^  to  rejoice  at  Hu  vic- 
tories of  their  fellow-citizens-^ut  [t?"  thn^  are  neither  "  too  mo- 
ral nor  too  relisious'*^  to  aid  the  enemy  tp  victory !  An  age  of  pe- 
nitence in  sackcloth  and  ashed  would  not  efface  this  foul  blot 
from  the  eseut<iheoi» of ' Boston.  '  rf a> » >n >  hi :>!> umi »  hj ^i 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  add  a  shade  to  the  enormity  of  this 
cri'me.  But  one  circumstance  greatly  enhauces  its  atrocity. — 
It  was  perpetrated  while  negociations  for  peace  were  pending; 
the  success  whereof  it  had  so  direct  a  tendency  to  defeat,  by 
placing  the  British  in  a  situation  to  rise  in  their  demands;  al<> 
though  the  guilty  persons  professed  tO!" belong, to  the  "p?acc 

^^^y*       '■■'  ..'..1     *Li3  m  ^rittiKK*  on  *{ 'Maii  T  *, 

.iivr-i^Aj  tii.i$  i$i^m\    "•'*"' Tvliftjiia  to  !s»»t*lir«  til'.-  ^k 


Ui 


V  i 


Subject  continued.    Brief  statement  of  facts*         .i 

The  immense  magnitude  of-  the  suliject  of  tl|e  conspiracy, 
stated  in  the  preceding  chapters,  induces  me  to  dwell  a  little 
longeron  it.  And  as  I  may  have  been  led  astray  by  the  infat^ 
nation  and  delusion  whiclr  is  felt  by  almost  every  man  who 
forms  an  hypothesisj  I  shall  therefore  state  anew  the  nake'd 
facts  of  the  case,  unaccompanied  by  my  comments.  Let  the 
reader  duly  weij^h  the  evidence,  and  acquit  or  condemn  the  ac- 
cused town,  as  he  may  Judge  projier. 

L  Engagements  were  entered  into  in  Boston  by  individ- 
uals, pledging  themselves  not  to  subscribe  to  the  goverameBt- 

"^         ,        .  n  ,o  -^^ 


322 


THE  OLIVE  BilANCH. 


II.  When  sorno  of  them  nritrwanU  did  subacribe,  Uicjr  fuund 
it  oeceEiBary  to  do  it  "  secretin/,''  to  uvoid  (he  odium  and  the  per- 
Beculion  excited  against  all  who  lent  their  money  to  the  gov- 
ernment.  « 

III.  The  utmost  influence  of  that  powerful  instrument,  the 
presB,  and  likewise  of  the  pulpit,  was  employed  to  discourage 
and  denounce  subsoribers  to  the  loans.  They  were  proscribed 
OS  ^*  in/tttnouSt^  in^the  public  papers  most  extensively  pat> 
ronised ;  and  declared,  in  those  papers,  and  from  the  pulpit  to 
be  absolute  *^  murderers," 

IV.  During  the  winter,  when  the  roads  were  in  wretched  o^ 
der,  and  when  carriage  was  of  course  from  20  to  30  |>er  cent, 
dearer  than  the  common  freight,  iXy'  the  Boston  banks  wade  iin. 
moderate f  continued^  oppressioey  unprecedented,  and  koslUe  drafts 
for  specie  on  the  New  York  banks.  J^ 

V.  At  this  period  the  former  banks  had  in  1)*eir  vaults  an 
unparalleled  quantity  of  specie — on«  hundred  and  fifty  ptr  cent, 
fnore  than  tlicir  notes  in  circulation. 

VI.  These  drafts  were  continued  through  the  spring  tuad 
summer,  and  obliged  the  banks  in  the  middle  ami  soutliem 
states  so  far  to  curtail  their  accommodations,  as  to  bring  ths 
commercial  world  to  the  terge  of  bankruptcy.  Large  and  ru^ 
Inous  bankruptcies  did  take  place  :  twenty  ancl  upwards  occur* 
red  in  New  York  in  one  day. 

■  YII.  These  drafts  were  carried  to  such  a  great  extenft,  that 
©n  the  26th  of  August  the  banks  in  Baltimore — on  the  2&(ij 
those  in  Philadelphia — and  on  the  3l8t  those  in  New  York, 
"Were  reduced  to  the  painful  necessity  of  suspending  the  pay> 
nent  of  specie. 

VIII.  Contemporaneously  vritb  these  immoderate  drafts,  a 
Tcry  large  amount  of  bills  drawn  by  the  government  of  Lower 
Canada,  were,  through  the  medium  of  agents  in  Boston,  distri- 
buted in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore. 

IX.  These  bills  prodigiously  increased  the  balances  against 
the  southern  bauks,  and  the  power  of  drawing  posEtCssed  by 
those  in  Boston. 

X.  The  specie  received  for  these  bills  from  New  York  was  fin^* 
warded  to  the  agents  of  the  government  of  Canada. 

XL  When  subscriptions  for  loans  were  opened,  large  quanti- 
ties of  public  Block  were  sent  from  Boston  to  the  markets  iu 
New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore,  and  sold  at  redu* 
«ed  rates,  to  tempt  the  monied  people  to  invest  their  money 
tiit^rein,  and  thus  to  impede  tbo  success. of  the  pemdiog  loans. 


•* 


THK  OLIVE  RRANCH. 


323 


I  Bubmii  nil  Hicse  strons  fact*  to  the  reader.  Let  liim  e:^am* 
itie  thetn  au<l  iU*cule  for  himacir.  If  lie  be  nn  upright,  cuikIkI, 
honor  ibie  man — if  he  hivo  a  spark  of  |»ul)l'c  i>\mi[  iu  liU  coiu* 
position — if  ho  have  not  renounced  hII  jjrctensions  to  (lie  name 
of  a  WashingtoniSn — he  will  proiiouuce  sentence  of  infaniy 
against  this  transaction,  all  its  ai;<«nts,  it»  emi^i^nries,  its  accoino 
pUces,  and  Against  all  w\\o  connived  at  it.  If  this  be  ^^fedcv' 
alisM  of  the  Boston  sltunp,^*  {  truiit  the  high-minded  and  honest 
federalist!^  of  the  middle  and  southern  sluteti,  will  renounce  the 
edious  connexion,  and  disclaim  all  participation  in  such  ntfuri- 
ous,  such  treaaonalile  practices. 

Mr.  Oakley,  a  member  of  the  house  of  reprrsventatives  of  the 
United  States,  in  a  violent  and  declamatory  speech,  a1ied{rcd 
the  strongest  charges  of  gross  miemanagement  and  inrapB<ity 
against  the  administration,  for  disadvantageous  contracts  made 
for  some  of  the  loans,  whereby  millions  of  dollat's  were  lost  tQ 
the  nation.  Ail  these  losses  and  disadvantages  are  fairly  charge- 
able to  this  conspiracy. 

A  few  ambitious  demagogues  in  Boston  have  been  the  guide 
of  federalists  throughout  the  union.  They  have  led  them  a  de- 
iiious  course  from  the  paths  prescribed  by  Wasiiington.  They 
have  allured  them  to  the  brink  of  insurrectioB,  rebellion,  civil, 
ivar,  and  horrible  devaatation,  which  are  all  synonimous  with  a 
dituohition  of  the  union.  Whether  the  latter  will  have  mac:na« 
nimity  and  fortitude  eoougb  to  regain  the  honorable  paths  fioiifi 
^hich  they  have  been  seduced,  remaina  to  be  seen.  Their 
contemporaneous  Enme — their  character  with  posterity — their 
peace,  their  happiness,  their  prosperity'-^the  fate  of  their  wive^. 
and  children — tbd  destiny  of  their  country — the  question  whe- 
ilier  we  shall  be  united  as  a  band  of  brothers,  or  involved  in 
•ivil  war,  with-  its  train  of  horrors-<^ai'e  all  at  stake.  The  stake 
is  immense.  Pray  hoAven  they  may  form  a  just  and  enlight> 
«d  decision. 


CHAPTER  LV. 

Massackusetis  compared  with  Tennessee.    The  blind  leading  the 
blituL    Profits  of  trade  fifty  per  cenl^  t    Hoa4  to  Huin, 

Never  die:  f;;ction  rtiore  comf)1etely  degrade  and  sink  a  peo- 
ple, than  she  haa  done  in  Massachusetts.  That  once  high-mijQ« 
ded  stale  was  attacked  by  the  British  with  a  small  force.  They 
were  allowed,  without  an  effort,  to  dismember  it.    They  estab- 


I 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


lished  a  regular  government  in  their  conquests.  As  no  effort 
^vas  made  by  tins  state,  ^liose  population  amounts  to  above 
700,000  free  people,  to  prevent  the  conquest,  so  none  was  made 
to  cxpei  the  enemy.  Enslaved  by  factioj^,  she  whined,  and 
scolded,  and  murmured,  and  winced,  and  threatened,  and  cursed 
the  administration  for  not  defending  her,  although  she  had  m«de 
every  possible  exertion  to  enfeeble  the  government,  and  ren- 
der it  incapai^Ie  of  defence.  iivf-Li 

To  sum  up  the  whole.  Massachusetts  iras  energetic,'  firing 
bold,  daring,  and  decisive  in  a  contest  with  the  general  govern-' 
ment.  She  would  not  abate  an  inch.  She  dared  it  to  a  con-' 
fiict.  She  seized  it  by  the  throat,  determined  to  strangle  it  !— 
She  was  untameable  as  a  lion,  or  a  tiger,  or  a  panther.  But 
she  was  long-suffering,  and  mild,  and  patient,  and  harmless,  and 
inoflfensiTe,  and  gentle,  and  meek,  as  a  lamb,  or  a  turtle-dove, 
when  she  came  in  contact  with  the  enemy ! 

There  is  some  mystery  hangs  about  this  affair,  which  time 
alone  can  develope.  That  the  British  should  attack  Massacha- 
setts,  where  they  have  so  many  friends,  and  spare  Pennsylva- 
nia, where  the  great  minority  are  hostile  to  them,  is  so  contrary 
to  all  the  rules  of  true  policy,  as  to  be  almost  inexplicable.  I 
dare  not  trust  myself  to  hazard  a  conjecture  On  the  subject.— 
The  tame  acquiescence  of  such  a  powerful  slat^,  in  so  degrading 
a  situation,  must  have  some  extraordinary  motive.  None  CC' 
curs  to  my  mind  that  I  would  choose  to  commit  to  paper. 

But  mark  the  contrast  I — what  a  contrsst !  Tennessee*  with 
a  large  territot-y  Of  43,000  aq^are  mHes— a  white  {lopulation  of 
only  217,7'27^-and  a  blaek  ohe  of  44,535,  to  guard  against^  is  as- 
sailed by  the  most  powerful  combination  of  Indians,  and  those 
of  the  bravest  cbaraet«r  that  ever  exiisted  sihc«  the  first  settle- 
ment of  this  country.  Sh«  neither  winced— nor  whined — nor 
cursed  the  government—nor  shrunk  from  danger — nor  threat- 
ened a  separation.  She  arose  in  her  strength.  She  girded  on 
her  armour.  She  called  her  sons  from  the  counter  and  the 
plough — from  the  anvil  and  the  toom — from  the  bench  and  the 
bar-— from  the  senate-house  and  the  coimcil-chambcr-^nd  with 
a  very  small  degr«e  of  assistance  from  Georgia,  she  vanquished 
the  hardy  warriors,  whom  a  false  reliance  on  British  aid  had  al- 
lured to  their  ruin.  Every  successive  effort  on  the  part  of  thfr 
deluded  assailants  was  equally  pregnant  with  destruction.  Com- 
pletely vanquished,  they  bent  their  necks  to  the  yoke.  'J'hey 
cursed  that  seduction  which  tempteu  ihem  from  ease,  andcom- 
fort,  and  happiness ;  and  on  the  forehead  of  theirnation  impriot° 
ed  the  broad  seal  of  perdition. 


f-  .».      t;-  fi 


'THB'  olive  BRANCH; 


025 


Since  the  above  was  written,  Tenneasee  has  earned  tenfold 
fame  by  tbe  heroism  and  public  spirit  her  hardy  sons  have 
displayed  at  New  Orleans,  where  they  acquired  not  merely  for 
themselves — and  their  own  state — ^but  for  the  entire  nation,  a 
wreath  of  imperishable  glory.  In  this  grand  achievement  Ken^ 
tucky  partook  largely.  Bolh  these  noble  states  poured  forth 
their  sons  by  thousands,  some  of  them  from  a  distance  of  near- 
ly eight  hundred  miles,  to  repel  the  invaders  of  their  native 
country.  With  what  effect  they  performed  this  patriotic  ser- 
vice, history  will  convey  to  posterity,  countless  aees  hence. — 
It  will  be  a  subject  of  laudable  pride  to  belong  to  a  nation, 
.whose  lawyers,  and  doctors — whose  farmers  and  shopkeepers — 
whose  clerks  and  mechanics,  hastily  collected  together,  signal- 
ly defeated  an  army  of  veterans,  as  formidable  as  any  equal 
number  ever  arrayed  in  arms. 

The  genius  of  Columbia  hides  her  face  with  shame,  and  sor- 
row, and  anguish,  when  she  regards  the  ancient  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts, degenerated  from,  and  a  disgrace  to,  her  hardy  ances- 
tors. But  she  looks  down  with  pride,  and  pleasure,  and  exuft- 
alion,  on  Ihe  youthful,  high-spirited,  patriotic,  and  heroic  Ten- 
nessee and  Georgia. 

It  is  hardly  possible  \o  find  a  stronger  contrast — more  dis- 
graceful on  the  one  side— more  honourable  on  the  other. 

ir^iittu  M. :;  TIi^  I' l^ fid  leading  Ihs  hlind»  ^  ,  ,  ,,  ...  i-*-.^  J 
There  is  no  man  whose  zeal  in  inflaming  the  public  mind} 
has  equalled  that  of  the  writer  of  the  Road  to  Ruin.  He  has 
published  as  many  different  sets  of  papers  to  excite  the  abhor- 
rence and  detestation  of  the  eautern  states  against  the  adminis- 
tration, as  would  fill  two  or  three  lai^e  volumes.  He  is,  in  pol- 
itics, as  very  an  enrage  as  ever  lived.  So  violent  are  his  pas« 
sions  on  this  topic,  that  they  lead  him  eternally  astray.  H<^ 
t;ommits  himself  by  the  most  extravagant  positions,  which  noth- 
iui;  but  the  epidemical  nsadness  of  the  times  would  have  suffer- 
ed to  escape  the  keenest  ridicule. 

In  "  the  Road  to  Ruin,"  he  most  pathetically  deplores  the 
destruction  of  commerce,  and  the  introduction  of  manufactures, 
both  of  which  he  regards  as  ^qual  subjects  of  lamentation. — 
And  to  make  the  stronger  ap()eal  to  the  passions  of  his  readers 
— to  enhance  the  misfortune  of  the  loss  of  commerce — he  very 
gravely  states  its  profits  at  ^*  fifty  per  cent !!  T  It  is  even  so« 
reader.  ^^  Fifty  per  cciit ! :  T  It  is  hard  to  conceive  a 
his/her  grade  of  extravagance  and  folly.  The  average  profits 
of  successful  commerce  are  not  twelve  per  cent.  And  if  the 
whole  of  the  commercial  capital  employed  in  this  country,  du- 


£!'■'•  ^ 


i 


■  - 1  :'4 


UM. 


"■(('■  si 


3^ 


THE  OLIVE  BUAN€1I. 


ring  lh€  laftt  twenty  years,  be  taken  into  view,  including  th;  t 
of  the  merchants  who  imve  become  bankrupts,  it  is  probable 
that  the  profits  do  not  exceed  eight  per  cent.  The  failures  a- 
mong  that  class  are  very  numerous,  and  out  of  all  proportion 
greater  than  amonp;  any  other.  Of  the  merchants  in  New  York 
and  Philadelfihia  who  were  in  eminence  ten  years  ago,  1  think 
1  am  warranted  in  saying,  that  nearly  two-thirds  Fmve  been  ut- 
terly ruined.  It  is  well  known  tiiat  the  West  India  trade  has 
been  almost  always  a  losing  one.  In  fact,  of  the  few  fortunate 
merchants  who  escape  ship-wreck,  it  may  be  fairly  said, 

"  Apparent  rari  nantes  in  gurgile  vasto." 

This  writer  is  either  a  deceiver — or  ne  has  deceived  himself. 
In  either  case  he  is  *'  a  blind  leader  of  the  blind,''''  And  it  can 
never  be  suflicientiy  deplored,  Ihat  a  man  in  this  situation 
should  have  had  so  very  pernicious  an  influence  on  the  desti- 
nies of  eight  millions  of  people  and  their  posterity.  He  has  chn- 
gen  a  most  felicitous  title — *'  The  Road  to  RMm"-*afid  verily 
he  has  so  long  been  leading  his  deluded  followers  on  "  the  road 
to  ruin^^''  that  he  has  brought  them  to  the  very  verge  of  the  pre- 
cipice. 

Lest  the  reader  should  suppose  I  have  done  him  it\justice,  I 
Bubmit  his  own  words.  If  1  have  tortured  his  meaning,  on 
my  head  be  all  the  censure  I  have  so  freely  bestowed  upon 

<*^  Wt  fekt  Aomintdtau^Uai  fohkh  pr^tduetd  FIFTY  PER  CEN^T.  and  vjt 
invutiiinmanxifatturesy  PRECARIOUS  IN  THEIR  NA.TmiEv^lH9h  i«»7 
never  produce  twenty,  aud  which  may  prove  our  ruin.*'^  ;         / 

This  short  paragraph  is  as  fallacious  as  any  equal  number  of 
linfis  ever  published.  Every  position  it  lays  down  is  decep> 
tious.  When  the  writer  emphatically  states,  that  manufactures 
are  ^*  precarious  in  their  nature,^  he  must  mean,  by  way  of  con- 
tradistinction, that  commerce  is  blest  with  absolute  security.— 
Both  are  arrant  errors.  Commerce  is  proverbially  insecure.— 
No  degree  of  prudence  affords  full  security  in  thatdepartmeni 
Manufactures,  prudently  managed,  have  as  much  certainty  as  a 
ny  other  human  undertakings  whatever. 

One  word  more.     What  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  the 

assertions,  the  insinuations,  the  allegations,  on  subjects  abstrusi:' 

•r  difficult  to  decide  upon,  of  a  man  who  makes  such  an  egre 

gious,  such  a  momentous  error  in  a  case  where  detection  Ireail 

80  closely  on  his  heels  ? f  /t"*^      ?»^»^  i 

.  *Sec  in  the  Examiner,  vol   i,  page  141,  the  Road  to  Ruin,  No.  Vlif. 

f  I  here  make  u  public  apology  for  having  erroneou^ily  aacrihed  thi^se  seiliVio; 
and  inflammatory  puhUcations  to  the  late  amiable  judge  Lowell.     Mydist"" 
from  the  place  of  their  publication  will,  I  trust,  apologize,  m  weU  jj  a  cm:' 


Ihc  error. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


a:^) 


CHAPTEB  xyr. 


A*  -rr-? 


Pulpit  politics.  Prostitution  of  the  sacred  functions.  Massatr^ 
on  hoard  the  Ocean.  An  antlwlogi/  of  sedition.  Success  of  the 
war. 


|n  egie 


•'  Politics  and  the  pulpit  nra  tcrmo  (Int  Iiave  little  agrrement.  ^*^  No  sound 
ot!!!;ht  to  be  heard  in  the  church  but  the  voice  of  healing  charity.''''  [  .» iiat  a  divine 
i(!eft  !]  *'  The  cause  ol'  civil  lihtvty  and  civil  govpriiijifiit  gains  ns  liUle  as  that 
of  rcli<;ioii,  by  this  conlusion  of  duties.  Ihos*  wijo  quit  their  proper  character 
lo  as«im)e  what  does  i)ot  helonc  to  them,  are  for  the  grtaterpart,  both  igtinriintof 
the  character  they  leave,  and  of  the  character  they  assume,  wholly  unaccjuainted 
with  t!ie  world,  iu  which  they  are  so  fond  of  niediing.  and  in«'\i>erienced  jii  all  ite 
iitj'airs,  on  which  they  pronounce  with  <o  much  confidence  tiny  know  nothing  of 
politics  but  the  passions  they  excite,  rj^  Surely  the  church  is  n  piece  where  one 
diiy''s  truce  ought  to  be  allorvcd  to  the  diii>.iilions  and  animosities  ofvuinkind.'''' 

Burke.  , 

Of  all  (he  abominations  that  disgrace  and  dishonour  this 
country  in  these  portentous  times,  I  know  nothing  more  deserv- 
ing of  reprobation  than  the  prostitution  of  the  pulpit  for  party 
or  political  purposes.  No  man  of  correct  mind  can  seriously 
reflect  upon  it  without  shuddering  with  horror.  ^"' '      ' 

A  clergyman,  whose  functions  pre'-eminently  require  him  lo 
preach  ^^  peace  and  good  mill  among  men^''^  ascends  tlie  pulpit  a- 
jnong  a  congregation  assemhled'to  unite  in  praising  and  adoring 
(heir  Omnipotent  Creator.  He  holds  in  his  handsthe  testament 
of  Jesus  Christy  whidi  breathes  nothing  but  peace — he  pronounces ^ 
and  has  for  a  text\  the  words  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  of  his  apostles,  6jf 
Hie  most  pacific  tendency/  :  and,  as  a  suitable  accompaniment,  for 
an  hour  long  he  employs  all  his  zeal,  all  his  talents,  all  his  in-  ^ 
fluence,  for  the  anti-chfistian,  the  inhuman  purpose  of  enkind' 
ling  among  his  hearers  f/w  most  baleful,  ihe  mosifurious  passions 
— of  preparing  them  for  insurrection  and  r  evolution — for  (dl  the 
horrors  of  civil  war  i 

"  The  alternative  then  is,  that  if  j^u  do  not  wtah  to  become  the  slaves  of  those 
who  own  slaves,  and  who  »re  themselves  the  si  ves  of  Frend»   slaves,  you'iHust  • 
cither,  in  the  lat-guage^of  the  day,  CUT  THE  CONNEXION,   or  «o  far  alt«  ; 
the  national  compact,  as  to  insure  yourselves  a  due  share  in  the  government/* 

This  elegant  and  sublime  morceau;  which  breathes  so  much 
of  the  spirit  of  St.  Paul,  "•  let  every  soul  he  subject  to  the  hightr 
powers,"  is  taken  from  a  sermon  preached  in  Boston,  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Gardiner,  July  23, 1812.  The  christian  injunction 
of  "  cidting  (lie  connexion,"  that  is,  05^  rebelling  against  their 
own  government,  >vonderfully  accoixls  with  the  declaration  of 
the  text,  which,  gentle  reader,  is— [pT* "  I  am  for  peace  "-^ 


32S 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


P«alm  1 20,  V,  7,  Never  vraa  there  a  more  wonderful  associa- 
tion— UJ-' "  Cut  the  connexim'^ — and  [tT'  "  I  am  for  peace .'" 
From  such  apostles  of  peace,  good  Lord  deliver  us  ! 

It  is  impossible  much  to  aggravate  the  hideonsness  of  this 
lirocedure.  But  when  the  preacher  commits  himself  bj  false- 
hood, even  undesignedly,  as  sometimes  happens,  it  caps  the 
odious  climax.  On  the  eve  of  a  general  election  a  few  years 
since  in  Massachusetts,  to  answer  the  purposes  of  party,  a  fab* 
ulous  story  was  circulated,  that  the  French  had  massacred  the 
crew  of  a  vessel  called  the  Ocean.  It  was  one  of  the  thousand 
falsehoods  invented  to  answer  momentary  purposes  cf  the  snme 
kind.  A  clergyman,  whose  name  I  spare,  seized  the  story 
with  avidity — wove  it  into  his  sermon — and  invoked  the  ven- 
geance of  heaven  on  the  murderers.  But  mark  the  end  of  it. 
The  holy  zeal  of  the  auditory  had  not  time  to  c  joI,  when,  to 
cover  the  preacher  with  confusion,  a  resurrection  of  the  mur- 
dered crew  took  place.  They  returned  home,  safe  and  sound, 
from  the  stillettos  and  daggers  of  the  blood-thirsty  French— 
and  held  out  a  strong  memento  to  the  preacher  against  a  repeti- 
tion of  such  an  anti-christian  procedure.- 

The  practice  of  preaching  political  sermons  is  utterly  im- 
proper, even  when  a  congregation  are  all  united — all  of  one 
sentiment,  if  such  a  case  ever  occurred.  But  when  they  are 
divided,  as  must  necessarily  almost  always  happen,  what  a 
view  does  it  present  ?  That  portion  of  the  congregation  dif- 
fering from  the  politics  of  the  preacher,  are  reduced  to  the  al- 
ternative of  either  absenting  themselves  fromf  divine  worship. 
or  sitting  patiently  silent  under  the  undeserved  reproaches,  and 
abuse,  and  maledictions  of  a  man  who  fiies  in  the  face  of  all  liis 
duties,  and  to  whom  they  cannot  offer  a  reply. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  abom- 
ination which  I  have  here  denounced,  and  of  the  justice  of  the 
denunciation  itself,  I  present  him  with  an  anthology,  selected 
from  the  sermons  lif  three  clergymen,  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Parish, 
Osgood,  and  Gardiner,  to  whom  no  small  portion  of  the  seeds 
ef  insurrection,  rebellion,  and  civil  war,  so  plentifully  sown  in 
the  eastern  states,  is  justly  chargeable.  Never,  since  the  first 
establishment  of  the  clerical  functions,  were  they  more  misera- 
bly employed — more  contrary  to  the  divine  injunctions  of  the 
meek  and  mild  Jesus,  whose  disciples  these  revert^nd  gentlemen 
profess  to  be — whose  doctrines  they  [)rofess  to  teach— and 
whose  example  they  profess  to  follow,  and  to  hoM  out  for  imi- 
tation. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


n^o 


1 

From  Ou  Rev.  J.  S.  J.  Gardiner y  A.  M.  reelor  of  Trinity  Churchy 

Boston, 

«' The  British,  after  all,  save  for  ud  by  their  convoys,  in  finitely  more  pronorlr 
than  they  depiivt-  iia  of.  WHERE  THEY  TAKE  ONE  SIJIP,  TIIEV 
PROTECT  TWENTY.  Where  tUey  commit  one  outrage,  they  do  many  acU 
of  kindness."     Discourse  delivered  April  9,  1812,  page  15. 

"  England  is  willing  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  conciliate  us,  except  ,hei'  honour 
andindependence."     Idem,  page  10.  ^    »•?    «vtM4.- 

"  It  is  a  war  rj;^  unexampled  in  the  history  nfikenorld ;  wantonly  proclaim- 
fd  on  the  most  Jfividous  and  groundless  prelenceSy  against  a  nation  fi'om  whose 
Iriend^^^hip  we  iriglit  derive  the  most  si^^nal  advantages,  at»d  from  whose  hostility- 
wc  havp  reason  to  dread  the  most  tremendous  losses.^*  Discourse  dcJiv ci«d  July 
23,  1312,  pnge  3 

"  So  far  from  th^re  being  British  parti^^ans  in  this  rouhtry,  it  is  difficult  to  find 
an  individual  candid  enough  to  do  that  nation  coTMnou  justice."    Idem,  page  10.  ^ 

"  r^js  Every  prnvocatinti  has  been  offered  to  Great  Britain  on  (nirpnrt,  and  our 
resentment  has  riien  in  prtportion  as  she  has  shewn  a  concilialins  apirit.''^     Idem, 

•'  What  consequence  is  it  to  yon  if  they  be  repealed  or  not,  if  you  are  sold  to 
Nnpnhon,  as  you  hare  reason  to  believe,  by  the  staves  who  have  abused  your  ctmji- 
denct!  l''"'     Idem,  page  H  ;->*;•  j'v.Jl'^  ^ 

"  Let  no  considerations  whatever,  my  brethren,  det»r  you  at  all  time?,  and  in 
all  places,  from  execrating  the  present  war.     It  is  a  war  unjust,  foolish,  and  ni- 
i.ious.     It  it  uniust,  because  GREAT   BRITAIN  HAS  OFFERED  US  EVE 
RY  CONCESiilON  SHORT  OF  WHAT  SHE  CONCEIVES  WOULD  BE 
JIERRUIN."    .Idem,  page  li. 

"  As  Mr.  Madison  has  declared  war,  let  Mr.  Madison  carry  it  on."  Idem 
page  17. 

"  THE  UNION  HAS  BEEN  LONG  SINCE  VIRTUALLY  DISSOLV- 
ED :  ANDIT  IS  FULL  TIME  THAT  THIS  PART  OF  THE  DISUNITED 
STATES  SHOULD  TAKE  CARE  OF  ITSELF."    Idem,  page  19. 


From  the  Rev.  David  Osgood,  D.  D.  pastor  of  the  Church  dt 

Mcdford. 

"  The  Str<>iif  t>r*'PO'se8sions  of  bo  great  a  proportion  of  my  felloir  citizens  in 
fiivor  of  a  race  (^demons,  and  against  a  nation  ((f  more  religion,  virtue^  gocd 
faith,  generosity,  and  l)enejicence,  than  any  that  now  is,  nr  ever  hm  been  vpon  the 
face  vf  the  earth,  wring  my  soul  with  anguish,  and  fill  my  heart  with  apprehen- 
Mun  and 'terror  of  the  judgments  of  heaven  upon  this  sinful  people."  Discoursu 
^livejrvd  April  8,  1810,  page  40.  t 

"  If  Stt  the  comm  \nd  of  weak  or  wicked  ruler?,  they  undertake  an  ui^ust  war, 
each  man  who  volunteers  his  services  in  sucli  a  cause,  or  loans  his  money  for  it» 
support,  or  by  his  conversation,  his  writings,  or  any  other  mode  of  influence,  en- 
cmrra^es  its  prosecution,  that  man  is  an  accomplice  in  the  wickedness,  loads  bis 
cou<icienee  with  the  blackest  crimes,  brings  the  guilt  of  blood  upon  his  soul,  and 
IN  THE  SIGHT  OF  GOD  AND  HIS  LAW  IS  A  MURDERER."  Di»- 
Course  delivered  June  27,  1812.     Page  9. 

"  Since  the  period  of  their  pretended  repeal,  SCORES,  IP    NOT  HUN- 
DREDS of  our  vessels  h.id  been  seized  in  French  ports,  or  burnt  at  sea  by  French 
crnis<M•^  wiiila  many  of  their  uaofT-nding  crews  ware  rmnacled  Wit  slnves,  rov/ln 
erf  in  French  prisons,  or  forced  on  board  French  ships  to  fight  against  England.'" 
Idem,  page  11. 


£e 


0' 


330 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


••  Our  goveriiincrit,  willi  a  hurdiliood  and  effrontery  at  tvhich  dimona  migfii 
fiave  blusked,  perbisted  in  asserting  the  repeal."     Ibid. 

'*  My  mind  has  been  in  a  constant  agony,  not  so  much  at  the  inevitnble  loss  of 
our  temporal  prosperity  and  happiness,  and  the  complicated  miserirs  of  war,  a* 
at  its  guilt,  its  outrage  against  heaven,  against  all  truth,  honesty,  justice,  goodness 
— against  all  the  principles  qf  social  happiness. . "     Idem,  page  1 2. 

•'  Were  not  the  authors  of  this  war  in  character  nearly  akin  to  the  deists  and 
^theii<ts  of  France;  were  they  not  m«>n  o{  hardened  hearts,  seared  conititnrrs, 
reprobate  minds,  and  desperate  nickedneis,  it^eeins  utterly  inconceivable  that  tliey 
should  have  made  the  declaration.'*    idem,. page  13. 

**  One  hope  only  remains,  that  this  last  stroke  of  perfidy  may  open  the  eyes  of 
a  besotted  people  ;  that  they  niny  awake,  like  a  giant  from  his  sluinbf  rp,  and 
WREAK  THEIR  VENGEANCE  O.V  THEIR  BETRAYERS,  by  driving 
then)  from  their  stations,  and  placing  at  the  helm  more  skilful  and  faithful  handg.^' 
Idem,  page  17. 

"  ff,  at  the  present  monieTit,  no  sjtinptnm%  of  civil  nar  appear,  they  certainly  nill 
soon — unless  the  amrage  qf  the  nar  party  should  fail  them  !  !  .'"     Idem   page  1 4;* 

"  A  civil  war  becomes  as  sertuin  as  the  events  that  happen  according  to  the  hmcn 
-4ans  and  estublishad  course  rfnulure  !  !  /"     Idem,  page  15.* 

From  the  Rev.  Elijah  Parish,  D.  D. 

"  The  Israelites  became  wearv  of  yielding  the  fruit  of  their  labour  to  pamper 
tlieir  splendid  tyrants.  They  left  their  political  w«es.  THEY  SEFAR  VTED. 
^VHERE  IS  OUR  MOSES  !  !  !  Where  is  the  rod  of  his  miracles  I !  !  Whtn 
is  our  Aaron  !  !  !  Alas  !  no  voice  from  the  burning  bush  has  directed  theiB 
here."     Discourse  delivered  atByfield,  April  7,  1814,  page  18. 

"  There  is  a  point — there  is  an  hour — beyond  which  you  rdll  not  bear ! ! .'" 
Idem,  page  12. 

"  Such  is  the  temper  of  American  republicans,  so  called.  J  netvlangu^ge  mwt 
be  invented  before  tve  attempt  lo  express  the  baseness  qf  their  conduct,  or  describe  tin 
rtltenne  ss  of  their  hearts,  "f    Idem,  page  21, 

•'  New  England,  if  invaded,  would  be  obliged  to  defend  herself.  Do  you  not 
tlien  owe  it  to  your  children,  and  owe  it  to  your. God,  to  make  peace  for  your- 
Selves.*^    Idem,  page  23. 

"  You  may  as  well  expect  the  cataract  cf  Niagara  to  tusn  its  current  to  the 
head  of  Superior,  as  a  nicked  congress  to  make  a  pause  in  the  work  of  dtstroying 
■their  country,  while  the  people  will  furnish  the  means."    Idem,  page  8. 

"Alas!  WE  HAVE  NO  MOSES  TO  STRETCH  HIS  ROD  OVER 
THE  :iE  A ! !  !  ijy*  No  Leb^aon,  nor  Carmel,  nor  Ziou  invites  us  across  the 
deep!"    Idem,  page  14. 

**  The  republics  of  Rome,  and  Venice,  and  perhaps  another,  which  alone  ex- 
ists, have  been  .as  oppressive  as  the  deepotism  of  Turkey,  of  Persia,  or  Japan." 
.Id«m,  pBse,3. 


'   *  These  sentences  are  already  quoted  in  a  former  part  ef  this  book:.    They  are 
aerertbeleis  repeated  hare,  at  peculiarly  appropriate* 

f  After  the  reader  has  perused  this  uncharitable  effusion  of  prejudice  and  vir- 
ulence, let  him  compare  it  with  the  following  declaration,  made  by  this  reverfod 
geDUeman,-iD  a  sermoa  preached  at  Cambridge,  April  8,1810: — "God  it  my 
.witness  that  1  would  not  upon  any  consideration,  willingly  or  UDDeceigtri)f 
ir4&uod  the  feeeliqgsofi  or  give  offenoe  tO)  an  individual  ia  this  assembly.'* 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


or  the  law  of  Pharaoh,  wiilch  condemned  lo  death  the  first 
born  of  the  Israelites,  this  reverend  gentleman  says — '•  A  Ihott' 
sand  times  as  many  sons  of  America  have  probably /Men  victims 
lo  this  unsrodly  wat\  as  perished  in  Israel  by  the  edict  if  Pharaoh, 
Still  the  war  is  only  beginning.  If  ten  thousand  have  fallen, 
ten  thousand  tiynes  ten  thousand  may  fall."     Idem,  page  7. 

Those  who  take  the  trouble  of  multiplying,  will  fmd  that  ten 
thousand  times  ten  thousand  make  100,000,000,  who  are  to 
perish  out  of  a  population  of  8,000,000  ! ! ! 

••  Should  the  English  now  he  at  liberty  to  send  all  their  firmies  and  all  their 
sljips  to  America,  and  in  ontdayhurn  every  city  from  Maine  to' Georgia,  yourcon- 
descmding  rultrs  novld  pUiy  on  thier  harps,  while  ihey  gazed  at  the  trt7nendow 
cixnflngration.^^    Idem,  page  8. 

*'  Tyrants  are  the  same  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile  hzvI  the  Potbvviiiac— at  Mtm- 
phis  and  at  Washington— in  a  monarchy  and  a  repulUc.''^     hieia,  page  9. 

•♦  Jjike  the  worgliippers  of  Moloch,  the  supporters  of  a  vile  itdniliiistration 
gacrifice  their  children  and  families  on  the  altar  of  democracy.  I  Jke  the  wid- 
ow's of  Hindostan,  tiiey  consume  themselves.  Like  the  frantic  voturics  of  Jug- 
gernaut, they  throw  themselves  under  the  car  of  their  political  idol.  They  are 
crushed  by  its  bloody  wlicels."     Idem,  page  II. 

"The  full  vials  of  despotism  are -poured  on  your  hfeads.  And  yet  you  inay 
challenge  the  plodding  Israelite,  the  stupid  African,  the  feeble  Cljinese,  the  drow- 
sy Turk,  or  the  frozen  exile  of  Siberia,  to  equal  you  in  tame  submission  to  the 
powers  thai  6e."    Idem,  page  12. 

"  Here  we  must  tran^h  on  the  mandates  o/  despotism  !  !  !  or  I;ere  vfe  m-ji-t  re- 
main slaves  for  ever. '♦     Idem,  j':;jo  13. 

"  Vou  may  envy  the  privilege  of  Israel,  and  mourn  that  no  land  qf  Canaan  ftas 
hem  promised  to  your  ancestors.  You  cannot  separate  from  that  mass  of  corrup- 
tion, which  would  poison  the  atmosphere  of  paradise.  You  must  in  obstinate 
despair  bow  down  your  necks  to  the  yoke,  and  with  your  African  brethren  drag 
the  chains  of  Virginia  despotism,  unless  you  discover  sonie  other  mode  of  escape.*^ 
Idem,  page  15. 

"  Has  not  New  England  as  much  to  apprehend  as  the  sons  of  Jacob  had  ? — 
But  no  child  has  been  taken  from  the  river  to  leud  us  through  the  sea,^*  Ideii), 
page  20.  » 

**  If  judgments  are  coming  on  the  nation— if  the  sea  does  not  open  thee  a 
path,  where,  how,  in  what  manner  will  you  seek  relief.^**     Ibid. 

*-  God  will  bilng  good  from  every  evil.  The  furnaces  of  Egypt  lighted  Israel 
to  the  land  of  Canaan.*^    Idem,  22. 

"  Which  sooty  slave,  in  all  the  ancient  dominion,  has  more  obsequiously  watch- 
ed the  eye  of  his  master,  or  flew  to  the  indulgence  of  his  desires  more  servilely, 
than  the  same  masters  have  waited  and  watched,  and  obeyed  the  orders  of  the 
great  Napoleon  i"*    Discourse  delivered  at  Byfield,  April  8,  1813,  page  21. 

"  Let  every  man  who  sanctions  tiii^  war  by  his  suffrage  or  influence,  remem* 
ber  that  he  is  labouring  to  cover  himself  and  his  country  with  blood  THE 
BLOOD  OP  THE  SLAIN  WILL  CRY  FROM  THE  GROUND  AGAINST 
HIM  "    Idem,  page  2  J. 

''  How  will  the  supporters  of  rj^  this  anti  christion  warfare  endure  their  sen 
tencp — endure  their  own  reflectiori* — tndure  thefi*e  that  forever  burns — the  worm 
whichneverdies—thehosannasof  heaven— WHILE  THE  SMOKE  OB'  THEIR 
TORMENT;?  ASCENDi  FOREVER  AND  EVER."     Idem,  page  24. 


i 

\ 

1^'., 

r;/: 

\ 

V    j 

I 

832 


^JPHE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


*•  To  raiesarmy  after  army  to  be  sacrificed,  when  tlie  Efiglisli  do  all  wlilrli  b 
possible,  to  Htrfleri  tlie  vigours  of  captivity,  by  kiiidnefta  to  the  prisoneri  »vliicl» 
they  have  taken  by  ihc,usandi  and  Uiouncnds,  testoring  ihim  lo  thtir  fumilxts 
wiTi;ot)T  A  RA^<iOM,  AND  wiTiiOKT  THEiu  RKCUE^T  J  to  carry  on  sucIj  a  war, 
after  its  only  avowed  cause  has  been  removed,  is  it  not  the  lawless  attack  of 
(jotlia  and  Vandals,  tlie  daring  pillajjc  of  wild  Arabs,  a  licentious  outrage  on 
hll  the  principles  of  cht'stiuuiiy,  an  i'upious  abandoumcnt  of  diviiic  protection  i"' 
Idem,  page  b. 

♦'  Tlic  legislators  wlio  yieldrd  to  this^  war,  when  assailed  by  the  manifcfto  of 
their  angry  chief,  (Siablishtd  iniquity  and  mitrder  by  ^n."     Idem,  page  9. 

"  In  the  Rnt  onset  [of  the  war]  moral  principle  was  set  at  defiance.  The  lnv,s 
of  God,  and  hopes  of  man  were  utterly  disdaiiKd  Vice  threw  off  her  veil,  and 
erimcs  were  decked  with  Isighest  houoors.  This  war  not  ,-/nly  tolerates  crimes, 
but  callB  for  thetQ,  demands  theiii.  Crimes  are  tlie  food  of  it*  life,  tiic  arms  of 
its  strength.  Thia  war  is  a  monster,  which  every  hour  eorniaodizes  a  thf)U8;iM(l 
crimes,  and  yL't  cries,  "  give — give."  hi  its  birth,  it  dvinanded  tlie  violation  of  a!) 
jiood  filth,  perjury  of  office,  the  Facrificf  of  nonlral  impartiality.  The  first  mo- 
ment hi  wiiitl:  the  tlrajLOn  movid,  jriracy  end  murdir  irere  legalised  Muvoc^ 
death  and  eo't\flagrctit/n  were  iht  licr.d^  of  hrrfint  njjfii^"     Idem,  page  11. 

"  Tliose  western  ftntes  wiiicli  have  been  violent  for  this  abominable  wnr  of 
n.urder— tl  Dtf  stater,  wliicn  iir.ve  thirbted  for  blood,  q;^  God  has  given  tli'ir' 
blood  to  dria!' .  Tiieir  uicii  have  fuiicu.  Tiicir  lamtnlaiious  are  deep  and  louu.'' 
Id'?ui,  i':\'j,i:  It). 

"  Oi/r  gnermnnit,  if  they  may  fc«  called  the  govtrnment,  and  not  the  destrom: 
of  Hit  cviintry,  hear  all  these  tilings  as  patiently  as  a  colony  of  convicts  sail  iiilo 
Botany  Bay."     Idem,  pngci. 

I  had  bpgua  to  virile  some  comments  on  these  extracts.  But 
1  hHV«  changed  my  pfiijjose.  1  leave  them  to  the  judgment  of 
tl'.e  reuder.  I  shall  sim;dy  say,  If  the  ppnicliers  believed  vM 
liic-'j  asserted,  v.hut  trauscondant  iniatu:i!iyn  I  If  they  i\'.\\ 
not,  what  transcendant  turpitude  !  In  either  case,  wiiat  Irans- 
cendant  pro/analion  of  the  clerical  futiclions  I — and  of  a  reli- 
gion breathing  peace  and  good  will  among  men  !  May  the 
Lord  of  his  infinite  mercy  grant  that  no  American  congrega- 
tion may  ever  hear  such  sermons  again  ! 

Success  of  the  War, 

The  enemies  of  the  administration  were  lavish  of  their  re- 
proaches, in  the  early  stages  of  the  war,  on  its  ill  success,  which 
to  many  of  them  was  a  eubject  of  as  much  triumph,  as  if  they 
belonged  to  a  hostile  nation — as  if  whatever  dishonour  and 
disgr&ce  might  arise  from  it,  were  to  attach  themselves  wholly 
to  the  administration.  The  blindness  and  perversity  of  ma- 
ny of  our  citizens  on  this  topic,  were  utterly  astonishing.— 
"Whatever  of  glory  w«s  ac][uired,  or  of  disgrace  sustained  in  llic 
war,  its  friends  and  enemies  partook  equally  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world.* 

*  This  all-important  idea  is  placed  in  the  strongest  and  most  striliing  point  of 
light  by  the  Editor  of  the  Anr»tytical  Magazine,  in  the  life  of  Commodore  IVny 
—of  whiclt  most  elegant  peiformance,  may  be  said  with  perfect  tiuth,  the  iicrt 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCtJ. 


33» 


irans- 


their  re- 
3,  which 

if  they 
ouv  and 

wholly 
of  ma- 
shing.— 

a  in  the 

3  of  the 


th,  the  hero 


It  is  likewise  mvh,  a  siilyect  of  rcjirofich  (o  the  ndmlnis  I  ra- 
tion, anil  of  rejoicing  to  some  deluded  people  whom  party  pas- 
sions hive  Isd  astray,  and  blinded  to  the  interest  and  honor  of 
their  country,  that  the  government  has  abandoned  its  ground 
on  the  subject  of  impressment !  A  most  melancholy  subject 
of  rejoicing;  t  Ahs!  it  was  not  the  power  of  England,  nor 
Ibe  downfall  of  Bonaparte,  that  produced  this  abandonment  of 
the  claims  of  the  j>oor,  sutferiiig,  nautical  hero  !  No.  Internal 
discord,  more  fatal  than  tens  of  thousands  of  embattled  ene- 
mies, has  riveted  the  chains  of  impressment  on  countless  uum» 
hers  of  future  Hulls,  Perries,  Porters,  Lawrences,  and  Macdo- 
noughs. 

But  had  the  war  been  really  unsuccessful,  it  would  not  b<J 
surprising.  H  would  have  more  compleieiy  covered  the  nation 
with  the  proudest  laurels,  had  Boston  observed  an  impartial 
neutrality.  But  she  persecuted  the  ejovernment  with  as  much 
virulence,  and  malignity,  and  violence,  as  if  it  were  adminis- 
tered by  demons  inc-^rnate*  She  involved  in  the  vortex  of 
disaffection'*  no  sma?!  portion  of  the  popul-ition  of  her  own 
and  sister  states,  and  did  BngJand  more  effective  service,  than  alt 
her  armies.* 

The  war,  to  the  mortifie  ition  of  the  enemies  of  the  country, 
has  crowned  the  United  Stites  with  naval  glory.  We  havf) 
more  impaired  the  n;ival  standing  of  Great  Bril^ain,  than  all 
the  enemies  she  has  had  for  a  century  :  and  our  Scotts,  and  our 
Browns,  ani  our  Ripleys,  and  our  Gainesos,  and  our  Macom'^s, 
and  our  Cotfees,  and  our  Carrols,  and  our  J-acksons,  have  ac- 
quired by  land,  honour  and  glory  equal  to  what  his  been  ac- 
quired on  the  water  by  our  Hulls,  Diecaturs,  Baiobridges,  Per- 
ries, Porters,  Joneses,  and  Macdonoughs. 

Let  those  infatuated  m^n  who  caught  the  governmf»nt  by  the 
throat,  and  almost  strangled  it,  by  the  destruction  of  its  credit, 
and  by  shackling  all  its  eiforls,  only  reflect  for  a  few   minutes 

was  worthy  of  such  a  Biographer,  and  the  Bioi^rapher  was  worthy  of  such  an  il- 
luxtriouj  hero.  Tjer*  h  nnt  extant  a  producti'jn  of  wUicU  i  slnnld  be  more  grat- 
ified to  be  the  autlior. 

*  Of  ^\xe  style  and  inimfM-  In  which  the  governniRnt  lias  hpen  availed  on  the 
snhject  of  th«  ioatw,  thf  ri-ader  will  llriri  in  tlie  5Jd  snd  5t>Ui  cliapleri,  a  few  spe- 
ciinL'OS.  Many  of  the  pir/i^ripds  on  tliJA  and  other  topicx  di-:ulay  a  dcgrt-e  of 
nwUce.  and  virulence,  and  ri^vtllrv,  that  can  onlv  he  equalled  hy  the  writci-iof 
tht  Coui-ier  and  the  Tim ••<i.  Adhesion  tot'neensiuy  is  visible  in  the  elahwrate 
defence*  of  his  couJiict  t.iat  so  fre<{U»MitIy  appear  in  a  l;\n;e  proportion  of  the 
paper?  pn'ili>h**d  to  ('i»*ess'wsrd.  \nd  itraagi;  to  t-'ll,  there  vry»:\  inont  'ahour" 
ed ->t  of  essmf  puSii^'iad  in  Boi'on  u;ider  the  sign.itnre  of  Pacilcui  d"'efi;ling 
thp  \nc)n><'rou«  cl.iim  lo  |{)').000,0')0  of  acros  of  our  territor/.  as  a  Sintqiia  mm 
oanditi'>:i  of  priw  TaiTse  '»f«:*v9  were  repuh'i-he4  in  luoat  of  the  fe<ieral  f ^ 
pew  tur»u5hout  liie  uaion,  witaout  "opnif-nt  o»-  censure, 

Ec2 


334 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


calmly  on  the  eflfect  of  their  conduct.  They  desired  peace. — 
But  they  really  prolonged  the  war.  If,  notwitholandiiiu,  the 
immense  disadvantuges  under  which  it  was  r.trried  on,  through 
the  disafl'ection  of  such  a  large  body  of  our  citizens,  we  so  harrasa- 
ed  and  crippled  the  trade  of  the  enemy,  what  would  have  been 
the  result,  had  the  united  energies  of  the  nation  been  employ. 
ed  to  avenge  the  national  wrongs — had  all  the  ports  of  the  east* 
ern  states  contributed  their  portion  towards  the  common  caase? 
Great  Britain  would  in  that  case  have  been  weary  of  the  war 
in  twelve  months.  I^he  would  have  given  us  an  early  and  hon- 
oumble  peace.  Millions  of  debts  and  taxes  would  have  been 
saved — thousands  of  lives  on  both  sides  preserved — the  des^ 
triicrion  of  puUiic  and  private  credit  prevented — and  the  two 
natioiH  w<)!iid  have  been  early  restored  to  the  relations  of  com. 
merce  and  IViendshlp.  This  is  an  awful  view  of  the  labours  of 
i\w  ^^  peace  party  J*  ,,.  ,   •  ^     .  .t 


y » 


CHAPTER  LVII. 

Pariies  change  name  and  charaater,    Jacobins.    Definition.    Vtir 
y  struggle  J 
confession. 


holy  struggle  for  poner,  the  cause  of  oil  our  dijfficulties.    Can- 
did c 


Parties  sometimes  change  their  names,  though  they  re^ 
tain  their  principles.  But  they  more  frequently  change  their 
€h;i^racter,  and  conduct,  and  principles,  still  retaining  their 
ii.'unes.  On  many  occasions  in  England,  whig  administrations 
have  enforced  tory  measures.  And  some  of  the  most  whiggish 
measures  have  been  adopted  by  tory  administrations.  A 
very  large  number  of  the  democrats  in  1 793,  particularly  in 
the  western  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  were  rank  jacobins  and  (lis* 
or.^.-^nizers.  They  offered  violence  to  the  government,  and 
jraised  an  insurrection,  to  free  themselves  from  a  paltry  excise 
on  whiskey,  one  of  the  most  rational  and  salutary  taxes  ever 
demised.  Most  of  those  men  who  then  violated  the  laws  in 
this  respect,  are  now  strenuous  supporters  of  the  (rovernment 
On  the  other  hand,  the  federafists  of  1 793,  4,  5,  6,  7,  anti  8, 
were  Kealous  ^'-friends  of  order  and  good  governments'^  This 
"Wits  «•  ith  them  h  s»rt  of  watch-word.  They  were  ardent  sup* 
porters  of  the  honour  and  constituted  authorities,  which  they 
identified  with  their  own.  A  very  large  portion  of  them  still 
adhere  to  the  goi»d  old  ^:aith  and  practice.    But  there  are  (o9 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


335 


many  who  are  ns  arrant  Jacobins  niul  disorpinnizers,  and  .is  ripe 
for  tumult  and  commotion,  as  the  moat  violent  of  the  democrats 
in  1 793.  They  may  murmuraml  may  curse  me  for  this  dechir.ilion 
as  much  as  they  please.  I  cire  not.  They  may  exhaust  Kr- 
nulphus's  whole  collection  of  maledictions  on  my  devoted 
head.  J3ut  were  these  maledictions  ten  times  told  over,  they 
would  not  eCface  from  their  escutcheon  the  foul  blot  of  Jacobin* 
ism.  A  jacobin  is  a  man  ot  violence  in  politics— an  enemy 
to  legal  government — and  ripe  for  revolution.  This  definition 
is  substantially  correct.  And  therefore  every  man  is  a  jacobin 
who  was  in  favour  of  sending  to  Elba^  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted StateSy  chosen  by  the  unbiassed  votes  of  a  free  nation.  Ev- 
ery man  is  a  rank  jacobin,  who  was  for  vutting  down  the  admiji' 
istraiion  by  force.  Every  man  is  a  rasik  jacobin,  who  with  Mr. 
King  of  Massachusetts,  regardless  ol'  decency,  decorum,  proj)r2- 
ety,  or  dignity  of  character,  threatened  the  president  in  an  iu- 
uendo  with  a  halter.^  Every  man  is  a  rank  jacobin,  who,  with 
Mr.  Coleman,  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  preferred 
war  with  all  its  horrors,  all  its  devastations,  to  a  continuance  of 
ike  present  administraiion.  Every  man  is  a  rank,  furious,  en- 
venomed, and  dajigerous  jacobin,  who,  with  Mr.  Blake,  a  guou" 
dam  detnocrat,  seized  the  advantage  of  a  distressing  war,  to  or^ 
ganixe  one  portion  of  this  nation  against  the  resKf 

in  fine,  every  man  who  wishes  the  minority  to  trample  down 
and  rule  the  majority — who  himself  opposes,  or  who  e^icites 
opposition  to,  the  laws — who  seeks  to  dissolve  the  union  under 
any  pretext  whatever — who  defends  the  enemies  of  his  coun- 


1  •■  ^  '' 


''>,?J,^' 


*  To  the  diRgrare  and  dishonour  of  tlie  hou!>e  of  representatives  of  the  Uuited 
States,  this  vile  effusioo  of  Billingsgate  was  allowed  to  pass  without  a  call  tooF- 
iler. 

f  Mr.  Blake  it  likely  to  be  a  conspicuous  character.    Neither  Marat,  Dantoa, 
nor  Robesoierre  bitgnn  their  career  with  more  violence  than  he  has  already  dis- 
played     Nemoreptnte  turpiisimus.     He  will  improvr.  as  he  goes  on      1  stake 
my  existence,  that  had  %  civil  war  taken  ]|)lace  (as  would  have  been  the  case, 
had  Mr.  Blairc^s  councils  prevailed)  and  his  party  had  uot  been  crushed  in  the 
conflict,  as  they  probably  would — if  he  had  the  ascendency,  there  would  have 
been  as  summaiy  process  with  the  democrats  of  that  quarter  as  there  was  with 
the  royalists  under  the  guillotine  government  qf  Paris.    Men  are  monsters  all  the 
world  over,  when  unrestrained  by  larv  and  comtitution.     I  hope  in  the  tender  mer- 
ey  of  God,  we  shall  not  try  the  experiaient      But  if  in  th«  vengeance  of  heaven, 
we  are  destined  to  do  it,  we  shall  add  our  example  to  th^t  of  France  in  proof  of 
thid  theory.    Mr.  Blake  transcends  his  friend  Mr.  Otis,  far.    The  latter  gentle- 
Diao  is  surely  violent  enough— but  be  is  obliged  to  curb  and  restrain  the  converted 
demoertt.    PorUaps  ihis  is  a  nise  de  guerre — perhaps  the  outras;eous  violence  of 
Mr  Blake  is  intended  to  form  a  contrast  with  the  mildness  of  the  projet  of  Mr. 
Otis,  who  is  thereby  to  gain  the  popular  title  of  a  "  modere."    Old   Lord  Bur- 
leigh, or  Machiavel  himself,  cou'd  not  arrani^e  thr  matlsr  better.    But.  reader, 
1  merely  gutss  at  th«ee  things.    I  am  too  far  removed  from  the  chesi  board,  t« 
jud^e  of  the  state  of  the  game.  ^ 


536 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCU. 


<ry,  right  or  wrong,  and  slanders  and  degrades  IiU  own  govern^ 
ment,  is  au  enrage — a  disorganizcr — a  Jecobin. 

Struggle  for  office. 

It  is  in  vain  to  disguise  the  truth.     Would  to  God,  that  T  \mi\ 
a  voice  of  thunder  to  proclaim  it  through  the  nation  !     The 
convulsions  and  dangers  of  our  country  have   arisen  from  tiie 
lust  of  office  and   power.     The  safety,  the  welfkre,  the  happi- 
ness  of  eight  millions  of  people  and  their  posterity  have  been 
jeopardized  and  exposed  to  ruin,  in  the  unholy   struggle- 
To  emharrnss,  disgrace,  and  render  odious   and  unpopular  the 
men  possessed  of  power,  for  the  purpose  of  displacing  thein, 
and  vaulting  into  the  vncunt  seats,  is  a  procedure,  as  ancient  ns 
government   itself.     And  that  it  has   been  tdmost  universally 
prevalent   here,  is  incontrovertible.     It  is  not  wonderful   (hut 
those  whose  grand  and  sole  objects  are  power  and  theemo!u> 
mttuts  of  office,  should  pursue  this  plan.     The  depravity  of  hu- 
man  nature  sufficiently  accounts  for  it.     But  that  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  community  who  neither  have  nor  hope  for  place  of 
honour  or   profit,  should  lend  themselves  to  such  a  scheme— 
should  allow  themselves  to  be  made  instruments  to  be  wielJed 
for  the  purpose — that  they  should,  bs  the  history  of  this  young 
country  hns  often  verified,  shut  their  eyes  to  the  vital  interests 
of  the  nution,  in  order  to  promote  the  aggrandizement  of  a  few 
men,  is  really  astonishing. 

The  following  paragraph  from  the  New  York  Evening  Posf, 
is  as  candid  a  confession  of  a  most  sinister  object  as  ever  \v;ig 
made.  While  we  were  exposed  to  all  the  horrors  of  war — our 
cities  and  towns  linhle  to  Copenhagenism^ — our  wives  and 
our  daughters  to  violation — it  was  ingenuously  avowed,  that 
all  these  frightful  evils  w^e  of  no  account  compared  with  the  a- 
elusion  of  Mr.  Coleman's  friends  from  office  t! !  It  is  impossible 
to  mistake  the  idea.  It  is  capable  of  no  other  than  this  inter- 
pretatioM.  However  we  reprobate  its  want  of  public  spirit,  its 
eandour  commands  applause. 

"  What  wouM  be  the  value  (»f  a  peace,  if  not  attended  with  a  change 
of  thoHC  rulerx  who  are  drivini;  the  country  headlong  t»  ruin  i*  A 
PFACE,  t/  such  be  its  effects,  WOULD  BE  THB  HEAVJEST  OE 
CURhES.— TTrerc  is  no  eve/nl  that  could  happen — no  possible  condilion  of 
things  thai  could  be  imagined,  which  oufrht  not  to  be  deplored,  and  avoided,  as 
//ic  HEAVIEST  OF  CALAiVTITIE*i  if  ils  tendency  is  to  perpituatf 
power  intht  projiigate  fuinda  that  for  sixicm  ytara  have  governed  this  ««• 
happjf  country/* 

TJie  man  who  can  read  these  declarations  without  shudder- 
ing with  horrof;  must  have  bis  moral  feelings  destroyed)  er  at 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


337 


least  blunted  to  an  extreme  degree.  These  senlin.cTits  )iave 
aj»|»eiirctl  in  other  papers  hesihUs  tlie  New  York  Ev^uing  Foot. 
This  paragraph  alVoriU  a  complete  chie  to  all  the  convulsive 
«itru<j:u;le8  in  congress — all  the  elTorts  to  prevent  tiie  buccc^s  of 
every  measure  calculated  to  meet  the  recent  emer^tr ncy.  The 
possession  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  perdillv)n  of  the 
country  on  the  other,  were  the  alternative.  The  pnrlieB  had 
no  hesitation  about  forcing  the  choice  ow  tUeii  ill-atarrcd  coun- 
try. 


CHAPTER  LVllI, 

lllxhcrality  of  prijudiccs  afi;ainst  fonvj^nrra.  Ufti^ralrful  on  frt-e 
part  of  America.  Irishmen  and  Frenchmen  ptculiarohjccls  of 
dislike.  Pcnnsiflvania  line.  Extreme  suffcrinif.  Templing 
allurements.  Unshakin  virtue  and  heroism.  Arnold.  Hilas 
Dcanc.    Refugees. 

••  Tlie  real  cause  of  tlic  war  must  ha  (raced  to  *  *  *  *  *  t!io  influence  of  n'cr!k' 
lus/ndgners  over  tin;  jjress,  and  the  deliberation?  of  tl.c  trovtrmnonl  in  'all  its 
bianclips"  Reply  of  the  liou'e  of  reprcteiAativta  cf  Musiiithus'jtti  to  the 
speech  of  governor  Strong,  June,  101 1. 

'^  Thou  ahalt  neither  vex  a  stranger,  nor  oppress  him  ;  for  ye  were 
Strangers  in  the  land  of  Egypt.'*    ExoduS}  xxii.  21 . 

I  HATE  long  desired  a  fair  opportunity  of  handling  this  top- 
ic. 1  have  long  felt  indignant  at  the  indiscriminate  abuse  huil- 
td  on  foreigners  in  general — and  more  particularly  on  the  I- 
rish,  on  whose  devoted  heads  "  the  vials  of  wrath"  are  inces- 
santly "  poured  out." 

There  is  no  country  that  owes  more  to — there  ia  no  country 
has  more  need  of — foreigners.  There  is  no  country  in  which 
they  are  more  the  objects  of  invective,  of  reproaches,  of  envy 
and  jealousy. 

A  jealousy  of  foreigners  prevails  in  Englaml.  But  it  is  con- 
lined  to  the  canaille,  who,  trundlino;  their  barrows— sweeping 
the  streets — or  pursuing  their  genteel  otlices  of  chimney-sweeps 
anJ  nijiht  men — hate  and  despise  the  bag  and  tail  parleyvoo — 
the  hlundiring  Irishnan — the  simple  sawney  Scotchman — the  leek- 
eatin'^  Wclchman.  In  fact,  every  man  who  wears  a  coat  dififer- 
entfrom  thsir  own,  or  who  displays  any  indication  that  proves 
him  not  to  be  a  "  true-born  Englishman,"  is  an  object  of  codc- 
temiH  to  an  English  ecavenger. 


338 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


But  it  is  not  thus  in  high  life  in  that  country.  A  foreigner 
of  genteel  manners — decent  address — and  good  character,  io 
treated  with  the  attention  and  politeness  he  deserves. 

With  a  degree  of  magnanimiiy,  deserving  of  praise,  and  wor- 
thy of  being  made  an  example,  England,  who  possesses  abund* 
ance  of  artists  of  high  standing  and  sterling  merits,  appointed 
the  American  West,  as  president  of  her  royal  academy.  France, 
with  a  constellation  of  native  talents  never  exceeded,  entrusted 
her  armies  to  a  Berwick,  to  a  Saxe.  At  a  more  recent  period, 
a  Swiss  banker  presided  over  her  financial  concerns.  Russia 
has  frequently  placed  over  her  fleets  Scotch  naval  heroes.  In 
fact,  go  through  Christendom,  and  you  will  find  no  country  so 
savage,  so  uncultivated,  or  so  highly  polished  and  refined,  which 
does  not  cheerfully  avail  itself  of  the  proffered  talents  of  the 
foreigner  who  makes  his  permanent  domicil  there. 

But  in  this  "  most  enlightenecT^  of  all  the  enlightened  nations 
of  the  earth,  party  spirit  has  excited  a  peculiar  degree  of  ma- 
levolence against  the  Irish  and  the  French — and  for  the  same 
reason,  because  England  is  hostile  to  both.     The  urbanity,  the 
mildness,  the  equ;:nimity»  the  refinement,  and  the  politeness  of 
the  Frenchman,  avail  him  nothing.     He  is  an  object  of  jeaN 
ousy  and  ill*vvill,  in  spite  of  all  his  own  good  anif  endearing 
qualities,  and  in  spite  too  of  the  services  his  nation,  "  in  <Ar 
fiertf  hour  of  trial"  rendered  the  United  States.     The  poor, 
persecutsd,  proscribed,  and  oppressed  Irishman,  hunted  out  of 
his  native  country,  and  knowing  the  value  of  liberty  here,  from 
the  privation  of  it  there,  finds  the  antipathies  of  his  lords  and 
masters  transferred  to  those  whose  fellow  citizen  he  intends  to 
become.     To   some  of  these  narrow,  infatuated,  bigoted,  and 
illiberal  men,  a  Hottentot,  or  a  Catfrarian,  cr  ^  Japanese,  would 
be  more  acceptable  than  an  Irishman. 

One  circumstance  —were  there  no  other  on  record— ought  (o 
endear  to  Americans  the  name,  the  country  of  an  IrishmaD." 
It  has  a  high  claim,  not  cancelled,  on  the  pen  of  the  historian. 
It  has  not  yet  had  justice  done  it.  Let  me  grace  my  book  will 
the  narrative. 

During  the  American  revolution,  a  band  of  Irishmen  were 
pmbodied  to  avenge  in  th«  country  of  their  adoption  the  inju- 
ries of  the  country  W  their  birth.  They  formed  the  major  [»art 
of  the  celebrated  Pennsylvania  line.  They  fought  and  bled 
for  the  United  States.  Many  of  them  sealed  their  attachmeni 
with  their  lives,  -^'heir  adopted  country  was  shamefully  un- 
grateful. The  wealthy,  the  independent,  and  the  luxurioui, 
for  whom  they  fought,  were  rioting  in  all  the  comforts  rtnd  su- 
perfluities of  life.     Their  defenders  were  literally  half  starved 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


836 


foreigner 
Liacter,  io 

I,  and  wor- 
ses abund- 

appoinled 
y.  France, 
I,  entrusted 
;ent  period, 
IB.  Russia 
tieroes.    lo 

country  80 
fined,  which 
enls  of  the 

ened  nations 
egree  of  ma- 
for  the  same 
urbanity,  the 
poUtenesB  of 
,bject  of  jeal. 
nd  endearing 

ation,"i«t'i^ 
.  The  poor, 
hunted  out  o( 
rty  here,  from 
his  lords  and 
he  intends  to 
.,  bigoted,  and 
panese,  would 


h 


itad  half  naked.  Their  shoeless  feet  marked  with  blood  their 
Uacks  on  tlie  highway.  They  long  bore  their  grievances  pa- 
tiently. They  at  length  murmured.  They  remonstrated. — 
They  implored  asupply  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  But  in  vain. 
A  deaf  ear  was  turned  to  their  complaints.  They  felt  indig- 
nant at  the  cold  neglect — at  the  ingratitude — of  that  country 
for  vvhich  so  many  jf  their  companions  in  rras  h:td  expired  on 
tlie  r.rimsoned  field  of  battle.  They  held  arms  in  their  hands. 
They  had  reached  the  boundary  line,  bey.nl  which  forbear- 
ance nnd  submission  become  meanness  and  itusil'unimity.  As 
all  appeals  lo  the  gratitude,  the  justice,  the  generosity  of  the 
country  had  proved  unavailing,  they  determined  to  try  another 
course.  They  appealed  to  its  fears.  They  mutinltd.  They 
demanded  with  energy  that  redress  for  which  they  had  before 
sup(*licated.  It  was  a  noble  deed.  I  hope  in  all  similar  cases 
similar  measures  will  be  pursued. 

[Let  me  digress  for  a  moment.     I  cannot  resist  the  tempta- 
tion to  bear  my  testimony  against  conduct  considerably  anala- 
gous  to  what  1  have  here  reprobated.     Philadelphia  was  latrly 
struck  with  fear  of  an  invading  foe.     Thousands  of  citisens, 
many  of  them  hundreds  of  miles  remote  from  us,  volunteered 
their  services  in  our  defence.     They  left  their  homes,  their 
tire  sides,  their  parents,  their  wives,  their  children,  their  busi- 
ness, and  all  their  domestic  enjoyments,  to  protect  us.     We 
made  them  a  base  return.     They  pined  and  languished  in  the 
hardships  of  a  camp,  neglected — grossly,  shamefully  neglected 
by  those  tor  whom  they  were  prepared  to  risk  their  precious 
lives.     Contributions  were  requested  by  the  committee  of  de- 
fence for  the  comfort  of  the  soldiers  and  for  the  support  of  their 
wives  and  children.     It  is  painful  to  state,  but  it  must  be  stated, 
that  in  a  oity  where  there  are  probably  one  hundred  persons 
worth  above  $  250,000 — liiirty  or  forty  worth  3  or  400,000 — 
and  several  supposed  to  be  worth  millions — the  whole  contribu- 
tion did  not  exceed  $  5,000 — a  sum  which  half  a  dozen  indi- 
viduals ought  to'havecontributed  themselves.     The  ingratitude 
and  want  of  liberality  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  and  the 
poverty  of  the  governinent,  which  was  unable  to  pay  the  mili- 
tia their  hard-eamed  dues,  (XT'  forced  many  of  them  to  depend 
on  charity  for  the  means  of  reaching  their  distant  homes ! !  !-— 
Could  the  immortal  Penn,  the  founder  of  the  City  of  Brotherly 
Love,  look  down  from  the  regions  of  bliss,  wh«re  he  is  at  reflt» 
he  must  have  sighed  over  the  disgraceful  scene. 

**  The  qaality  of  mercy  is  not  strained : 
It  droppetU  as  the  gentle  dew  from  Heavea 


»l 


-840 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Upon  the  place  beneath.     It  is  twice  bless'd. 

1 1  blesses  him  that  gives,  find  him  that  takes."  >^  *  j».. 

t 

'  The  stin  has  not  shone  on  more  despicable  conduct.] 

To  leiuin  to  the  PeiiDsylvanin  line.     The  imehigcnce  uas 
carrieil  to 'he  British  camp,     Jl  there  sprtad  joy  and  gladness. 
Lord  IIoi;ve  hoped  that  a  period  li.id  arrived  lo  the  '■'■  rebellion ,^^ 
as  it  K'ouM  have  been  termed.     There  was  u  j^lorious  opj^oriu. 
nhy  of  crushing  the  hall-iormed  erabrjo  of  die  rtpubhc.     He 
cojuited  largel}  on  \\u  iiidiajnation,  and  on  the  nsenimeni  of  the 
natives  of  '^  the  enieraldisle."    He  knew  the  irascibility  of  ihcir 
tempers.     He  calculated  on  the  diminution  of  the  Elrtngth  of 
*'  //le  rebels,''^  and  the  accession  to  the  numbers  ot  the  royal  ar- 
my.    Messengers  were  desp^^chcd  lo  ihe  muUneers.     They  Ijnd 
carte  blanche.     They  were  lo  allure  the  poor  Hrb*  rnians  to  k- 
turn,  like  prodigal  children,  from  feeding  on  husks,  to  the  plenti- 
ful fold  of  their  royal  master.     Liueralily  herself  presided  over 
his  offers.     Abundant  gu|)plies  of  provi^^ions — comfortable  cloili- 
ing  to  their  hearts'  desire — all  arrears-tif  pay — bounties — audjjar- 
f\ou  for  past  offences,  were  olFered.     There  was,  however,  no  he- 
iiitalion  among  these  poor  neglected   warriors.     The)  refused  to 
lenounce  poverty,  nakedness,  su'JTering,  and  iagralitude      'JLe 
j^piendid  temptations  were  heJd  out  in  vain.     There  was  u.    ;. 
das,  no  Arnold  there.     They  seized  the  tempters.     They   .    i- 
pled  on  their  shining  ore.     They  senttheai  to  the  ge.ierars  icm. 
The  miserable  wretches  paid  their  forfeit  lives  »or  attempting  lo 
seduce  a  bandol^agged,  forlorn,  and  deserted,  but  illusirious  lie- 
roes.     We  prate  ^bout  Roman,  about  Grecian  patriotism.     One 
half  of  it  is  false.     Tn  the  other  half,  there  is  nothing  that  <  .\cels 
this  noble  trait,  which  is  worthy  the  pencil  of  a  West  or  a  Tiiini' 
bull. 

Let  nie  reverse  the  scene.  Let  me  introduce  some  characters 
of  a  different  atamp.  Whe  is  that  miscieant  yonder — daik,  de« 
signing,  haggard — treachery  on  his  countenance — a  dagger  io  his 
hand  ?  Is  it  not  Arnold  ?  It  is.  Was  he  an  Irishman?  No.— 
He  was  not  of  the  deipised  cast,  the  foreigners.  He  was  an  A- 
mericao.     Neither  Irish  nor  French  blood  flowed  in  his  veins. 

Behold,  there  is  another.  Who  is  he,  that,  Judas  likp,  is 
poekeling  the  wages  of  corruption,  f«r  which  he  has  sold  bis 
country?  Is  he  an  Irishman  ?  No.  He  is  a  native  Americao. 
His  name  is  Silas  Deane, 

But  surely  that  numerous  band  of  ruffians,  and  plunderers, 
and  murderers,  ^tho  are  marauding  and  robbing — who  a'  r  sliool- 
tog  down  poor  farmers,  an^  their  wires,  and  their  children^  ar£ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^41 


it  is  impossible  they  can  be  natives.  No  native  American  would 
perpetrate  such  barbarities  on  hie  uiiolTencling  fellow-citizens. — 
It  18  an  error.     They  are  refugees  and  lories — all  native  born. 

[  am  an  Irishman.  Willi  the  canaille  in  superfine  cloths  and 
silks,  as  well  as  with  the  canaille  in  rags  and  tatters,  this  is  a 
subject  of  reproach.  For  every  man,  woman,  or  child,  base 
enough  to  attach  disgrace  to  any  person  on  account  of  his  country, 
I  ke\  a  most  sovereign,  and  ineffable  contempt.  Let  them  more 
in  what  sphere  they  may,  whether  in  coftee-houses,  or  ball-rooms, 
or  palaces — in  hovels,  or  garrets,  or  cellars — they  are  grovellinp;, 
sordid,  and  contemptible.     To  express  the  whole  in  two  worda 

pity  there  were  not  words  more  forcible — they  are  MERE 

CANAILLE. 

I  glory,  I  feel  a  pride  in  the  name  of  an  Irishman.  There  is 
not  under  ihe  canopy  of  heaven,  another  nation,  which,  ground 
to  the  earth  as  Ireland  has  been,  for  six  hundred  years,  under  so 
vile  a  proconsular  government — almost  every  viceroy  a  Vcrrcs 
— a  government  wliose  fundamental  mitxim  is  "  divide  and  de- 
stroy"— whose  existence  depends  on  fomenting  the  hostility  of 
the  Protestant  against  the  Presbyterian  and  Catholic,  and  that  of 
the  Catholic  against  the  Protectant  and  Presbyterian — there  is 
not,  I  say,  another  nation,  which,  under  such  circumstances, 
would  have  preserved  the  slightest  ray  of  respectability  of  char- 
acter. 

A  book  now  lies  before  me,  which,  in  a  few  lines,  with  great 
naivete,  developes  the  horrible  system  pursued  of  England  in 
the  government  of  Ireland,  by  exciting  the  jealousy  of  one  part 
of  the  nation  against  the  other.     A  schemer  of  the  name  of 
Wood,  had  sufficient  court  influence  to  procure  a  patent  for  sup- 
plying Ireland  with   copper  coin  in  the  year  1 724,  by  means 
whereof  he  would  have  amassed  an  immense  fortune  by  fleecing 
the  nation  of  its  gold  and  silver  in  return  for  his  base  copper. — 
Bean  Swift  exposed  the  intended  fraud  with  such  zeal  and  abili- 
ty, that  he  aroused  the  public  indignation  at  the  attempt;  and 
thus  the  projector  was  fairly  defeated,  and  his  patent  revoked.— 
Primate  BouUer,  who  was  at  that  period  prime  miaiBter  of  Ire- 
laud,  iu  a  tetter  to  the  duk«  of  Newcastle,  deplores  the  conse- 
quences of  this  fraudulent  attempt,  in  uniting  the  partiei,  who,  till 
tbeo,  had  been  embittered  enemies.     This  grand  dignitary  of  the 
church  regarded  a  cessation  of  discord  and  hostility  among  the 
oppressed  Irish  as  a  most  alarming  eycut ! ! !  pregnant  uith  dag- 
ger to  the  authority  of  Eoglabd ! ! !  But,  reader,  X  will  let  bim 
tf^eak  for  himself: 

F  f 


^^^0\ 


^^<   '; 


■"#w-,    »^ 


fl 


342 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


"  The  people  of  everjTellgion,  country,  and  party  here,  arc  alike  set  agaiurt 
Wood's  half  pence  ;  and,  nrp  Iheir  agreemml  in  this  has  had  A  VERY  LTV- 
HAFl'Y  IISFLUEISCE^N  THE  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  NATION  \\  I  by 
bringing  onintimffdes  btlneen  Papists,  and  Jaeobites,  and  the  nhigs,  nho  btjtrt 
hid  no  corrtspmdeiue  ni(h  lhcm.^\' !  !  Ste  BouUti's  Utters,  vol.  J,  page  7. 
Dublin  Ed.tioii,  1770. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  grinding,  the  debasing  circumstances 
that  militate  against  Ireland  and  Irishmen,  there  is  no  country 
in  Christendom,  which  has  not  witnessed  the  heroism,  the  gen- 
erosilj,  the  liberality  of  Irishmen—  none,  where,  notwithstand- 
ing the  atrocious  calumnies  propagated  against  thtni  by  thtir 
oppressors,  they  have  not  forced  their  way  through  the  thorny 
and  briary  pathsof  prejudice  and  jealousy,  to  honour,  to  esteem, 
to  respect. 

It  ha«  been  said,  that  they  are  in  this  country,  turbulent,  and 
refractory,  and  disorder!}',  and  factious.      This  charge  is  as 
base  as  those  by  whom  it  is  advanced.     There  is  more  turbu- 
lence, more  f«clion,  more  disaffection  in  Boston,  whose  pof.ula- 
tion  is  only  33,000,  and  wliich  has  as  few  foreigners  as  perhafg 
any  town  in  the  world,  than  there  is  in  the  two  states  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  York,  with  a  population  of  1,700,000,  and 
which  contain  probablj^  two- thirds  of  all  the  native  Irishmco 
in  this  country.     While  native  born  citizens — some  of  whom 
pride  themselves  on  Indian  blood  flowing  in  their  veins — and 
others  who  boast  of  a  holy  descent  from  those  "  sainted  pilgrim^ 
whom  British  persecution  drove  to   the  howling  wilderntss, 
were  of  late  sacrilegiously  and  wickedly  attempting  to  destroy 
the  glorious  (would  to  Heaven  I  could  saj  the  immortal)  fabric 
of  our  almost  divine  form  of  government ;  of  the  Irishmen  in 
this  country,  high  and  low,  ninety-nine  of  every  hundred  were 
.strenuously  iabouring  to  ward  off  the  stroke. 

;I  said  there  is  no  country  that  owes  more  to  foreigwrs 
than  the  United  States.  I  owe  it  to  myself  and  to  my  reader, 
not  to  let  ,a  |>oint  of  such  importance  rest  on  mere  assertiflti. 
Of  the  men  who  acquired  distinction  in  the  cabinet,  or  in  the 
field,  during  the  revolutionary  war,  a  very  large  proportion 
were  foreigners.  In  "  the  times  that  tried  mens*  souls,"  Uicir 
services  were  acceptable — i\\ey  were  gladly  received,  anil 
courteously  treated.  But  now,  like  the  squeezed  orange,  thiy 
are  to  be  thrown  aside,  and  troddcR  under  foot. 

The  illustrious  La  Fayette,  Gen.  Lee,  Gen.  Gates,  Gfn. 
Stewart,  the  inestimable  Gen.  Montgomery,  Gen.  Pulaski,  Gen. 
Kosciusko,  Baron  Steuben,  Baron  De  Kalb,  Gen.  M'Phetson, 
Cren.  St.  Clair,  Gen.  Hamilton,  Robert  Morris,  the  amiable 
Charles  Thompson,  Judge  Wilson,  Baron  DeGlau!  ec,  TIiobi«8 
Paine,  Thomas  Fitzsimons»  William  Findlcy,  and  hundreds  d 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


G43 


otherJ,  eminent  during  the  revolution,  were  foreigners.  Many 
of  them  were  not  excelled  for  services,  and  merits,  hy  any  na- 
tive Amfjrictu,  wiietherthe  ditigy  !)Iooii  ofa  Pocaliontas  crawl- 
ed through  his  veins,  or  whether  he  descended  in  a  right  line 
from  any  of  "  the  Pilgrims"  that  waged  war  against  the  potervt 
Mass&soit. 

Since  the  preceding  pages  were  written,  I  have  met  with  a 
pamphlet  of  infinite  merit,  v\ritten  by  one  of  the  authors  of 
•'  Salmagundi,"  from  which  1  quote  the  following  staterfient 
with  pleasure — as  affording  an  able  vitulication  of  the  Irish, 
and  a  fair  sketch  of  the  oppressions  and  wron^js  they  have  en- 
ilured.  In  the  name  of  the  nation  1  thank  the  writer  for  thU 
genercus  effusion,  of  winch  tlie  value  is  greatly  enhanced,  by 
the  extreme  rarity  of  such  liberality  towards  Ireland  or  Irish- 
men on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  work  has,  raoreovrr, 
the  merit  of  being  an  excellent  tkfence  of  this  country  agiiiir, 
the  ahuse  of  British  critics.  1  earnestly  recommend  it  to 
the  perusal  of  every  American  who  feels  for  the  honour  of  hie* 
eountry.  ,  ,  u    , 

*'  The  history  of  b-eland's  unhappy  conoexiou  with  England,  'exhibits,  from 
irst  to  iast,  a  dstail  of  the  mo>;t  persevering,  Ral'ing,  grinding,  insulting,  and 
jystematic  opprewion,  to  be  found  any  wliere  [jy  except  among  tlie  hdats  of 
Spuria.  There  is  not  a  national  feeling  tliat  Im»  not  been  insulted  and  trodden 
under  foot ;  a  national  right  tiiat  itas  not  been  witlifield,  until  fear  forced  it  from 
t!ie  grasp  of  Eii;Tlan'J  ;  or  a  dear,  or  axcient  prejudice,  that  ha«<  not  been  violat- 
ed ill  t:iat  abus<?d  country.  As  Christians,  tiie  people  of  Ireland  have  been  de- 
nied, under  penalties  and  disquaiitications,  the  exercise  of  the  rites  of  tho  Catho- 
lic reiijjion,  venernbk/or  its  antiquity  ;  admirMe  for  Us  unilfj  ;  and  consecrated 
fci/  the  belief  iif  some  of  the  best  men  th'it  ever  hrenlhed.  As  men  they  have  been 
depilved  of  the  .•oimunu  rights  of  tiritish  subjects,  undwr  the  pretext  that  tiiey 
were  incapable  of  enjoying  tliein  :  which  pretext  had  no  other  foundation  thin 
tlieir  rrsiyt.iiice  of  oppression,  onlv  the  more  severe  by  being  sanctioned  by  tlie 
liw«.  ENGLAND  FlRrST  DENIED  THEM  THE  MEANS  OF  IM- 
PROVEMENT; AND  THEN  INSULTED  THEM  WITH  THE  IMPU- 
TATION OP  BARBARISM  ''* 

"While  on  the  point  of  closing  this  page,  I  have  been  furnish- 
ed with  a  noble  effusion  on  this  subject,  from  very  high  author- 
ity. Its  sterling  merits,  and  its  justice  towards  the  nation  I 
have  dared  to  vindicate,  will  warrant  its  insertion,  and  ampl/ 
compensate  the  perusal. 

**********  4t\  dt'pendency  oi"  Great  Diit.iln,  1];^=  Irelmd  has 
Iniis;  languished  under  oppressirm  rtprolrdcd  by  hiininity,  and  .uiscoimti-nanced 
by  just  p$licij  It  would  ir^ue  penury  of  huiimi  feeling,  and  ignorance  of  human 
lijlits,  ^}r^  'n  submit  pilienlly  to  thj^trppicssiom,  [v^  Centuries  have  nitnesi- 
i-d  the  struj;gles  of  Irel  ind  —but  witln  or.ly  partial  succ^si.  Rebellion?  and  insur- 
rections have  continued  with  LnU  sliort  intirvals  of  tranquillity.     Many  of  the 


m. 


*See  pamplilet  entitled  "  The  United  States  and  England,"  page  99* 


4344 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Irish,  like  the  Frcncij,  are  tlie  ln-r<ditary  foes  of  Great  Britain.  5^  Jmcricn 
has  opentd  her  arms  h  the  vppresstd  tif  all  nations,  Pso  people  i.uve  availed 
theB.8elv«  B  ct' th<  a.>-yluiit  tviili  more  alacrity,  or  in  greater  numbers  tliari  the 
Irish.  HIGH  IS  HIE  MEED  0[<^  HiAUE,  RICH  THE  HEW  \K[), 
>VHI(H  IKliiHiVlEN  HAVE  MERITED  FROM  J  HE  GRATITUDE  OF 
AMERICA.  AS  HEROES  AND  STAlESMEN,  THEY  HOWOIR 
THEIR  ADOI'TED  COUiNTRY." 

The  above  sublime  and  correct  tribute  of  pruise,  is  extract- 
td  from  the  Federal  Republican,  of  July  22,  1812,  and  loiiiis 
paft  of  an  unanimous  address  agretd  to  by  \he  federal  mtmhtis 
of  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  published  iu  constqutnce  of 
the  Baltimore  riots. 

1  have  been  highly  and  very  unexpectedly  gratified  to  find 
another  advocate  and  defender  of  the  Irish  nation,  since  \]\c. 
publication  of  my  former  edition.  Mr.  Coleman,  the  e<ii(or  ({' 
tiie  New  Y&rk  Evening  Pout,  bears  this  stiong  testimony  in 
favour  of  that  nation,  in  his  paper  of  ihe  7th  of  Maic!;, 
iC15:—  ■' 

"  No  charactfr  is  more  csthnalle  and  respectable  than  that  of  the  real  Triah 
j\cnlhmun  :  and  those  icho  hurt  come  to  rtsidt  among  its,  are  distingunhed 
by  the  urban'tly  «f  their  manners  and  the  liber  ality  0/ their  mindi.^^ 


CHAPTER  LIX.       " 
Address  to  the  Federalists  of  the  United  States,^ 

Gentlemen,  _  ,-i_   ■,    ,  ;•    —    '■  "  '       '^''   ^' 

An  attentive  perusal  of  the  preceding  pages,  ran,  I  iiof  f.. 
hardly  have  failed  to  |)lacc  me  beyond  the  susiiicitwi  of  I  lie  (*e3- 
picabl«  vice,  flattery — and  must  give  to  my  commtnil.itioii  at 
least  the  merit  of  sincerity. 

After  these  introductory  remarks,  I  make  no  scruple  to  de- 
clare my  decided  conviction,  that  in  private  life,  I  know  of  no 
party,  in  ancient  or  modern  history,  more  entitled  to  r«  spect, 
to  esteem,  to  regard,  than  the  American  fedei'alists  in  general 
— in  all  the  social  relations,  of  husbands,  parents,  brothers, 
children  and  friends.  There  are  exception^.  But  they  are  ..s 
few  as  apply  to  any  boily  equally  numerous.  Political  preju- 
dice, or  the  widest  difference  of  opinions,  has  never  so  far  ob- 

*  Written,  let  it  he  observed,  in  Nov  l^f  I.  I  coiilil  not  alter  this  rh  p'^rFO 
as  to  suit  it  to  existing  cirruni'tatices  j  1  therefore  let  it  reniaiu  as  a  rccurd  of  tlifr 
staie  of  the  nation  at  that  period. 


chciQ^ 
with 
contr 
1 700, 
the  pi 
credit 
um  of 
lay  it 
Ingtoi 
vile  p( 
Let 
tions  a 

I. 

treal. 

and  th 

and  u(] 

ouwht 

U. 

as  yini% 

fail  to 

For  th< 

ton-,b 

iufeyo 


THE  OLIVE  branch: 


345 


sCured  my  visual  ray,  as  to  prevent  me  from  discerning,  or  my^ 
reasunhig  faculty  from  acknowledging,  this  strong,  tliis  honour- 
able trulh — the  more  decisive  in  its  nature,  from  being  pro- 
nujnced  hy  a  political  opponent. 

But,  fellow  citizens,  after  (his  frank  declaration  in  your 
praise  as  to  private  life,  and  for  private  virtue,  let  me  freely 
discusi}  your  puiilic  conduct.  Believe  me,  1  mean  not  tooffend.^ 
I  trust  I  shall  not.  1  address  you  th»  words  of  tnith.  The 
crisis  forbids  the  use  of  ceremony.  1  hope  you  will  give  the 
suhjeat  a  serious  consideration — and  receive  with  indulgence' 
wh4t  emanates  from  candour  and  friendship. 

I  believe  there  is  not  to  be  found,  in  the  widest  range  of  his- 
tory, another  instance  of  '>  party  so  enlightened,  so  intelligent, 
so  respectable,  and  in  .vate  life  so  virtuous,  yielding  them*' 
selves  up  so  blindly,  so  submissively,  and  with  so  complete  an 
aliandonment*  of  the  plainest  dictates  uf  reason  and  common 
sense,  into  the  hands  of  leaders  so  undeserving  of  their  confi- 
dence. In  and  after  the  days  of  Washington,  you  stood  on  a- 
proud  eminence — on  high  and  comm.inding  ground.  You  were 
the  friends  of  order  and  gofnl  government.  You  were  trem- 
blingly alive  to  the  honour  of  yodr  country.  You  identified  it 
with  your  own.  But  it  is  difficult  to  find  a  more  lamentable 
change  in  the  conduct  of  any  body  of  men  than  has  taken  place 
with  your  leaders.  The  mind  can  hardly  conceive  a  greater 
contrast  than  between  a  genuine  Washingtonian  federalist  of 
175^0,  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  and  6,  and  the  Bostonian,  who,  covered  with 
the  pretended  mantle  of  Washington  federalism,  destroys  the 
credit  of  his  own  government — and  collects-  the  metallic  medi- 
um of  the  nation  to  foster  the  armifs  preparing  to  attack  and" 
lay  it  waste.  Never  were  holy  terms  so  [>rostitut«d.  Wash- 
ington from  Heaven  loolws  down  with  indignation  at  such  a 
vile  perversion  of  the  authority  ()f  his  name. 

Let  me  request  your  attention  to  a  few  facts — and  td  refleC' 
tions  and  queries,  resulting  from  them— 

I.  Your  proceedings  and  your  views  are  eulogiyiCd  in  Moo* 
treal.  Quebec,  Halifax,  London,  and  Liverpool.  The  Courier, 
and  the  Times,  and  all  the  other  governinf»nt  paners,  are  loud 
and  uniform  in  your  praise.  \}^  This  is  an  awful  fact^  and 
ought  to  make  you  pause  in  your  career. 

II.  117*  Your  party  ris^s  as  your  country  sinks.  UJ^  It  sinks 
a'i  your  cmnlry  rises.  This  is  another  awful  fact.  It  cannot 
fail  to  rend  the  heart  of  every  public  spirited  man  amon^ryou. 
For  the  love  of  the  God  of  Peace —!>y  the  shTide  of  W^shing^ 
ton—by  that  country  which  contains  all  you  hold  dear,  1  ad* 
jure  you  to  weigh   well  this  sentence— o;?*  vom  sink  as  your 

Fr2 


,34d 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


dountry  rises.  Yes,  it  is  induhitaUly  so.  It  is  a  terrific  ami  np. 
palling  truth.  And  (IT*  you  rise  as  thai  despotulins;^  laccralcd^ 
perishitigy  bdraycd  country  sinks.  '*  1  would  r<4tlier  be  a  dog  und 
bay  the  raouo,"  than  aland  in  this  odious  predicament. 

III.  Had  there  been  two  or  three  surrenders  like  Genera! 
Hull's — had  Copenhagenism  befallen  New  Yorlc,  or  PhiludeN 
phia,  or  Baltimore,  or  Charleston — or  had  our  Constitutions, 
ftnd  United  States,  and  Presidents,  and  Constellations,  lieen 
sunk  or  carried  into  Halif  .x  ;  and  our  Porters,  and  Decaturs^ 
and  Bainhridge  and  Perrys,  and  Hulls,  been  killed  or  taken 
prisoners,  your  leader*  would  have  been  crowned  with  com- 
plete success.  They  would  have  been  wafted  on  a  spring-tide 
to  that  |)ower  which  is  "tke  God  of  their  idolatry."  fD  Eve- 
ry event  that  sheds  lustre  ofi  the  arms  of  America  ts  to  them  a  do- 
feat.     It  removes  to  a  distance  the  prize  to  which  their  eyes  i\m\ 

'efforts  are  directed.  [17^  But  every  circumstance  that  entails  dis- 
grace or  distress  on  Hie  country^  whether  it  be  lanfcrtrplcyt  difcat, 
treachery,  or  cmvardicc,  is  auspicious  to  their  views. 

IV.  UT'  Never  has  the  sun,  in  hiss^lorious  course,  helteld  so  es- 
iimabU,  so  respectable,  so  cnliglUentd  a  varty  as  you  are,  in  tLe 
friifblful  situation,  in  which  the  ambition  of  your  leaders,  and 
your  own  tame,  thoughtless,  inexplicable  acrjuiescen-ce,  have 
pluced  you. 

V.  By  fulminationst  from  the  pulpit — by  dennnciAtions  from 
the  press — ItJ"  by  a  profitse  itse  of  British  government  bills^hy 
unusual,  unnecessary,  lK>8tile  and  oppressive  drafts  for  specie  cii 
the  New  York  banks — and  by  various  other  unholy,  treasona- 
ble, and  wicked  means,  the  leaders  of  your  parly  in  Boston 
have  reduced  the  government  to  temporary  bankruptcy — have 
produced  the  same  effect  on  our  banks — ha\e  depreciated  tlie 
stocks  and  almost  every  species  of  ii^foperty  from  10  to  SO|i«T 
cent. 

VI.  These  treasonable  operations  have  served  the  cause  rf 
England  more  effertually,  than  Lord  Wellington  could  have 
done  with  50,000  of  his  bravest  troops.  They  have  produced 
incalculable,  and  to  mnny  remediless  distress  and  ruin. 

VII.  CI^^  After  havinsc  thus  treascnably  destroyed  the  credit  oj 
Gie government^  one  oj  their  strongest  uccusalions  against  it^is^ 
bankruptcy,^ 


•  It  is  impoasihte  for  IfiBgiwjfe  to  conn»v  the  contempt  ftnS  abhorrPiTce  that  aW 
dne  to  the  canting,  ivbining  speeches  dcliverrd  In  rongress  on  the  hi-aiiuptcya 
the  goternnient  ^y  men  who  were  deoply  guilty  of  protlucing  it— whoRP  Iretison- 
«1ileeffoi-t8  hatVe  been  crowi<ed  with  success— who  hnve  Nrgely  coiit'-ifiuTtl  to 
Uaet  the  most  cheering  prcsppcts  tliat  hkavf<n  ever  voiichr«^fed  to  accord  to  ?i9 
9i  the  buniaa  race.    Ihn  iear«  4liv«  4U«<1,  ai«  ttfacUy  fy^i&nA  by  Mum  tliai 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


347 


VIII.  A  man  v^hoties  another  neck  ami  lieelg,  ami  ga^s  him^ 
might,  with  equal  jiistice,  blow  out  his  tirains  lor  m)t  8iiiL:iii|^ 
Yankee-doodle,  or  dancint;  a  saraband,  n»  those  who  {>rodure 
bankruptcy  inculpate  the  bankrupt  mth  his  forlorn  and  despe- 
rate  circumstance!. 

IX.  There  is  no  other  country  in  the  world,  where  these 
firoceedings  would  not  be  punished  severely — in  many  capitally. 
Their  guilt  is  enormous,  clear  and  indisputable.  They  strike 
at  the  safety,  and  even  the  existence,  of  society. 

X.  By  the  sedition  law,*  en-icted  by  some  of  these  very  men, 
and  their  followers,  heavy  fines,  and  tedious  imprisonment,  were 
awarded  a£;ainst  offences  incomparably  inferior. 

XI.  While  you  suUmit  to  leaders,  whose  career  is  so  iniquit- 
ous, were  you  in  private  life  as  pure  as  archangels,  you  partake 
largely  of  the  guilt  of  those  whom  you  uphold;  "whose  power 
of  destruction  depends  on  your  supi;)ort;  and  who  would  sink 
into  insigniiicHnce,  but  for  your  countenance. 

XI  \.  If  the  pretext,  or  even  the  strong  belief,  on  the  part  of 
the;  minority,  that  a  war,  or  any  other  measure  is  ur\just,  can 
warrnnt  such  a  Jacobinical,  seditious,  and  treasonal>le  opposition 
as  the  present  war  has  experienced,  no  government  can  exist. 
The  minority  in  all  countries,  uniformly  denounce  all  the  meas- 
nres  they  have  opposed,  as  unjust,  wicked,  unholy,  or  unconsti- 
tutional— or  all  united. 

XI I I.  The  most  unerring  characteristic  of  a  desperate  faction, 
i»  CCT' «»  uniform  opposition  to  all  the  measures  proposed  by  its 
opponents^  rmether  ^ood  or  b<id^  and  without  offering;  substitutes. 
The  more  dangerous  the  crisis,  and  the  more  necessary  the 
measures,  the  more  infallible  the  criterion. 

XIV.  This  characteristic  exactly  and  most  indisputably  ap- 
plies to  your  leaders.  Tlie  country  is  on  the  brink  of  perdi- 
tion. Yet  they  have  opposed  and  defeated  every  measure  de* 
vised  for  our  salvation.  They  appear  determined  to  delircr  u& 
tied  hand  and  foot  into  the  jroMrcr  of  the  enemy,  unless  they  can 
seize  the  reins  of  government. 

XV.  Yon  profess  to  be  disciples  cf  Washington.  Tlie  title 
is  a  glorious  one.  Let  us  test  the  practice  of  your  leaders,  by 
the  holy  maxiais  of  Washington.  He  raised  hisToice  against — 
warned  you  to  shuo — and  pronounced  the  strongest  coDdeama- 
ion  upon 


90  plentifully  h\l  frcmi  the  ivocaciooi  ccocodiie  over  tbepeej^  be  ia  going  to 
icTour. 


348 


THE  OLIVE  BIIANCH. 


i 


1.  All  obstructions,  of  what  kind  soever,  to  the  execution  or 
tlie  laws : 

Ail  combinations  to  direct,  control,  or  awe  the  cocstituied 
authorities : 

3.  Ail  iiiHidious  efTurts  to  {jj^'ercile  hostility  hetncen  the  differ, 
cnt  sections  of  the  union : 

4.  And  in  the  most  cmphaiical  manner,  QT^  all  attends  /# 
dissolve  the  union, 

X\l,  But  the  leaders  of  your  party,  particularly  in  BosloOf 
have 

1.  Openly  obstructed  the  execution  of  the  laws : 

2.  Combined  to  control  the  eonstitutrd  authorities: 

3.  Actually  excited  as  dire  hostility  against  the  southern  states, 
in  tl)e  breasts  of  those  undei  their  influence  in  the  eastern, 
as  exists  between  France  and  England :  and 

4.  Been  constantly  endeavoring,  by  a  series  of  the  most  inflnm- 
miitory  and  violent  pubIi(!HU<»ns,  to  QiT^'  prepare  the  eashm 
people  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union, 

XVII.  In  line,  all  the  steps  ihey  take,  and  fheir  wh6le  course 
of  proceedings,  are  in  direct  hostility  with  the  creed,  the  advice, 
and  the  practice  of  Washint^lon. 

XVIII.  While  you  follow  such  leaders,  you  may  profess  to  Lc 
disciples  of  Washington,  but  an  impartial  world  will  reject  jour 
claim. 

XIX.  Suppose  your  leaders  at  Washington  succeed  in  drivipjf 
Mr.  Madison  and  the  other  public  Sunclionaries  from  oflicc,  and 
seize  the  reins  of  government  thtmselves,  what  a  melsncholy,  tlis* 
graceful  triumph  would  it  not  be,  to  raise  your  party  on  theru* 
ins  of  jour  form  of  government  ? 

XX.  Such  an  usurpation  could  not  fail  to  produce  civil  war. 

XXI.  If  your  parly  set  tl»e  example  of  such  atrocious  vio- 
lence, can  you  persuade  yourselves  that  the  ^^ poisoned  chalice^' 
will  not,  at  no  very  distant  period,  be  "  returned  to  your  own 

lipf*  r 

XXI J.  You  profess  to  desire  peace.  I  firmly  believe  yon  do. 
But  are  divisions,  and  distractions,  and  envenomed  fac»ioijs,  aiui 
threatened  insurrections,  the  seeds  to  sow  for  a  harvest  of 
peace  ? 

XXIIT.  All  the  seditious  and  treasonable  measures  adopltJin 
Boston  and  elsewhere,  to  harass,  cripple,  and  embanaJ^s  Jfur 
government,  have,  previous  to  the  war,  had  an  inevitable  ten- 
dency to  enable  Great  Britain  to  regulate,  control,  and  restrict 
your  commerce— -and  to  set  at  dt:fiance  all  the  attempts  to  pro- 
cure redrew*— and,  since  the  war,  their  tendency  hd^  been  to  pi> 
long  its  ravages. 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


340 


XXTV.  Are  you  prepared — can  you  rcconrilc  yourselvrs  to 
incur  all  llie  risk— to  su  Ver  all  tlie  mlu  thai  a  revolution  will  iii- 
fallibly  produce,  to  enable  Kul'us  King,  Timothy  Pickniiig, 
Cliiistophcr  Gore,  Cyrus  King,  and  Puikl  Webster,  to  siezo 
tlie  ro.iiw  of  sfovernineiU,  and  exde  "  to  Elba'* — or  exrculc  with 
Cyrus  King's  crlebratf^d  "  hallT^'''  your  venerable  first  mijys- 
liate  ?  Suj)|)09e  they  succee<l,  what  will  be  the  advantage  to  you 
individually  ? 

I  plead  nol  fcllow-ritizens,  for  dcmncracy — T  plead  not  for  fed* 
f  1  AliiJni.  Their  di:Verenee«<  have  sunk  inlo  uiter  insinnificaucc. 
Were  the  contest  brtween  ihetn  1  should  not  h  »ve  soiled  a  sir.n;|e 
■lipol  of  paper,  I  plead  a<;ai  ist  jacobinism — I  plead  .i^jainsl  fac- 
tion— !    piernl    a^'iiis(  attempts  to    "overawe   and    control    the 

coi-iiiui.c.l   aulhoiiiies."        I    plead    the    cause    of    order of 

t^overonif  at — \i\'  civil  and  relii»iotn  liberty.  1  plead  for  the  b(;3t 
C0ll^li:»l•io;l  the  world  ever  saw — I  plead  for  your  own  honor  ms 
f;  pa.l* ,  which  is  in  the  u'lnj^l  jeojuruy.  \  pie  »  I  for  your  ble.d- 
i:i;  c  vutit.y,  which  lies  prostrate  aiul  <lefenceless,  pij-rced  with  a 
thousand  wound.: — I  pkid  for  your  hj^ik]  paren  s,  for  your  len- 
der cliildK'n,  for  your  btlovrd  wivts,  for  your  posterity,  whose 
fate  de;ycnd3  up  iO  your  corului-.l  at  this  inonientoua  crisis.  I 
plead  for  your  estates  which  ate  goinaj  to  ruin.  All,  all,  loudly 
iiTiplore  >ou  to  withdiaw  your  t-upport  from  those  who  arc 
Ifij^ued  for  their  destruction,  and  \vl>0'  make  you  i.isirunients  to 
accomplish  their  un'-s  >ly  purpoMs.  You  ijre  on  the  verge  of  a 
giipinjj  voriftx,  ready  to  sn-alhiw  up}  ourfielvesi  and  your  devoted 
Country.  To  advance  a  bina;le  step  mny  be  inevitable  perdition. 
To  the  riorht  about.  Ii  is  the  path  to  tionor,  to  safety,  to  a;lory. 
Aid  in  exliic^tinaiy  ;ur  country  iVo  n  daii4i;e.r.  And  then  if  y  )U 
s-leci  Clin),  and  dis-pissionaie,  mu\  m.nhnMte  cand'd.iiei*  for  public 
odice,  tilt  re  can  be  do  <1  mU)!  of  your  success.  J  am  Hrrnly  p"r- 
£u  <I(.'<1  ih.it  nothing;  but  ihe  lOtempfna'e  and  unholy  violence  of 
yout'  leaders  Ins  p  evented  you  irom  havin«;  haislnre  of  influ- 
ciito  in  the  councils  of  the  njti;)n  lo  which  your  weikh.  jour 
numbers,  )our  talents,  and  your  virtues  give  you  so  lair  a 
claim. 

The  constitution  m  ly  be  imperfect.  Every  thinu  human  par- 
takes of  human  infirmity  and  human  error,  ft  lias  provided  a 
proper  mode  of  amendmi-nt.  As  soon  as  peace  is  restored,  aiid 
lliH  fermentation  ot  the  public  passions  has  subsided,  tct  the  real 
or  -supposed  d.-ferts  be  brought  fairly  forward,  and  s-ubmiltpd  to 
die  le-islitures,  or  to  a  convention,  as  may  be  judjjed  p'op^-r. — 
But  while  the  vessel  of  stale  is  oa  rocks  and  qnickbands,  let  us 


3.'9 


/ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


uot  madly  spend  the  time  which  ou^ht  to  be  devoted  to  fcrurc  !ier 
and  our  salvation,  in  the  nbeuid  and  ill-timtd  allrmpt  to  amnid— 
in  other  words  to  destro}'— -the  charter  party  under  whicii  hi  ^ 
sails. 

May  the  Almighty  Dipposer  or  events  inflame  your  IjearlH— 
enlighten  your  underKtandlng — and  direct  }ou  to  the  prc|}(.i 
course  to  steer  at  this  momentous  crisin!  And  may  he  (\ifii(|  to 
our  common  country  that  gracious  blessing  Mliich  brought  lir. 
eafrly  through  one  i evolution,  nithout  eotailiugonus  tJjc  frigliifm 
eurscs  iuscparablc  horn  another  ! 


'      /  POSTSCRIPT. 

Jammry  0,  1815. 
The   apprehensions  on  the  subject  of  the    dieooluiion  ol  t|)« 
union,  uhich  are  repeatedly  expressed  in  this  book,  and  uliidi 
have  led  to  its  publication,  being;  treated  by  many  as  chimci  lijil— 
and    the    rcfult   ol*    the    Hnrtiord  convention,    Jn.«t  puhiis-tjnl, 
appearing  to   countenance    the   idea   that  the  dangt  r  is  ovrc 
rated,  the   writer   in  justification    of   his  fears  simpl}    ^ihi;, 
even  admitting  that  the  leading  men  to  the  eastward  do  \^^\  i(.i> 
template  a  dissolution  of  the  union,  it  docR  not  by  nny  mteos  l'nl< 
fow  that  \re  are  safe  from  Kuch  an  event,  while  the  publir  pis< 
sious  are  so  constantly  excited  and  k(  pt  in  such  a  hiirh  stnit  cf 
fermentation.     It  is  an  easy  process  lo  raise  commotions  and  |);o- 
voke  seditions.     But  to  ^llay  Ihcra  is  always  ardu(>u!- — oIim!  im- 
possible.    Ten  men  may  create  an  insurrection — w liich  onr  Inn- 
d red,  of  equal  talents  and  influence  may  be  utterly  unabh  loiiip- 
puss.     The  weapon  of  popular  discontent,  easily  witl(l((l  atilie 
outset,  becomes,  after  it  has  arrived  at  maturity,  too  potent  tot 
the  feeble  grasp  of  the  agents  by  whom  it  has  been  call<  d  into  a- 
ietence.     It  hurls  them  and  those  against  whom  it  was  first  o 
ployed,  into  the  same  prolound  abyss  of  n)isery  and  dtslruciioc, 
Whoever  reqidres  illustration  of  this  theory,  has  only  to  v\n 
any  page  of  the  history  of  France  from  the  era  of  the  national 
convention  till   the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Bonaparic- 
If  he  be  not  convinced  by  the  perusal,  "  he  would  Qot  be  cc3> 
vixiced,  though  oue  were  tu  rise  from  the  dead." 


APPENDIX. 


The  favorable  reception  this  work  has  oxperi- 
enrccl,  induces  mo  to  make  a  few  additions  to  it, 
wliicli  1  respectfully  submit  to  my  fellow-citi- 
zens. 

Tlioy  embrace  topics  mostly  untouched,  or  at 
least  slightly  handled  in  the  original  work.  Some 
of  them  are  of  vital  importance  to  the  dearest  in- 
terests of  the  nation. 

In  this  portion  of  the  publication,  as  well  as  in 
what  precedes  it,  I  lave  endeavored  to  divest  my- 
self of  any  undue  bias.  I  have  pursued  truth 
nndeviatingly,  and  regardless  of  consequences. 
How  far  J  have  succeeded  the  leader  must 
judge. 

1  request  a  candid  and  fair  examination  of  the 
various  subj«cts — and  that  my  erroii),  whatever 
they  be,  may  be  ascribed  to  any  other  causr=^  than 
an  intention  to  mislead,  of  which  I  feel  myself 
utterly  incapable. 

M.  C. 

March  31, 1815. 


/ 


Orfh 
mi 

the 


order 
will  ri 
istrati 
dresg, 
admit 

Iiad  l)i 

ous  rei 

No  rei 

in  viol 

but  ou 

sitated 

early 

i'or  hul 

the  del 

rious  pi 

Gre/ 

Upon 

merce.l 

perilyj 

justice.! 

son  anf 

her  gro| 

rious. 

Thel 
Great 
the  enoj 

^  our  go] 
jpar 

LeaviBfl 


APPENDIX. 


3i»(5 


CHAPTER  LX. 

Offlers  in  couiiciL  Restrictive  system.  Impolici/  of  tlie  BritisTt 
ministry.  Abstract  from  the  examinations  before  the  house  of 
commons.  Ruinous  effects  of  the  policy  of  Great  Britain  on 
the  vital  interests  of  that  nation. 

That  the  violation  of  the  rights  of  tho  United  States  by  the 
ortlers  in  council,  required  to  ll)e  resisted  by  our  government, 
will  not  be  denied,  by  the  most  strenuous  opi'oser  of  the  admin- 
istration. And  that  every  peaceable  means  of  obtt^ining  re- 
dress, ought  to  be  fully  tried  before  a  lecourse  to  war,  will  be 
admitted. 

Appeals  to  the  honour  and  justice  of  the  British  government 
liad  been  repeatedly  made.  Our  ministers  had  (iresented  vari- 
ous remonstrances  on  the  subject.  They  had  been  in  vain.— 
No  redress  had  been  vouchsafed.  Our  injuries  had  increased 
in  violence.  Other  means  were  necessary.  Perhaps  no  nation 
but  our  own,  whose  policy  is  eminently  pacific,  would  have  he- 
sitated on  the  subject  War,  horrible,  destructive  war,  would 
early  been  the  resort.  But  with  a  most  laudable  regard 
for  human  happiness — with  a  view  to  prevent  the  carnage, 
the  demoralization  of  war,  our  government  bad  recourse  to  va- 
rious paf^fic  measures  to  enforce  redress. 

Great  Britain  is  a  manufacturing  and  commercial  nation.-^ 
Upon  her  manufactures  depends  in  a  great  degree  her  com- 
merce. Both  are  indispensable,  not  merely  towards  her  pros- 
perity, but  her  security,  her  very  existence.  We  asked  simple 
justice.  It  was  believed,  and  on  the  strongest  ground  of  rea- 
son and  policy,  that  it  could  be  rendered  her  interest  to  ceaae 
her  gross  violation?  of  our  rights.  The  effort  was  most  merito- 
rious.    It  is  vTorthy  of  future  imitation. 

The  American  market  was  far  the  best  in  the  world  for 
Great  Britain.  Our  imports  from  that  country  bad  risen  to 
the  enormous  sum  of  above  I  50,000,000  in  a  year.*    It  had 

*Byariport  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  esq.  secretary  of  the  treasnry,  dated 
December  23,  1793,  it  appears  that  even  at  th^t  very  parly  period,  in  the  infancy 
of  our  government,  we  imported  from  the  British  domiaious  during  the  preceding 
y*^ar  ^  15,285,428 

Whereas  our  exports  were  only  9,363,4 16 


Leaving  ui  favor  of  Great  Britain  a  halance  ««f 


$  :>,922,<01S 


S6.1 


THE  OLIVE  liRANCfl. 


been  steadily  improving.     The  pimctualily  of  our  imi)Oj(cti 
had  excelleil  that  of  any  of  the  other  customers  of  Knghuul. — 
A  considerable  part  of  tiie  trade  had  for  some  time  been  trans 
acted  for  ready  money. 

As  a  large  portion  of  the  continent  of  Europe  had  been  as  it 
'were  hermetically  sealed  to  the  British  trade,  it  was  rationally 
presumed,  that  if  the  alternative  were  held  out  to  Great  Brit- 
ain, either  to  cease  her  violation  of  our  rights,  or  to  forfeit  our 
trade,  she  would  certainly  select  Ihc  furmcr.  Fatuity  of  the 
l.'lindest  character  alone  could  have  hesitated  in  the  choice. 

1  have  strong  doubts  whether  any  a»iministration  of  any  figr, 
ever  dis])layed  a  higher  degree  of  outrageous  folly  «nd  injiny  to 
the  interests  of  its  own  couHtry.  Every  motive  tk'  j  rudence  anti 
policy  dictated  'O  Enuland,  as  an  imperious  and  paramount  du- 
ly, to  treat  the  United  States  with  kiudnrse,  liberality  and  aU 
tention.  Every  fair  means  o^agl-.t  to  have  been  eraj'loyed  to 
conciliate  our  citizens,  and  to  induce  them  to  bury  the  animos- 
ities of  the  revolution  in  utter  oblivion.  Such  a  liberal  course 
of  proceeding  would  have  been  productive  of  immense  advac- 
tages  to iief  dearest  intercBts. 

The  trade  of  this  country  was  the  main  buttress  that  propped 
up  the  tottering  fabric  of  British  paper  credit,  and  furnisli- 
ed  means  to  replenisli  the  veins  of  the  body  commercial  iind 
financial,  which  had  been  so  ruinously  phlebotomized  by  tii« 
lancet  of  subsidies  to  foreign  powers,  and  suffered  so  much  by 
the  starvation  of  the  continental  system. 

It  requires  biit  a  cursory  examination  of  the  whole  tenor  ol 
the  conduct  of  England  towards  this  country,  to  be  satisfifd 
that  it  has  been  steadily  and  uniformly  tfte  reverse  of  v\hat  a 
wise  slatesraan  would  have  a«doi)ted.  The  predatory  and  law- 
|i!8s  orders  in  council,  so  clandestinely  issued  against  Americuti 
commerce,  ^^  preying  upon  ihc  unprotected  property  of  a  friendlij 
power^''* — the  wanton,  oruel,  barbarous,  and  unprecedented  sei- 
zures of  our  citizens  on  the  high  seas — the  countenanced,  tlie 
flaii'nious  forgery  of  our  ships'  papers,  advertised  in  their  Ga- 
zettes, and  defended  in  parliament — the  blockade  of  our  porti, 
and  capture  of  vessels  bound  in  and  oat — the  shameful  viola- 


Our  exports-to  the  Fiench  dominions  fortlie  same  year 

were  $  4,Cfl8.735 

And  the  imports  only  .....-•      •  2,088,348 

Leaving  a  balance  in  favor  of  the  United  States  of  2,610,387 

*  Pee  Boston  memorial,  signed  by  James  Lloyd,  jun.  David  Green,  AriioW 
Welles,  Dayd  Sears,  John  CcflRu  Jonrs,  George  Cabot,  and  Tl.onaiis  H  Perkinf, 
ibr  and  io  bebaif  of  the  whole  body  of  the  mercantile  citizens  ol  that  town. 


APPENDIX. 


35j 


:ror  of 

vbal  a 
1(1  law- 
lericaii 

lied  sei- 
;etl,  the 
leir  Ga- 
ir  porli, 
il  viola- 


[i,088;3l8 
[2^10,387 

town. 


iiowa  of  oiu'  riiijlils  of  sovereignty  wilhl:;  liic  Ihnils  ilrcl.ired  s> 
cred  by  il»e  law  of  nitions — the  miirtU'r  of  Peaate  iii  one  of 
o!Ji'  h.irwurg — and  the  total  neglect  of  all  our  ai)|»lic:aiond  for 
rfdiess  o4'  these  grievances,*  were  as  utterly  impolitic  aa  lliey 
Mere  unjust  and  flagitious.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive cf  a 
f"»urse  of  conduct  more  com;>l(;tely  m.irked  liy  an  ulter  destitu- 
tion of  reason,  common  sense,  justice,  regard  to  the  law  of  na- 
tiotis,  or  a  souuu  and  enlarged  view  of  the  true  and  vital  intc- 
resls  of  the  British  nation.  It  rt  quires  no  sagacity  to  foresee 
the  sentence  history  will  pron'junce  on  this  miserable,  this  har- 
rassin^  system.  Unqualified  reprobation  awaits  it,  aa  well  as 
its  authors  and  abettois.  it  was  calculated  to  sour  and  alienate 
the  fnends  of  England,  and  to  increase  the  hostility  of  Imr  en  - 
niies — ta  treble  the  influence  of  th'j  latter,  and  proportionaldy 
to  diminish  that  of  the  foiaier. 

The  conduct  of  France  had  been  in  many  points  so  uttetly 
indefensible,  so  great  a  violation  of  our  rights,  and  of  the  plain- 
est dictates  of  justice,  that  had  Great  Britain  conducted  la* 
wards  us  willi  even  a  moderate  share  of  decency  or  propriety, 
she  might  have  re:uli!y  arrayed  this  nation  in  hostility  against 
her  grand  enemy  seven  years  ago.  The  sole  reason  that  pre- 
vented an  earlier  declaration  of  war  against  one  ur  the  other 
of  the  belligerents  was,  that  it  would  bave  been  madness  to  at- 
tiick  the  two,  an(!  each  had  so  atrociously  outraged  and  ii\}ured- 
us,  that,  in  the  strong,  clear,  and  ji.3t  language  of  Governor 
Griswold,  "  such  bad  been  the  character  of  both,  that  no  cir- 
euiuitauce  could  jusLify  a  prffcrcnc:  to  eilker.''^  This  import- 
ant and  irresistible  declaration  was,  as  1  have  already  stated, 
mitde  to  the  legislature  of  Connecticut,  on  the  J  2th  of  May, 
1812. 

The  annals  of  commerce  do  not,  I  believe,  furnish  an  In- 
stance of  one  nation  enjoying  so  lucrative  a  trade  with  another 
as  England  maintained  with  this  country,  as  well  for  extent  as 
tor  immensity  of  advantage.  We  furnished  her  with  the  most 
valuable  raw  materials  for  her  manufactures,  and  received  in 
return  for  these  materials  the  manufactured  articles,  wrought 
up  often  at  0,  20,  30,  or  40  fold  advance  of  value.  U  is  hard- 
ly possible  to  conceive  a  more  gainful  commerce.  A  Sully,  or 
a  Colbert,  or  a  Ximenes,  or  a  Chatham,  would  hare  cherished 
such  a  trade  as  ''the  apple  of  his  r?/c''— and  shunned  with  hor- 
ror every  thing  iu  the  least  calculated  to  iraimir  or  destroy 
it.  -  ^  - 

•*  Redress  of  grievances  was  not  on^  never  afToidefl—bul  in  almost  evrry  In- 
ttancp,  tlip  ofTicers  who  perpetrated  the  greatest  outrages,  wtre  dO^olut-Iy  pr/)- 
aioted,  as  .if  to  reward  thciii,  and  to  eiiceurage  ethers. 


'l.  ,3'- 


I'-*'    ' 


'r.  '  ■ 


356 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


For  every  valuable  purpose,  we  were  literally  colonics  ol 
taifat  Britain.  Tliat  iy  to  say,  she  derived  Irom  uh  all  the  ad- 
vanlageg  that  nations  have  ever  derived  from  colonies,  without 
the  exj»ense  of  fleets  or  armies  for  our  protection.  And  so 
strong  hits  been  and  is  the  partiality  of  large  proi)ortions  of  our 
eiiizens  for  English  hai:)its,  and  English  manners,  and  English 
fashions ;  and  such  is  the  devotion  of  u  lar<j;e  number  of  our 
liieases,  and  our  literary  men,  and  our  pulpits,  to  the  dt-fciice 
and  jijstitication  of  Enghmd,  that  it  required  but  little  care  lo 
have  maintained  her  inlluence  here  wholly  unimpaired.  If. 
notwithstandin!^  such  an  irritatinix,  and  insulting;,  and  predatory 
system  as  she  pursued,  s!ie  eijil  retained  so  m;iny  warm,  ze.J- 
ous,  and  intluential  partisans  liere,  what  mighl  she  not  h;;\e 
♦lone,  had  she  pursJicd  a  sysleni  of  hiiidness  and  conciliation  ! 

Her  minislcMT,  abandoned  Hie  noh'.e,  lawful,  immense  and  r;oh 
irrde  with  this  coiintry,  for  a  miserable  trade  of  smug^lini-,  liht 
one-tenth  in  amount  or  value,  iuul  resting  upon  the  pfstibioiis 
::nd  hateful  basis  of  forgery  and  perjr.ry  !  Alas  !  that  tiie  aiLirs 
vtf  m'|2;hty  nntious  should  fall  into  such  hands  ! 

)  ciiuiot  resist  the  temptation  of  enriching  this  pajje — t)f 
embalmina;  it  vviln  the  glowinn;  and  sublime  eloquence  pf  Kenrj 
iiroiigliani;  esq.  M.  P.  oa  this  inexhaustible  topic. 

*'  (lood  God  !  the  incurable  pervereeness  of  huniHO  folly  !  always  striving  aftor 
thiiics  timt  aif  he>  ond  tlieir  reach,  of  doubtful  worth,  and  discreditable  pursuit, 
and  n<^glcctinj5  objects  of  imineuse  value,  because,  in  addition  to  Ihftir  owd  nii- 
portiUice,  they  have  one  recommendation  which  would  in^ike  meaner  things  i!i'<i- 
i'able— thiit  lliey  can  be  easily  obtained  and  hon^^stly  as  well  as  justly  eiijo\r(l! 
It  is  tliis  miserable,  Bluflinir,  doubtful,  hateful  traffic,  that  we  j)reier,  to  the  sun, 
regular  increasing,  honcsl  gains  i)f  Imencan  commtrce,  to  a  trade  which  is  [>  a- 
ced  beyond  the  enemy's  reach,  which  besiiles  encircling  ourselves  in  peace  mid 
lionor,  only  benefits  those  wlio  art^oiir  natural  frieiuh,  over  whom  he  has  noron- 
irol,"  *  *  *  "  whic'i  -upports  at  o:icc  all  thai  rem-'ins  of  liberty  I):\voii(i  ( le 
£cas,  and  gives  life  and  vigor  toils  main  pillar  within  the  realm,  the  miujuijc- 
iures  and  commerce  of  England  "* 

"  I  have  been  drawn  aside  from  th..^  coiirse  of  my  statement  respecting  tlif  im- 
portance of  tie  conniorce  whic!)  we  are  sacrificing  to  those  mere  wiiimsifS  I  caa 
call  them  nothing  els*,  respecting  our  abstract  rights.  That  commerce  is  tiie 
%vhole  American  market,  a  branch  'if  trade  in  comparison  qf  rvhich,  iihilhcr  fu 
regard  its  extent,  its  certainty,  or  ils  progressive  increase,  every  other  s.  ^ks  I'jt.'s  !>;- 
significance.  It  is  a  market  which  in  ordinary  times  may  take  ofl'  nbo  it  (hirhcii 
millions}  worth  qf  our  manufactures  ;  and  in  steadiness  and  regularity  it  is  iiuii- 
vailed"! 

''  The  returns  indeed  are  as  sure,  and  the  bad  debts  as  few,  as  they  used  to  '>: 
even  in  the  trade  to  Holland.  These  returns  are  also  grown  much  more  fpcrdy. 
Of  this  you  have  ample  proof  before  you,  from  the  witues^e^  wao  h  ive  hi  en  o>.- 
amined,  who  have  all  said  that  the  payment  was  now  as  quick  as  in  any  other  line 
— and  that  the  Americans  often  preferred  makiog  read>'  money  bargains  lo;-  fi!"C 
of  the  discount,"} 


♦  Speech  in  parliament,  June  16, 1812,  Philadelphia  edition,  paiie  39. 

f  Nearly  sixty  millions  of  dollars.        \  Idem,  page  3 1.        \  Idem,  page  ?j 


AWENDIX. 


35r 


I'b  reitjrn  to  flje  course  parsiied  here.  The  intcrcomse  of 
France  and  England  with  this  country  svas  (irohibitcil  hy  an 
act  j)assed  on  the  1st  of  March,  1809,  commonly  called  the  non- 
intercourse  JHW,  for  the  vital  clauses  of  which  1  refer  the  read. 
er  lopas^e  108.  A  repeal,  or  modification  of  the  Berlin  and 
iVIilan  decrees,  and  the  oixlers  in  council,  so  as  to  cease  violat- 
m^  the  rij,^hfs  cf  the  United  States,  was  to  authorise  the  presi- 
deiit  to  restore  the  intercourse. 

This  mild  and  excellent  mode  of  pvocurinp;  redress,  which 
entitles  ifs  authors  to  the  most  unqualified  approbation  of  thtir 
fell.vvv  citizens  and  of  posterity— and  to  which  history  will  do 
the  justice  denied  by  ungrateful  colemporarirs,  was  treated 
with  tidicnle  and  contempt  in  this  country,  ns  futile,  and  imbe- 
r:i!e,  and  utterly  inetreclual  in. its  ope  ration  upon  England  and 
Fiance. 

With  a  IdindnpES,  and  folly,  ar.d  rnrdness,  of  which  there  are* 
not  many  parallels,  the  British  rjinistry  persevered  in  their  uh- 
i>ist  system  towards  this  country,  notwitiistandin^  its  destruct« 
he  effects  on  the  vital  interests  of  their  own.  Their  most  val- 
u.ihle  and  important  manufactures  were  paralized — their  manu- 
facturers reduced  to  be;;s;ary  and  ruin — n  regn!.ir  trade  cut  off, 
arnounfiuj;  to  50,000,000  of  dollars  annually— and  the  sources 
dried  up,  froai  whence  they  priucipaliy  derived  the  means  of 
iiu'}sidizin^-  foreign  powers  to  tight  their  battles. 

In  vain  did  the  wisest  acd  best  of  the  people  of  England 
en*er  their  most  solemn  protest  against  the  orders  in  council— 
that  miserable  system,  on  which  egregious  folly  and  rampant 
injustice  were  stamped  in  the  most  legible  characters.  In  vain 
did  tile  starving  workmen — the  impoverished  manufacturers  im- 
plore the  administration  for  relief.  They  were  deaf  as  the  ad» 
der,  whose  ears  are  closed  to  the  voice  of  the  charmer,  charm 
he  never  so  wiselv. 

At  length,  in  the  spring  of  1812,  the  public  sufferings  had  so 
far  increased — and  the  clamour  for  redress  was  so  universal, 
that  the  British  ministry  were  impetuously  driven  to  submit  to 
institute  an  inquiry  in  parliament  into  the  operation  and  effects 
')f  the  orders  in  council.  This  measure  was  adopted  with  an 
ill  grace,  and  not  until  the  most  serious  and  alarming  riots  and 
insurrections  had  occurred  in  several  parts  of  England. 

The  examination  was  begun  on  the  29th  of  April,  1812,  and 
continueil  till  the  13th  of  the  following  June.  Witnesses  were 
examined  from  most  parts  of  England.  The  evidence  uniform- 
ly and  undeviatingly  concurred  to  prove  how  transcendently 
important  was  the  American  trade  to  the  manufacturers  of  Great 
Britaia— how  awfully  calamitous  the  cessation  of  that  trade  ba4 

G€2 


1] 


358 


THE  OLIVE  EKANCIT. 


lie«ii — and  the  miserable  policy  of  an  aillierence  to  the  oiiltis 
in  council.     Jll this  was  apparent  and  undeniable  from  the  virj 
jirst  day  of  the  excuninatioiL,  could  there  huve  been  any  prciicu-; 
doubt  on  the  subject. 

The  minutes  of  the  examination,  as  published  by  order  of 
parliament,  form  a  ponderous  folio  volume  of  nearly  700  pc'ig<  s, 
andexliibit  a.frightful  picture  of  the  results  of  (he  sinister  ainJ 
absurd  policy  wiiich  dictated  the  orders  in  council. 

To  the  United  States  this  u  a  subject  of  immense  inijicr- 
tancp.  Our  form  of  government — our  dearest  interests— tie 
habits,  and  inclinations,  and  manners  of  our  jieople,  lead  wi  {■.) 
pursue  a  pacific  policy.  And  if  there  be  an  elfeclual  instruim  nf 
whereby,  without  war,  we  can  extort  justice  from  nations  uhlcL 
violate  our  rights^  or  offer  us  outrage,  it  alFords  additional  ami  in 
valuable  security  for  tlie  permanence  of  the  blessed  state  d 
peace.  While  we  can  make  it  preeminently  the  inlcresln 
those  nations  with  which  we  havo  intercour&e,  to  reciprccjiio 
kindness  and  justice,  we  may  reasonably  calculate  upon  ll.dt 
pursuing  tluit  desirable  course. 

To  evince,  therefore,  the  efficacy  of  the  so  much-abused  re- 
strictive system,  I  submit  to  the  reader  a  few  extracts  from  llie 
evidence  given  before  the  house  of  common?,  of  its  etfecis  od 
ihe  dearest  inlerests  of  Great  Britain. 

April  30,  i8l2. 

Mr.  THOMAS  POTTS,  merchant,  of  Birmxrf^ham  —From  20,000  to  2\m 
mtn  in  Birmingham,  wI)o  ^^^  have  noiv  only  hay  work.  General  date  nfth  ihn?, 
extremely  depressf.d,  and  titt  diJress  univerml.  Mnnvfaclurers  have  been  kttping 
their  men  employed  in  creating  stock  nearly  to  Iks  extent  if  their  ca^itcl,  end  marj 
V"  them  are  in  ccnseqiienee  in  extreme  diffinilties.  If  no  favourable  c!ia;ige  taiii 
place,  the  manufacturers  will  be  obliged  within  two  months  to  dismiss  two-tliiidf 
of  their  hands,  and  some  of  thorn  the  whole.  Large  quantitlts  of  Birm.r^huu 
goods  have  been  laying  in  Liverpool,  waiting  for  shipment  from  12  to  Ii»  n,i,r;t!;! 
■past,  rj-'ys  TAe  Jmericm  market,  a  steady  andinrreanng  one,  and  tlie  ynymird:. 
nhich  have  been  regularly  improving,  norv  very  good.  Since  the  prohibi'ion  in  A' 
incrica.  goods  have  been  sent  to  Canada  :  but  they  have  been  sold  thnefcrlfj! 
than  their  cost  in  the  manufacturing  towns.  Has  tried  tie  South  Auieric:in  niai' 
ket  wit'i  very  indifferent  success  ;  and  has  coocluc'ed  never  to  make  anotlie 
-shipment  to  that  country,  as  he  believea  those  siiipments  have  not  yielded  25 pci 
cent  Mamifactures  in  America  have  made  an  alnnning  progress  within  t^fo 
years  ;  but  thinks  that  if  the  ititercourse  was  speedily  thrown  open,  tlipy  would 
be  effectually  checked.  Would  ship  his  goods  to  America  the  nwment  the  ordnf 
•in  council  were  re cinrfcd,  having  pesitive  and  sptcific  instructions  from  his  cor 
respondents  to  that  effect.  Knows  liouses  in  Binningliam,  which  have  goods  rea 
dy  to  ship  to  America,  that  cost  them  70,000/  50,000/.  45,000Z.  25,000/.  20MI 
and  workmen  have  emigrated  from  Biriringh^m  to  Amenca.  Has  no  rfowit/^il 
■tf  the  American  trade  mas  opened^  the  distress  in  Birmingham  mould  ;.';:tcnilj 
4:ease. 

Mr.  WILLIAM  BLAKE  WAY,  Lamp  Manufacturer,  of  fiim/«^Aa»i.-Goc<li 
principally  sent  to  America.  Trade  so  much  diminished  that  I  e  would  lia« 
8toppe4  his  business  altogether,  had  it  not  been  for  regard  for  his  workmen,  ny 


r 


APPENDIX. 


S50 


wliflm  !ie  Ijad  been  gaining  money  for  twenty  v'cvii  \  Stock  «o  much  iHTirnlite >l 
tijjt  nearly  llie  whole  of  \\\i  Ciij)ital  id  iibsorbed  by  it.  t'nftxs  iht  Amerkni 
Ttvirketis  opmed,  cnnnot  kfpi)  on  his  handi  atall.  Mm  hithert')  borne  the  suIRt- 
in^s  of  hii  workmen  himself,  but  will  be  compelled  to  '.lls(.liarj;e  thorn,  howcvtr 
rf  luctarjt  to  do  so.  Fins  sotiifht,  but  not  founii  rrluf  in  nny  other  Jiuirki  t  Rec- 
ollects the  scarcity  hi  laOO  and  1801  :  but  the  distress  was  not  utall  et^ual  to  the; 
present,  becau.'ie  there  wis  plenty  of  worlc. 

Mr.  JWIT.S  RVL  VND.  of  Blrminghim,  mannfacturer  of  plated  conch  har- 
ne-is  and  isaddle  furiiittire. — Principal  part  nf  his  manufar.Unre  fxporlfd  to  tnt 
0  idled  Slates.  Previous  to  l(JO;{  t!je  export  was  v*  ry  coniderableand  increasing;, 
ihe  re  turns  prompt,  and  pajineat  sure.  Workmen  who  formerly  earned  30  to 
•IDs.  per  wetk.  now  D;pt  about  203  and  tlio^e  who  nsed  to  get'.iU'?  now  earn  about 
II  or  12".  Shelves  haded  with  stock,  and  the.  griuttr  part  i]f  his  cnpit  tl  ahsorbct 
init.  Two-thirds  of  tlie  w^ork men  employed  in  this  business  must  be  di?ch:uv,- 
ed,  if  no  favorable  change  takes  pl.ice.  \jj=>  Since  thefallinf;  off  nf  the  Amcncn:i 
mirket,  Ai?  opened  a  house  in  Londn,  b-ul  hai  found  so  mnny  persons  fiiddni;  ii 
the  same  market  that  he  has  been  able  ti  carrtjil  (m  niih  ce.ry  little  succe-^s.  Pre- 
djus  to  the  orders  in  council,  the  trade  was  in  .«  veryjl'juriihing  stite  :  t!iey  wert 


/nil  of  orders,  and  thfir  men 

South  American  market;  and 

States,  for  the  »ale  of  thid  mauulaclure. 


full  of  work, 
knows  no 


LV 


Ha-i   recf'iv.  d   no  relii'f  from  thn 
market  k'lua]  to  tliat  of  llie  United 


May  i,  1312. 

of  EivminRhTTi.— n  13  goods  to  t'.? 
market,  whl;.;i  he  would  injlaritly 
beiiis  30  advised   by  III?  jKirtncr  in 


Mr.  JERE^f [AH  RIDOUT,  merchant, 
value  of  20,000/.  prepared  for  the  Ameiiian 
jhip  if  the  orders  ill  couocil  were  removed, 

America.  The  workmen  very  much  distressed  :  "  I  have  seen  pe^  pie  shed  teurs  ; 
1  h-wo  confined  myself  behind  the  door  for  fear  of  seeing  those  people,  kbt  ^icy 
shwuld  importune  me  to  give  them  orders  ;  they  have  tttld  me  they  did  not  kn  'W 
what  to  do.  One  man  said,  "  What  can  I  do  ?  if  I  lo  to  the  magi;!.;.te  lie  will 
tell  ine  to  go  for  a  ."oldier  ;  I  am  a  married  man,  and  God  knows  wli«t  I  inuj't  <lo 
unltss  I  steal,  and  then  I  shall  go  to  Botany  Bay."  I  do  not  like  to  h.rcr.u'i 
words  ;  I  cannot  l)ear  it. 

INIr.  GEORGE  ROOM,  Japanner,  of  Eirminsham,  lias  manufactured  prlr.cl 
pally  for  America,  which  h  the  best  muiket  he  ever  knew,  nfter  trying  tcery  one. — 
Workmen  in  general  have  not  moie  than  half  work.  Has  tried  the  home  trade  ; 
but  the  competition  is  so  great  and  prices  so  much  reduced  tliat  it  was  not  worlli 
going  after.  Has  found  very  little  relief  from  th^  trade  to  Sicily  and  Portu;;;i!, 
which  is  the  only  foreign  European  trade  they  have  had, and  which  does  not  benr  anjj 
thing  like  a  comparison  to  the  American  trade.  From  600  to  1000  ijands  employ 
•d  in  this  business  in  Birmingham  aloue  :  and  there  are  great  minufactorics  in 
Bilston  and  Wolverhampton. 

Mr.  ROBERT  FIDDIAN,  manufacturer  of  brass  candlesticks,  &c.  at  BJr- 
aiin^ham,  chiefly  for  iiome  consumption.  Trade  much  diminished  within  tlie  h'st 
12  months,  and  earnings  of  workmen  reduc«d  one  fourth.  Had  a  convcr&atit  ii 
with  some  of  his  men  on  the  subject  of  dismission  ;  they  entreated  him  not  to 
dlsmi<:s  them,  saying;,  "you  know  we  cannot  get  employment  elsewhere,"  and 
begged  that  he  would  apportion  che  work  among  them,  and  let  each  be.ir  a  share 
of  tlie  burden.  Stodc  very  much  increasing,  and  will  be  ^bliged  to  (lismf!<s  a 
number  of  bis  men,  unless  an  alteration  takes  place  speedily.  Has  no  doubt  t/uit 
his  trade  mould  be  put  into  itsjoimer  pmJitabU  situation,  if  the  American  tradt 
was  ((gain  ope^ied. 

Mr.  J0S&PH  WEBSTER,  wire  manufacturer,  of  Birmingham.  /fo(/'  his 
maniifncture  for  the  American  market,  and  half  for  the  home  trade.  Tiie  de- 
mand very  much  diminished,  so  that  although  his  manufacture  is  reduced,  hrs 
stock  is  much  increased.  Has  orders  from  America  which  would  exhaust  all  his 
great  stock  on  hand,  if  the  orders  in  council  were  repealed.  If  no  favourable  change 
takes  place,  he  shall  fed  himself  compelled  to  discharge  a  great  Annber  ef  h« 
•men. 


860 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


M:\y5,  181^. 

Mr.  JOSHUA  SCIIOLPIELD,  Amrrican  merchant,  Birmingliam.  Ti  i^e 
frst  began  to  fall  off  in  1808.  In  1809,  rather  hKler,  but  »itill  very  liiniteil.  \u 
IBtO,  very  large  shipments  for  one  seaeon.  Tlie  fi,ood8  for  IKI I  now  lyine  in  Liv- 
erpool. Has  orders  from  America  to  ship  ai  soon  a$  the  orders  in  council  are  rf> 
mmed,  as  soon  as  the  trade  is  oj)encd.  Mad  had  frequent  advices  from  his  a<2;pnt 
resident  in  \inerica,  that  uinnufactiircs  are  very  fast  increasing  tlifc,  and  has 
re;i!«on  to  know  it  from  particular  circumstances.  One  particular  or.icle  now  ju 
j;rt^at  demand  is  card  wire,  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and  wool  cards,  whicl; 
ij  wanted  for  their  macliinery.  Has  had  the  article  of  nails  counlermurided  no 
the  ground  tliat  they  cau  be  manufactured  cheaper  in  America  than  they  can  be 
iniiioj'ted.^  Has  hud  muny  painful  opfortunities  <if  nilnt^sing  *he  distress  vltich 
prevails  among  tJie  loner  orders  i>f  the  people  in  Birmingham  ;  ^j^  belitvcs  it  i» 
he  extreme.  Has  a  warehouse  in  IVolverhumpton  :  the  loner  oiatrs  in  quite  a: 
Qreat  distress  fAcre;  their  goods  may  be  lioufflit  at  any  price;  there  au  aii>iiy 
small  manufacturers  there,  who  are  selling  some  of  thrir  si.ock  at,  he  bclicvis.  a 
lower  rale  than  it  cost  them  Attributes  the  diifresses  ff  the  trade  and  mtinMf<'c- 
fures  principnlly  to  the  orders  in  council,\  believing  them  to  Le  the  cause  of  the  711:  n- 
intercourse  with  America.  Has  the  most  pair.ful  forebodings  that  the  r.imlinutnrt 
lif  the  reHr'clioni  upon  the  American  trade  wilt  gioe  great  encouragement  to  the  in- 
crease of  mnnufacturei  in  America. 

Mr.  JOHN  BAILEY,  merchant,  of  ShefTeld  —The  manufacturers  ofSbMTMd 
for  th«  supply  of  the  market  of  the  IJiiiled  St  tes,  employ  6,000  puson?,  btsiflesi 
others  dependent  on  that  trade,  g;^  The  ei^iiort  to  \merica  is  about  one-tl  ird 
of  the  whole  manufactiirts  of  Sh.  Ilii  Id  About  one-tenth  cf  the  u.-u;^.!  spring 
flhipnjent  was  made  in  1 8 II.  and  none  since.  Stock  of  goods  has  been  incrcaMis; 
in  Slicflield  to  a  considerable  extent  ;  but  there  are  orders  for  shipments  to  AmtT' 
ica,  immediukly  ontherrFcindingcfthe  orders  in  council.  Infoiniation  fr*  di  a 
large  manulHctiirer,  that  rj^  he  now  pays  one-sixth  part  qf  the  nagfs  n hich  he  did 
when  the  Amrrican  trade  /ija  open  :  and  that  one  half  of  what  he  has  muniilac- 
tured  for  the  last  fift«rn  month*,  is  now  dead  slock.  Another  of  the  principal 
nrinnfacturers  informed  him,  that  As  now  employs  only  half  iff  his  usual  nxmhr 
•<ifmcn,  whom  he  employ<i  only  four  days  in  a  week  ;  that  h?  retains  them  frciu  a 
principle  of  humanity,  as  they  have  grown  old  in  his  service,  and  that  he  iti!! 
holds  in  stock  all  his  goods  made  in  the  last  eighteen  months  Believes  this. to  he 
a  fair  specimen  of  the  general  state  of  manufactures  in  Sheffield.  His  order?  for 
shipment,  on  the  removal  of  the  orders  in  council,  amount  to  the  whole  twelve 
.jnontlis'  sliipmonts.  The  amount  of  Sheffield  goods  ready  for  shipment  to  Ameri- 
ca 400.000i.  and  orders  on  hand  to  the  same  amnunt.  Poor  rates  of  Sheffield, 
year  ending  1807,  ll,000r  ;  now  I8,000Z.  H'oikraenV  wages  not  reduced,bul  ti'ey 
are  now  only  employed  about  three  dars  in  the  week.  Evefy  man  fully  rni- 
)doyed  before  the  loss  of  the  American  trade.  Q^  Loner  clas9es  never  «o  tnucii 
diblressed  as  ut  present.  Some  ar'ieVs  which  were  formerly  exported  from  Slief- 
.'ield,  are  now  manufactured  in  America. 

May  13, 1812. 

Mr.  WILLIAM  MIDGELY,   woollen  manufacturer,   of  Rochdale,  Lanca 

lliire The  parish  contains  about  36,000  inhabitants,  of  which  about  one  imli' 

are  employed  in  this  manufacture  He  formerly  employed  about  (iOO  hand?,  now 
■about  400.  Began  to  turn  off  his  hands  when  his  stock  became  very  large,  about 
six  months  ago.  Stock  is  still  increasing,  and  larger  than  it  was  before  :  and  the 
home  trade  has  fallen  off  very  much  indeed  Has  in  a  considerable  degree  ex- 
hausted his  capital  in  trade.  "  and  if  there  be  not  an  opening,  it  is  impossible  lo 
"  keep  on  my  work  people  ;  and  I  am  di^Hressed  about  the  poor  people^for  they  havt 
"  not,  many  of  them,  ha(f  victuals  now  "  If  the  market  continues  as  it  is  now, 
must  turn  off  200  of  his  bands,  and  if  they  are  turned  off,  does  not  see  whrre 
they  can  get  work  any  where  else.  Has  lived  in  Roclidale  most  of  his  life  time, 
and  been  in  business  thirty  years,  but  newer  knew  the  distress  so  great  as  at  present. 
"  The  distress »%  t/*  he  seen  in  the  peopWs  countenances,  every  week  getting  thinner 
*'  »n^9kins  mrsejUmi  th/at  htid  a-  littU  mwy  hwi  had  to  tak^  lo  it,and  thij/  an 


nioiil'if!. 


Mr.  11 

f)  wsbiii 
quite  out 
CT-  Th( 
»^  -  i  k,  an 


APPENDIX. 


SGl 


«'■  tflmosf  run  out  (fit ;  they  have  spint  nfiut  liltlr  Ihy  Kcd,  to  buy  hrt0d  "  AJ)out 
two-IIl'Uip  ol  UiJ8  iiiamifiiciuif  for  l.ic  I'liiUtl  ftcatcs  dl  AiH«"ii,»,  ..id  miu- .or 
tor«'ii:ii  Euroj.r.  Has  vtry  large  oiUfis  lor  Auk  iic<i,  wlncii  «noii!il  liiive  ^um  oil' 
moif  tfiaii  I-  liionllis  ago.  Has  ftjinal  tUut  Uiai  Kit,  ;k  slcAtly,  surf  ami  inert  UMiig 
oiH'.  W  oikuiiii's  \vaj;e8  reduci'd.  Price  of  oaimcfil  tHtlvo  nionllis  11140  It/  jiir 
jioiirid,  now  ■fd.  If  llis  tradr  to  America  was  i»]n.j4cd,  lliere  would  bi  fuir  im- 
ploj  iii»'iit  fertile  mauulacturerR  of  Rockdnle 

Mr.  THOMAS  SHOR  1,  njaniif;iclUKr  of  hosiery,  at  IlircUry,  in  I,»icesUr- 
fhiit  —  'I  lie  total  Jiuuibir  of  j  ersciis  en^i'loyrd  in  tlif  niai.iilai-ture  at  Hiiickliy, 
and  ti'.r  r.djo  iiinj'  villaj^rB.  in'ai ly  li.OOO  Al)Out  oiie-iniid  to  <nit-ioiirlIi  ot  llic 
iiiai.u.i'.cUiiT  i  foi  ttie  Auifrican  mark,  t,  and  tiitr  vaiii*^  about  iiO.UOO/.  per  amuiin. 
In  jiood  tiinch  «niij!oys  upwards  of  i.00  hau'.ii.  now  ciiiployK  about  two  tliinis  of 
tl.e  iiiiiJiht-r.  Jy,  r.'iiseqn'nce  ^if  the.  iosu^/  th(  .'^mcricni  i:iurkd,  the  m/invf(tctt<rtrs 
r^durily  ill  h  tiny  rnxid  turn  ij)'  ont-hulj' (if  tutir  hnnds,  y  the  :hmuiid  is  not 
f^nr.t(T  ti.un  ot  jire^fnt.  Twelve-  to  Iburu'cn  liundied  persons  Lii'  uipioytd.  1  lie 
homo  trade  i.-  much  injured  by  the  competitiou  of  jjcvsous  lonuoily  in  ibc  fonij^n 
trudo  :  and  it  Ijow  affords  110  profit. 

May  It,  1812. 

:.U:  W;[J,IAM  THOMPSON,  woollon  manufartnrrr,  of  Kawd«'n,  near 
Til  .^l^•.  H  I.'-  I)(i.-ii  in  bu-iiic.«j  30  y<'ar8,  in  IBIO  eun  :0}td  <'.'>0  IjuihIs.  and  nian- 
facuvrd  t  .O'JO  pi«'ce^  <»!"  ^ood.  for  the  Auteilcan  uiai>  et.  r^-^  in  tlic  last  year 
UM'l.'  -iMW'  [lure-'  n:id  iias  di.»:iUKSfcd  2U0  hands  Hif  :^1ock  01  good-*  worth  up- 
Aiud"  of  ru  »'00/  ho;!);:  ni'.icli  I  reader  t!».ai  at  any  foM;>t  r  j-eriod.  Q^  Tlu' re- 
niaiiilui;;  Innd-  ii  r.e  uo!  iii»>!e  t!i,in  one-th  rd  work.  Qjp  in  good  i.iui>  lii?  nnii 
•^■ariicd  Iriiin  liJs.  to  JOs.  a  vf(k,  .'lud  now  oiii>  1  ue  third  IVevfr  kurnr 
t.h»  [lOt  r  id  so  di.'tiL-'<cd  a  sl?.te  ijrfore  ;  t.ot  even  when  corn  was  di  arer  in  HJCO  ; 
the-  hiid  f  .  uty  ofwo;k  alti  at  llnw.  -*  'Ihc  distie-s  j/'the  witknuyiis  very  evident 
ly  ihi.il  t:-iinUnam'.,  i.ad  t>  M«  r<-^;;pff/.;f  ss  .J'!hrir  dress.  Thtjf  are  evidtiMy  in 
a  norf^e  sHvatiun  than  1  tvtr  Ar.em  ihtmb^furey  If  a  favourable  change  dors 
not  ttke  placr,  inu^t  di^Uli^?  i.i  v.  aoic  of  tiis  hands,  as  the  heavy  stock  of  goods 
render  it  01. t  o!'  lii-  power  to  continue  them  Made  a  Binall  shipiueut  to  houtb 
America,  about  twtl-i  months  n^^o.  but  has  not  yet  received  any  returns; 
and  will  not  ship  f'.rtlu-r  at  present  Made  a  shipment  to  Canada,  value 
;iO  OOOi.  about  fourteen  iiiniiih^!  ago,  !or  which  he  has  nol  yet  recijived  one-sixth  ; 
i,\u\  those  j:o<iif8  that  did  seil  were  to  a  cou,-i«icrable  loss,  fay  from  2b  to  30  per 
cent  If  then  nan  nv  open  trcde  to  America  all  the  distresses  ntntld  be  very  short- 
ly removed  :  uctivily  would  be  resumed,  and  the  countenances  of  the  poor  would 
cJKUiftc  very  fa*t  ;  if  tliat  were  once  effictcd,  it  would  give  a  general  spring  to 
our  iiei;:!;boi  hood.  Has  orders  from  AmeriiM,  for  the  whole  of  Lis  goods,  pro- 
vided the  ordrrti  in  cou  icil  were  rescinded, 

Mr.  CHUlSTOl-nEK  liAWSON,  wo.^Hen  merchant,  f f  Leeds  In  good 
time- exported  to  Anuri.-a  to  the  value  of  t;i;,OCO/.  annually  rres.ent  stock  of 
l:ood^  U»,'!UOZ  Mad;^  a  sjpmeflt  to  Amelia  Island  in  1811,  under  the  idea  that 
itn)i,:ht  get  into  America,  but  it  reniauis  there  at  present.  Conceives  all  the 
iaerc!iai)t<  lr;>.ding  to  .inierii-n  are  in  tiie  same  itatc.  The  owiT/ion  calculution  is, 
that  Yorkshire  liooda  are  exported  to  America,  to  the  amount  qf  tiro  millions  annu- 
ally. Great  foiTiplaints  have  been  made  of  the  home  inarLet  lor  the  last  six 
moulhs.  Q^  Has  orders  for  goods  to  be  shipped  to  America,  eii  the  repeal  of 
the  orders  m  council. 

May  15,  1312. 

Mr.  DAVID  SHEARD,  blanket  and  flushing  manufacturer,  of  the  parish  of 
D  wsbuiy.  In  good  times  employed  about  800  hands  -.  100  of  them  are  now 
qmtt  out  fif  employ,  and  the  remainder  have  one-tiiird,  or  one-four' h  work. — 
[ry»  The  average  wages  of  men,  women  and  children,  in  good  times  were  1  li.  a 
w .  ok,  and  are  now  3s.i*d.  The  manufacturers  Lave  given  over  accutuulaling 
stock  :  they  do  not  wi  h  to  run  into  dtbl,  and  the  money  Hit  y  had  is  all  made  up 
into  goods.  ^Veekiy  wages  paid  in  the  hamkt,  in  good  times,  ured  to  he 'ii'-Ul. 
Tiiinks  the  home  trade  as  good  as  it  was.    'J'rada  bagou  tp  fall  olF  ie 


Jiow2»li. 


302 


THE  OUVE  BnANCH. 


■'lit 

:l.J 


till'  hti%]nnwz  of  I8H  :  and  amoj^g  ike  lowrr  orders  (/  the  pcoph  Hurt  h  vrry  jf i-, ,,; 
dislrtmimh'l.  If  rivounilfle  ciicuiiut;ificei<  do  not  lurii  up,  will  ht- t.l)ln;i  d  to 
ttiin  oir  hair  of  t!ic  7(10  li.iiiih  lip  new  ciiipl'»ys.  Had  a  good  trad«  bt-I'Mt;  the 
iiitercours*-  wjtii  Vmerica  w.is  gtoppfd. 

.Mr.  rit  \NCIS  PRATT,  inrr<:Ii:int  and  wnollen  mnnnr.iclurer,  of  SiiddU- 
worti:.  rii»'  ti'iidp  \\\w  f.illeii  off  vtny  con^idnubly  lince  1810,  owin;;  to  t!ir-  w;int 
nt"  Anioric  i!i  fr.ido.  Hi'  own  gtofk  of  goods  liir;:fr  than  it  ever  w.i.s  b«»for«',  be- 
ing nearly  30,000/.  Thi  (Jistiict  cf  Sadult^worlli  contains  a  population  ot  iimily 
r^.OOO  p«M>on>.,  nin:t  of  whom  are  engaged  In  llie  v»oollen  bu*inens,  and  tiny  cio 
not  now  got  liulf  the  work  they  used  to  have.  His  capital  ab^orb^'d  in  t;o(ids, 
and  if  here  \%  not  a  market  koon,  must  di«charjfe  his  inr-n  in  toto  ;  which  i>  ii,c 
ca^e  wit!i  niarnfnctnreri  in  general  in  that  district.  {Jjf*  If  <0  or  50  yeai>  liu 
Ira*  never  kuovui  l!ie  digress  etjuid  to  the  present.  Gicr<i  numbers  of  the  ptoplt; 
never  taste  nninial  food  at  all  ;  Uieir  principal  food  is  oatmeal  boiW  d  invMUn; 
aud  tjometinips  potatofs  for  dinner  Was  infoinied,  by  a  very  honest  man,  [J^iliat 
Jie,  liis  Wile,  and  !'.]|  his  children,  had  to  i^o  to  bed,  and  had  not  even  a  ihoi.m  )  ol 
tlial  oatmeal  and  water  to  put  into  llieir  mouths.  fT/*  Was  al.^o  infornit:(j  by 
.mother  thit  he  had  p;t>t  >-onic  little  oatmeal,  and  boiifu  U  in  water  ;  that  he  iiaj 
to  Wet  it  in  water  iiiste.ij  of  milk,  or  any  other  liquid,  with  his  food.  The  juo- 
pie  have  been  very  peaceable  in  tiiis  parish  ;  and  is  certain  they  will  rema  ii  so, 
provided  tliej' coiild  i!;ef  employment,  or  any  thins  "*""•"  full  emplo}niei)l :  tiny 
have  no  di.spoiition  at  all  to  riot.  Has  inquired  in  «ome  instancf"?  wjietht  r  ine 
poor  have  received  parlt-!;  relief;  but  believes  that  in  the  principal  part  of  lie 
UHn'.if;'.cturi»g  di'»!ricti»,  tlie  poor  would  nearly  starve,  probably  not  to  death, 
preity  clo.-iC  to  it.  befoif-  they  went  to  the  par'sh;  for  this  reason— they  Iia»e 
hoiw  ai'cUFlonii'd  to  It.  and  it  1<«  a  kind  of  ili-iiirace  or  something  of  that  kitu!, 
tl'vy  will  not  k"  to  It  if  they  cun  ^et  hulf  work  and  half  wagef'  :  they  will  l.ile 
eviry  uie  n-  in  tljeir  -.tMver  to  keep  ofl'  (he  parish  O  itineal  h  3  I  2d  to  4d  ll:c 
poiiiid,  oi  double  the  usual  price  PotHtoeit  are  about  the  same  proportion  .  Iipv- 
er  kmw  tliem  any  Wnwf,  like  so  high  as  they  are  at  Present  l^ia.s  no  doubt  tjint 
if  (toofis  could  be  sliippcd  to  America,  there  would  be  work.  The  poor  are  not 
■well  clothed. 

May  20,  1812. 

Mr  JOHN  IIOEPMAN,  churchwarden  of  the  parish  of  Fpital  Fields*.-'!  he 
looms  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  Spital  Fields'  about  17  000.  to'JO.OCO; 
and  about  "-jOOOof  them  are  in  the  pirish  of  Spital  Fields,  where  at  least  one  half 
of  the  nmtvtn  nrt  out  nf  tmploijnunt,  und  the  loner  orders  in  a  must  deilurnit'. 
sitle,  Q^  More  than  one  instance  has  occurrtd,  where  they  had  died  litimily 
fir  wani  ."^oup  distributed  U  about  3,000  to  4  000  quarts  a  day.  ll.i^  dismi-v- 
ed  a  c(m<Ider'ibie  number  of  his  hnnds,  who  were^rmployed  in  tiie  s'lk  trade  — 
The  lj{j,ht  siikS  of  iSpital  Fields  sell  in  America  ;  of  otl»»-r  sojts  the  French  are 
c'leaper  than  ours.  If  the  American  trade  was  open, 4bere  would  be  an  opi'Oi- 
iunily  of  isending  a  considerable  qnautity  of  gogds  there  i  has  in  ♦  he  course  of 
ijome  years,  lu  inurictiired  goods  fertile  American  intrket,  principally  of  the 
ii'iiht  jua.'ity  '«Vl;'iiii  these  two  years  there  has  been  no  trade  to  Vmerica:  p.nd 
tlierefore  he  whs  ohllffed  to  turn  off  his  hands  employed  for  that  particular  trade. 
[f  thetrale  was  opened  asrnin.  has  no  hesitation  in  8*ying  those  very  ailirlcj 
would  ('iid  .-ale  t!>ere  ;  and  he  would  take  back  the  hands  he  had  di^iiii>sc'J, 
'which  he  believes  i.x  the  case  with  others  in  the  same  line  as  himself,  /u  Octobi; 
last  he  purcha.«ed  potatoe*  for  the  workhouse  at  31  lOs.  per  tcin  ;  within  tlie  last 
six  weeks  tliey  have  been  celling  in  Spital  F'e'ds'  market,  at  ]2l  Idl.  and  U/  -i 
Icn.  Persons  who  hnve  died  for  want,  have  applied  for,  and  obtained  relief ;  1'  ;* 
they  w(;re  too  ftr  g:one  before  they  made  application;  has  uniforudy  found  that 
the  industrious  poor  will  never  apply  for  le'ief  till  the  very  last  extr^milj'.  Be- 
licvei  tiiat  more  thana  tli'thof  the  .silk  mainif-.ctured  in  Spital  Fi(  Ids  went  t'. 
America  ;  and  more  than  one-third  of  his  own  manufacture,  for  peven  years,  wis 
for  the  American  market.  The  want  of  an  adequate  supply  of  raw  siik,  ha? 
l-«een  one  great  cause  of  the  want  of  employ,  and  conseq,ucnt  distress  of  tiic  i»au- 
iufactuicia. 


APPENDIX. 


;;u3 


M.>>  25,  ICI'J, 
Mr.  FlI  \K»rFARE  rHIIiLIPS,  merclnnt,  of  iVIinclusloi,  was  exiuiiiuitl  by 
4lic  l»'»<is«'  '""'  >  ••  "■*  '*l^*'  "l"'"  ^''*^  «"i«:r!t  in  council      Is  an  expoil'r  of  lu.vniif.u'- 
tur.il  A'><h1s  to  lti<;   I'liitPil  SUtfn  of  Auierica,  wlirn  the  tr.itle  i.s  open.     ILga 
fTfat  "t'H-^  of  (;oo(l<  Oil  lianJ,  wliicli  Is  llie  cii«'  of  ihr  njaniifactiinTH  in  Rrniitl. 
n  ^  \im  oidtrs  to  a  viiy  Uige  iuuoiint  to  he  sh'pprd  in  the  tvinti'/  the  urdim  in 
fu"u»iti<  ht'iig  n-iiiiidfd.     Ha»  no  doubt  that  orderti  of  Ihiii  kind,  wliicii  are  nuw 
in  M  inciithlor,  wonid,  if  exmit<  d.  proally  relieve  tlie  di^trtss  of  tli\t  plan-.— 
n-~~>  Thv  stalt:  <if  fh*"  nvrkmtu  in  M.incheskr  and  the  migfiburhnod  is  tvri/  deplo- 
Jaule.     Th-i  art  d'Jincni  in  nnk,  and  arc  rvorkingutcxtremelit  bw  mijn:$.     If 
tlie  An><'iiO'in  Uad»-  wa^oprn,  wonid  not  fear  the  compelition  of  Anirrican  nianu- 
f  icuiriTS  in  Iho  market,  as  lie  ooncoivfs  lliey  are  only  forced  into  tlnit  nu'a>>iir»'. — 
SLV«rAl '^t'^'"^"'^"' •'''*''  '"■  li^N  inido  to  South   America  have  left  considt  ruble 
Cannot  ntute  the  pro)  o  tion  which  the  American  market  bears  to  the  giua- 


j,,l  iira.iuV.ctory  ol  Mancln  >ler  and  its  iieiciihorhood ;  bnl  from  his  K»ntral  know- 
leJ  'f  of  its  V  i.t  inlluonct  uji"  n  the  niatiufacture  in  general,  is  convii.ced  that  the 
(Xiiorts  riijiiuaily  auBonnt  to  an  enormoua  sum.  Qjr»  Has  no  doubt  that  if  the  \- 
nieiican  marke.t  was  freely  open,  there  would  be  full  emi)Ioynu:nt  for  the  labor- 
ing manufactnrcis  of  Manchester.  When  the  trade  with  America  frou»  France 
and  ttiis  country  were  both  open,  did  not  experience  the  least  competition  in  the 
cotton  mannfactorie-  on  the  part  of  France,  and  has  not  the  least  apprehension  of 
f  ny  The  present  duty  on  raw  cotton  in  France  h*  inff  about  'St.  a  pound  amoun'.B 
lo  a  prohibiti(.n  ;  and  any  country  imposng  such  a  duty  cannot  btriously  ii.t  i.d 
to  cslJibUsli  any  great  manuf  icturc. 


fU 


1  trust  there  is  here  siiperahuadant  testimony  of  the  trnnscrn- 
lant  fully  ami  mndness,  its  well  as  of  the  Hagrant  injiwlice  of 
the  system  pursued  l)y  Ihe  British  ministry,  which  inflicted  so 
nuich  inistMV  and  v retchedness  on  that  interesting  and  valua- 
ble rlass  of    suhjt'Cls,  the  mantifactureis.     The  testimony   is 
equally  strong  aj;ainst  the  most  lamentable  folly  of  our  own  ci- 
tizens, who,  by  rentlering  nugatory  the  restrictive  system,  so  fa- 
tally involved  in  Ihe  horrors  gf  a  wasting  war,  two  great  nn- 
tions  whom  ten  thousand  motives,  arising  from  mutual  interests 
— common  descent — congenial  manners — and  sameness  of  lan- 
'i;uage— ought  to  have  impelled  to  cultivate  the  strictest  ties  of 
friendship. 

During  the  progress  of  these  examinations,  on  the  21  st  of 
May,  the  official  repeal  of  the  French  decrees  was  communi- 
cated by  Mr.  Russel,  the  American  minister,  to  the  court  of  St. 
James.     But  notwilhstandine  the  solencin  pledge  of  the  British 
minislry  to  proceed />ari  jwasMe  wilh  the  French  government,  in 
the  business  of  repeal,  there  was  no  step  taken  respecting  the 
orders  in  council,  till  the  23d  of  June,  that  is,  for  nearly  five 
weeks.     Nothing  was  done  till  after  the  whole  examination 
\?a6  completed,  and  until,  six  days  after,  an  address  had  been 
moved  in  the  house  of  commons,  for  the  repeal,  by  Mr.  Broug- 
Latn,  oa  the  iitb  of  June »  grounded  on  the  result  of  tlie  exa^ 


3G4 


fv 


nii:  OLIVE  UUANOH. 


minalions,  which  wns  vvlllulrawn  by  the  mover  on  a  phdge  [,y 
the  miuiBtera  Ihrtt  I  he  orilera  would  be  repcalcif. 

Ab  ix  |KtHiatM)ri  lor  ilelay,  U  i  -     Uvfn  utated  by  the  fiirnd^i  ol 
En^laiul  thil  Ihe  aHuaseiiiat'    -  of  M\\  iVrcival,  (he  Urilish 
preiiiier,  on  tlie   I  hh  of  IVIm      iRi.'ucted  the  aUeiitiori  of  ilic 
minialry,  ami  prcventeil  the  rtdomplKMi  of  the  pledge.     Hut 
IhiB  palliation  will  not  bear  a  moment's  reflection.     The  pnrlia 
mentary  examination  wns  predicated  on  the  injury  the  IJrlti^h 
trade  siilTeied— and  had  not  the  sHi^hlest  regard  to  any  oHkc 
ciMisideraiion.     And  na  1  have  stated,  the  revocation  of  Hie 
orilera  in  council  was  not  attempletl  till  that  examinntlon  \\,.r, 
fiir-shtd.     Nearly   (ive  weeks  [tliirty-three  days]  had  elapMi! 
fv'»m  the  notitic.ition  of  the  French  rejieal,  and  R>rty-three  d.ivs 
fi-)tn  the  death  of  Mr.  Percival.     And  no  man  can  preltriri 
th't  one  or  two  weeks  would  not  have  been  abundantly  buiji. 
ci«>nt. 

To  prove  the  charc;e  I  have  adduced  against  the  nrilisii  mi- 
nistry  of  cross  impolicy,  as  well  as  injustice,  in  their  treatmenl 
of  this  countr3^  which  led  to  the  wasting  war  so  injurious  to 
both  nations,  1  submit  to  the  reader  part  of  a  speech  delivtix! 
in  the  British  house  of  commons  by  Mr.  \Vhitbr«a<lonthe  13ili 
of  February,  1812,  about  four  months  previous  to  the  declara- 
tion of  hostilities,  res[)ecting  the  diplvmatic  intercourse  bctmcn 
the  two  coimlrics* 


♦'  Of  iNlr.  Plnkney  he  need  say  little  :  hr  was  a  raah  of  sound  sense  anil  jcdj 
mrnl.  of  an  able  and  acute  mind,  and  of  tlie  hiRlicst  ropiitation.     He  wa?  i\  iiiin 
who  had  condurted  himself  dnring  his  resid«nce  in  this  country,  in  a  manner  inn;.! 
honorable  to  tiimticlf,  and  likely  to  bfnpfit  both  nations.     At  all  time?,  takinptii' 
most  iinpartiil  view  of  the  diff-ff-nt  interesits  concerned,  his  conduct,  t!iou?li  (inn, 
had  been  most  concillatnry      Without  losing  sight  of  the  claims  of  liis  country, 
with  which  he  was  intrusted,  he  had  at  all  times  apnroached  the  ministers  willi 
whom  he  was  in  treaty,  with  resppct,  attention,  and  aeference.     Firm  to  his  pur 
pose,  and  ab'e  to  elucidate  the  subjects  oiKlfr  di^xussioD,  he  had  never  failrd  m 
lime,  piinctujlity,  or  mode  of  procedure,  in  his  misNion.     He  would  he  c.j«Wt.'V 
fl5  much  fnr  thtse  with  nhom  Mr  Pinkney  had  intercourse.     But  it  was  not  so 
and  it  was  impossible  to  say  tijdt  that  gentleman  bad  been  treated  with  the  prop- 
er and  punctilious  ceremony  he  ra*»rited  by  the  marquis  Wellesley,     At  the  pt^ 
tiod  when  this  correspondence  commenced  a  greit  sorcoer^  prevailed  in  \mtMi- 
ca,  on  account  of  the  rupture  with  Mr.  Jickson.     The  feetingit  qf  that  (inin'q 
were  in  a  state  qf  cxteme  irrilalitn  ;  and  this  topic  Wiis  the  subject  of  Mr  Pin';- 
Bey's  first  letter  to  the  noble  m-xniuis      Oiw.  would  have  thought  at  such  a  time 
that  a  minister  would  have  felt  that  no  want  of  decorum  or  att»'ntion  on  iiif  part, 
should  be  superadded  to  auj^ment  the  unplea«ant  feelings  already  too  pn-vafpiit; 
but  it  so  happened,  that  tp  this  very  letter  of  Mr   Pinkney,  of  the  2d  Jinniry, 
wi  the  subject  of  another  minister's  bi^inu;  appointed  in  the  room  of  Mr  Jackson 
no  answer  was  returned  until  the  1 1th  of  March .     Upwards  of  two  monthi  (M 
precious  time  were  wasted,  durin?  whicli  Mr    Pinkney,  aware  that  some  tiat* 
might  be  necc;:9ary,  waited  with  the  most  patieat  respect  aqd  deconjin. 


APPENDIX, 


385 


<*  On  the  l^lli  or  February^  llie  AiUfrican  miniitcr  apiin  wrote  to  tlir  Britiiih 
^••crrtary,  on  the  pubject  of  our  Mock.ide,  one  of  tlie  aiMt  iinporUrit  io  (iiuuiigal, 
iuhI  in  all  it*  hc'uringn,  b«>twefB  the  two  c(i,ntriei  To  thin  no  aniwer  was  ro- 
tunied  Ull  March  2.  Again,  on  the  30th  ot  April,  Mr  I'inkney  uddroaned  a 
[ptt<r  to  lord  NVj-llenlpj^ri'lative  to  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  which  wore 
onitiiidered  aa  the  chief  !«ource  of  hII  exiittinK  diiierr-.ceH,  and  therefore  nirrited 
the  rooHt  earncfct  and  immediate  utteatioo  ;  but  to  tiiit  letter  no  aniwcr  wus  vwr 
leluriiod. 

"  Oo  the  3d  of  May  followinj;,  another  letter  wai  sent  to  our  foreign  lecretirr, 
coinpliining  qf  the  forging  i\f  ship%^  piptrs,  tarried  on  in  Lnndtn,  by  mhicft  lirtt- 
ish  ^hipn  and  prtpcrly  were  inide  to  appear  ai  ^utericin.  This  tr>»ttk  wai«  ailctl);* 
ed  to  be  openly  and  notoriously  r»rried  ov.  :  and  it  wan  not  po,«ftible  to  conct-tve 
one  Biore  infamou*  to  the  nation  wliere  practiicd,  or  injurious  to  the  country  n- 
2.iin<<t  which  it  wiis  dirrcted.  Vet  Mm  cnnrg'  ({fin/umy  againU  lirH'in,  ihis  m- 
Aistice  and  injur tf  to  America,  nas  passed  <jr*r  tn  utter  silence,  and  m  unsrvtr 
wfuUevtr  to  the  tetter  ivjs  returned. 

"  On  the  'Z'.i:*  of  Jiinr,  Mr  Pinkney  apain  wrote,  referring  to  hii  letter  of  the 
oOlli  April,  on  the  >>uhjcct  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decreeB,  and  requestin;;  iii 
vuiswer  i  but  no  annwer  was  returnnd.  On  the  7th  of  July  he  wrote  ag^in  it l.i- 
tive  to  the  uppointniont  of  a  miniver  in  the  room  of  Mr.  J  irknon,  (his  fir-'t  buIk 
ject  on  the  2d  January)  and  even  at  this  distance  of  time  rexeived  no  official  an- 
incr.  but  merely  a  verbal  asisur^ncc  or  private  note,  that  a  n)inister  would  imiue- 
diately  be  sent  out.  On  the  Hlh  of  4ugu.-t,  Mr.  PInkney  once  more  wrote,  refer- 
ring to  his  lettei'iof  the  23d  June  and  .'iOth  April  ;  but  could  obtain  no  answer. 

"  On  the  2l8t  August,  he  again  by  letter  pre!<sed  the  subject  of  blockade  ;  but 
rould  obtain  no  nnawer.  On  the  23th  of  the  same  month,  he  again  wrote  to 
state  the  revocation  of  the  Bvrlln  and  Milan.decr«ei ;  and  to  this  communication 
our  minister  at  U  ngth  condescended  to  send  a  reply-  The  next  part  of  the  cor- 
respondence was  another  letter  from  Mr  Pinkney,  relative  to  a  niisapprehen-ion 
of  Sir  Jnmes  Saumarea,  on  the  nature  of  the  blockade  at  Elsineur,  and  on  tlic 
impressing  of  ccrtaiu  seamen  from  an  American  ship.  To  the  former  subject  an 
answer  was  returned  ;  hvJt  (\f  ike  latter  no  notice  was  taken.  He  had  indeed  been 
inuch  surprised  at  the  whole  coui  se  of  this  correspondence ;  but  at  this  particular 
period  his  astonishment  vai  greater  than  ever.  That  a  subject  so  keenly  felt  by 
America,  as  the  impressing  of  her  citizens,  should  be  entirely  passed  over  iusi* 
lence,  was  beyond  all  focmer  neglect  aud  inattention. 

''All  the  world  knew  that  this  point  was  the  one  on  which  the  greatest  difficul' 
ty  existed  in  negociatmg  an  amicable  adjustment  between  the  two  countries,  and 
that  our  conduct  towards  American  fcamen  stood  more  in  the  nay  qf  conciliation 
thnnanjt  other  matter  nhatever.  Surely  then  such  an  opportunity  ought  not 'o 
have  been  neglected  ;  surely  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Britiiih  minister  to  show,  by 
liis  speady  attention  to  the  subject,  that  he  was  as  anxious  to  evince  the  spirit  of 
conciliation  as  to  profess  it  j  and  tiiat,  knowing  how  fatal  to  the  iuterest  of  this 
country  a  rupture  with  America  would  be,  he  would  have  eagerly  embraced  tiie 
op»^ning  orefenting  itself,  to  demonstrate  our  amicable  intentions,  and  remove 
one  of  the  sorsst  grievances  complained  of.  But,  no  !  reluctantly  and  coldly 
was  the  answer  on  this  subij'ect  wrung  forth — not  from  the  noble  secretary,  not  by 
letter  from  him,  but  practically  by  the  discharge  of  these  seamen,  by  Sir  Will- 
iaii  Scott,  in  the  court  of  admiralty,  tlierehy  acknowledging  and  declaring  the 
right  and  justice  of  the  claim  urged  on  the  part  of  America.  This  was  the  con- 
ciliation of  the  noble  secretary,  that  he  permitted  the  sentence  of  a  c«)urt  of  juA* 
tice  to  give  a  practical  answer  to  a  foreign  minister,  whom  he  would  not  take  the 
trouble  of  putting  pen  to  paper  to  satisfy  on  so  interesting  a  point. 

*'  On  the  2l8t  of  September,  Mr  Pinkney  found  it  necessary  again  to  address 
the  British  government,  and  referring  to  his  lelirrs  of  the  JOth  April,  23d  June, 
and  8th  August,  on  the  Kubj«'ct  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  he  urged  an  im- 
mfdiat*  answer,  as  his  government  had  )iig  b.-^en  in  expectation  of  a  commuo'ca- 
tioi^  Op  that  head,    Again,  on  the  8th  aod  lOlh  D«couber,  he  wrote  :  and  with 

Hh 


$tb 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


lliese  Ictlers  concluded  \m  correspondence,  being  unable  to  ol)lain  ahf  latiafacto 
ry  iiiforiiiatiou  ;  and  soon  aftel*  he  demanded  his  audience  of  leave  of  tiie  lrlut<i 
Ilegcnl." 

The  wretched  system  pursued  by  the  British  ministry  to- 
wards this  country  protiuced  consequences  they  did  not  foresee. 
It  promoted  our  manufactures  more  completely  in  five  or  six 
years  th«n  they  would  have  been  in  thirty — ami  it  produced  a 
war  which  has  {;iven  us  a  navy,  and  a  glorious  naval  charactev 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  LXI. 


England  said  to  he  struggling  for  her  existence.  This  no  palli- 
ation of  her  outrages  on  neutral  nations,  J  Hack  on  Ccpai' 
hagen,  *  .   :  ; 

Among  the  various  errors  lately  prevalent,  and  pregnan! 
with  baneful  consequences,  a  very  important  one  was,  thai  [he 
European  war  on  the  part  of  Englaid  w^s  a  war  for  her  ex- 
istence— and  this  has  been  alledged  not  merely  as  a  palliation, 
but  as  a  justiScation  of  her  outrages  upon  our  citizens  «nd  upon 
our  commerce.  In  fact,  tlie  jong  succession  of  outragf  s  she 
perpetrated,  were  covered  over  with  this  mantle  of  oblivion. 
i'or  the  [)urpose  of  defaming  the  administration  that  resifated 
them.  •      '  ' 

1  have  already  touched  on  this  subject  incidentally.  It  re- 
quir<^3  further  elucidation.  And  at  th«  hazard  of  repetitiou,! 
resume  it 

The  most  important  aggressions  of  England  on  the  commerce 
of  this  country,  may  be  referred  to  four  epochs. — 

).  The  lawless  and  predatory  captures  in  1793,  during  the 
administration  of  gen.  Washington. 

2.  The  application  in  1805,  of  the  rule  of  1 756,  without  any 
previous  notice  or  warning,  and,  to  aggravate  the  euormit>,8 
gainst  her  own  exposition  of  the  law  of  nations,  ami  against 
the  decisions  of  her  courts  of  admiralty ;  whereby  the  seas 
^ere  (dratically  swept  of  the  American  vessels  and  com- 
merce. 

3.  The  paper\  lockwde  by  Charles  J.  Fox's  administrs'ticDi  | 
of  the  coast  from  the  Elbe  to  iirest,  an  extent  of  800  miles. 

4.  The  orders  in  council. 
Of  these  ia  due  course. 


APPENWX. 


86T 


I.  Lard  Castlereagh  himself,  or  the  marquis  of  WtUesley, 
woulil  not  dare  to  assert  that  the  depredations  in  1  793  could  be 
charged  to  jeopardy  of  her  existence.  They  were  Avanton,  un- 
provoked, lawless,  and  predatory  to  the  last  degree.  General 
Washington  presided  over  the  destinies  of  this  country.  He 
had  resolved  on  and  observed  a  fair  and  impariial  neutrality.-* 
The  manner,  and  time,  and  circumstances,  were  as  monstrous 
as  the  measure  itself. 

II.  On  the  subject  of  the  second,  I  shall  merely  refer  the 
reader  to  the  mercantile  memorials  of  1803-6,*  written  and 
signed  by  men  who  have  since  as  ably  defended  and  Jiistified 
the  conduct  of  England,  as  at  that  period  they  unqualiliedly 
reprobated  and  denounced  it.  This  change  in  their  opinions 
and  conduct  does  not  change  the  nature  of  the  facts.  The 
proceedings  of  the  British  ministry  at  that  period,  must  be  con- 
demned by  every  honourable  Englishm  tn.  They  were  unwor- 
thy of,  and  disgraceful  to,  a  mighty  and  respectable  nation. 

III.  Charles  James  Fox's  blockade  was  a  gross  violation  of 
the  laws  of  nations. — It  was  in  direct  hostility  with  previous 
declarations  made  by  that  statesman  himself — as  well  as  with 
the  honorable  and  indeed  the  only  legal  definition  of  a  block- 
ade, given  to  our  government  by  Mr.  Merry,  the  British  minis- 
ter here,  la  these  words  : 

.r  -  *' Admiralty  Office,  January  5,  1801. 

♦'Sir,  '  >'* 

"Having  coromunicati*'.!  to  tlie  lords  of  the  admiralty,  lord  Hawkesbury'e 
I«>tter3  of  tlio  2'id  inst.  fncloaing  the  copy  of  a  dispatch  which  his  lordship  had 
recei\'ed  from  Mr.  Tliorntoii,  hii  maje.sly's  charge  d'affairs  in  America,  on  the 
subject  of  the  bloclcside  of  tiie  ishnds  of  Mnrtiniqiie  and  Gnadaloupe,  togolhev 
with  the  report  of  the  advocate  gfneral  thereupon.  I  have  their  lordships*  com- 
mands to  acquaint  you,  for  his  lordi^liip's  inform;ition,  that  they  have  sent  orders 
to  commodore  Hood,  not  to  coBsidKr  any  blockade  as  existing,  cnlhss  in  res  • 
PKcr  TO  rARTicuLAR  PORTS  WHICH  MAY  BE  ACTUALLY  INVESTED; 
nod  then  not  to  capture  vessels  bound  to  such  ports,  unleuthey  shall  previously 
have  been  Warned  not  to  enter  them  ;  and  that  they  have  also  sent  the  neccss'iry 
directions  on  the  subject  to  the  judges  of  the  vice-admiralty  courts  in  the  West 
Indies  and  America. 

I  am,  &c.  "^ 

EVAN  NEPEAIf. 

George  Hammond,  Esq  " 

Her?  h  the  only  fair,  and  honest,  and  honourable  ex  plana  - 
lion  of  the  law  of  nations  on  this  8ul)ject,  laid  down  by  England 
herself.  This  letter  stands  on  eternal  record — and  seals  thf 
irrevocable  condemnation  of  that  vile  predatory  system,  where- 
by, a.  ording  to  George  Cabot,  James  Lloyd,  and  otiierDostoii 
memjrialisls,  she  was  during  the  course  of  the    French  war* 


Sty 


*  / 


*  Sec  chapters  xiv,  xv,  svi,  ?nd  xvir- 


663 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^  "PREYING  UPON  THE  UNPROTECTED  PROPERi 
TY  OF  A  FRIENDLY  POWER."!  If  Lord  Castlereai^h, 
the  murquis  of  Wellesley,  lonl  Cathcart,  George  Canning,  Mr. 
Rose,  or  Mr.  Wnr-in  Disguise,  should  find  this  accusation  somp.' 
V  hnt  indigestible,  let  them  hurl  the  gauntlet  at  Mr.  Lloyd  aud 
h'lfi  friends. 

IV.  The  orders  in  council  close  the  catalogue.  They  av ill 
form  an  eternal  blot  on  ihe  escutcheon  of  the  administration 
by  which  they  were  enacted,  and  so  long  supported.  For  Ihfir 
iunioWcy  1  reft  r  the  reader  to  chnpier  LV.  It  was  at  least  e- 
qual  to  their  flagrant  injustice. 

From  the  Jstof  March,  1809,  they  lost  whatever  [»lea  or  {)a^ 
liatiou  might  have  previously  existed  for  them.  The  non  in- 
tercourse  act,  passed  on  that  day,  #naMed  Great  Britain,  at  any 
hour  she  pleased,  to  open  cur  ports  to  her  trade  and  navigation 
— to  shut  thein  against  (he  vesseU  and  trade  of  France — and  in 
cflect  to  have  ultimately  produced  wai  between  that  nutitn  am! 
the  United  States.  > 

'J'he  refusal  of  this  offer  was  a  clear,  convincing,  and  un.ri- 
swerable  proof,  that  her  sole  ol jtct  was  monopoly  ;  arid  tlmf, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Bayard,  retaliation  was  merely  "  a  pre- 
tence."     Her  depredations  weie  continued  ^.vithout  interniiv 
bion.     I  ask  any  honest  Englishman — any  candid  federalist, 
now  that  the  reign  of  delusion  has  terminated,  were  these  dep* 
redations,  to  pass  over  their  immorality  and  injustice,  sucb 
measures,  as,  on  mere  principles  of  policy,  "  a  nation  strug- 
gling  for  her  cxistcnce^^  ought  to  have  adopted  ?    Was  it  just, 
or  proper,  or  prudent,  for  "  a  nation  struggling  for  her  exidcnce,^' 
to  violate  the  rights,  and  to  plunder   the  property  of  an  anof 
fending  neutral;  and  risk  a  war  with  that  neutral  ?     Surely  not. 
In  a  word,  I  ask  Timothy   Pickering,  Rufus  King,  George 
Cabot,  or  governor  Strong,  whether  the  conduct  ot  Great  Prit- 
ain  on  the  ocean  were  not  as  unjust,  as  arbitrary,  and  as  law lesi^ 
as  that  of  Bonaparte  on  terra  firma  ?     Whether  the  clandestine 
orders  of  1793,  and  those  of  1805,  were  not  as  perfidious,  as 
faithless,  and  as  utterly  indefensible,  as  any  act  of  the  French 
emperor  ?     And  finally,  to  sum  up  the  whole,  whether  there  fj 
in  the  history  of  mankind  any  act  much  more  atrf)cious  than  the 
attack  u^'on  Co|>enhagen,  the  capital  of  an  innocent  and  res- 
pectable neutral,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  her  fleet  ?    Wheth- 
er this  act  and  the  perfidious  conduct  of  Bonaparte   tovNauls 
f- 

+  Let  it  he  oh«rrved  that  the  predntory  system  of  I  SOS,  denoiincod  hy  lie  Bo? 
ton  mi  moria lists,  as  "  preyinjf  npon  the  unprotectf  d  properly  ol'  a  frirr,cl'>  pow 
er,*'  was  incomporahlv  less  uri,ju«t  and  more  defensible  tlip.n  tl;?  Eubsequi nl  ec^' 
rages  perpetrated  on  Amarican  commerce. 


I 


I 


\ 

an 
resi 


APPENDIX. 


3^ 


Spairr  are  not  exactly  of  (he  same  chancier  ?     1  annex  Mr. 
Rvst'Of's  accouut  of  the  horriole  Copenhagea  affair  : — 

*'  Amidst  all  the  convulsions  \rhich  Europe  Lad  experienced  in  conse« 
querice  of  the  revolution  in    France,  the  kiogdoni  of  Denmark  had,  by 
tLe  \vis8  and  temperate  policy  of  her  ruler,  been  in  a  great  measure  pre- 
served  from  the  fatal  co!ise.:iuence9  of  those  commotions  which  had  over- 
turned governments  of  much  greater  political   importance.     This  had 
been  accomplished,  not  by  humiliating  herself  to  any  of  the  belligerent 
powers ;  not  by  espousing   the  cause  of  such  of  them  as  appeared  for 
the  moment  to  be  successfiil  ;  but  by  maintaining  a  firm,  dignified,  anci 
uiideviating  independence,  ueithei  influenced  by  intrigues  nor  intimidat- 
•  ed  by  tlireats.     Her  naval  and  military  estoblishments^thoiigh  not  great, 
were   respectable  ;  and,   combined  with  the  natural  advantages  of  her 
situation,    might  justify  her  in  the  hopes  of  defending   herself  with  suc- 
cess against  :4ny   eiietny   that  '•liould   altempt  to  infijnge  upon  her  r.r»u- 
trality.     In  order  to  defend  this  neutrality,  the  Danish  government  hadi 
for  a  cjnsiderable   time  past,  concentrated  it«  army  on  its  continental 
froBtiers  ;  and  it  has  been  stated,   that  this  measure   was  adopted  at  the 
itiisttinceof  Great  Britain,  a«  bpinj;:  favourable  to  the  protection  (^f  he? 
com  uerce.     In    this  situation    the   Hritisb  il«;et,    with  a  large   military 
£i>tc£',  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Zealand,  whore  the  Danish  governnient 
sa  V  no  reason  to   recognizf*    them  in  any   other    (character  than  that   of 
f;'i;,iil«  and  protectors.    Tlu^y  were  there  jjiuod  by  the  German  lejiion 
from  the  isle  of  Hugun  ;  and  Mr.  Jack.«»)',   the  British  resident  at  (.'o" 
p'Mim^fn,  accordini^  to  ini^tructions  received  from  Ins  court,  DEMAIV'. 
DKO  FliOM  THfc  DANISH   GOVRUNMKNT  THE  SURRPJN- 
DKa  '>F  Hi  NAVY  TO  HIS    BlillANNIC  MAJESTY,   to  be 
rtv.tined  by  hitn  until  the  restoration  of  a  general  peace.     This  proposi- 
ti « i  W'ls  indignantly  rejected  ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  troops  were 
landed  ;  and  a  proclamation   wag  published  by  lord  Cathcnrt,  the  com 
mHiiler  in  chief,  stating  the  motives  aud  objects  of  f^nch  a  proceeding, 
and  threatening,   that  in  case  of  resistance.  THE  CITY  OF  COPEN- 
H  vGEN  SHOlJi-D  BR  DKSOLATED    BY  EVERY    POSSIBLE 
MEANS  OF  D£:.V'AS'ri,r[ON.     Unprei;-.;.  1   as  the  city   then  was, 
the  cro'vn  prince  gave  oril'c-^  that  it  should  bedefeikik;d  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity.    Of  the  D.>n'sh    osvy,  \r,t  a  shij>  was  rigged,   and   the  crews 
W'e re  absent.     On 'ne  settT.!  Iny 'if  .:«eptcniber  tlie  Brit;«h '•.•  t;-s  C(nn< 
menced  the  attack,  on  'I  jee  sides   it  the  city,  which  e«»ntinned  lor  sev- 
eiil  days  with  )nt  in'u  iii  ,..ion  ;  n^riug  which  6,')00  shells  were  thrown 
iut)  the  town,  «7t/ca   ;. -»*  soon  on  jm  in  npicard's  of  thirty  ptacen.     The  • 
timber  yards  were  consul  i-^ii  ;  th:,  powd.'    magazine  blew  up  ;  the  stee- 
pl.    .f  tho  cathedra!  chnctli  was  in  a  blaze    and  fell   araid>-t  the  continu-' 
a.    !  >a's   of  the  British   troojs.     From   the  mode  of  attack  which  had 
b^ii  a.!opted,/tes/»7/teV;  tvere  not  cnujined  to  the  Danish  soldiery   and  lh& 
armed    -rghen  tngaf^ed   r.  the  defence  of  the  rily  ;■  (nd  ?:XTE\r)ED  TO 
T  i^^  P  HABllAN  i\s    OF  BOTH    sEXE  — IHE  A(iED,   THE 
Y  )aNG,  THE    INFIHVf,  THE    'fCK,   AND  THE    HEIPLRSS, 
/'(•  (r'nvc  ;afetj/no  opporluxity  wan    Ji'itd  of  providing,  and  great  nnm- 
brvs  of  "/um  periiihc'l  hy  the  hursting  of  the  nhetfs,  (he  fire  of  the  artHhry^* 
an    th:  '.nnu/ucra'y/e  accultnis  consi-ciunt  <»»   so  dreadful  and  nnixprctrd  itr% 
ai.7>  V      U  «!3  >aapppave(l  iluU  the  city  ,vas  unable  to  nmke  an   etfecti'al 
Teeisioiioci  tue  British  fyrci a  having  approached  wilii  thuir   trendis£«io  » 

U  h2 


f 


^^::^ 


370 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


near,  as  to  bo  enabled  to  set  it  on  fire  whenever  they  pleased.  To  pi^e- 
vent  this  conxiiminaUon  of  nii5ery,  tho  Dunihh  couiinantler  DHsented  to 
terms  of  capitulation,  by  which  he  at^rectl  to  tunender  up  the  fleet,  upon 
condition  that  the  British  army  should  evacuale  the  island  of  ZealanO 
within  six  weeks,  and  that  public  and  private  property  sfacnld  in  the 
mean  time  be  respected.* 

Of  this  abominable  and  perfidious  affair,  \tortliy  of  Alnri<; 
Attila,  or  Genghis  Khan,  it  is  imposBtbie  to  read  wiihoui  :;hiid- 
dering  ^vitb  horror.  Every  Englishman,  who  possesses  a  hii;;h 
sense  of  national  honour,  mu^  dejilore  the  stain  they  havtt  im- 
pressed on  the  escutcheon  of  his  native  land — and  must  joia 
in  the  execration  to  which  the  upright  part  of  mankind  h  ae 
consigned  the  ministers  who  planned  and  ordered  the  iver{»e- 
tration  of  such  a  ^cene  of  barbarous  and  merciless  outrage. 

Away  then  for  ever  with  the  miserable  cant  of  *'  a  stntjeak 
for  her  existence"  as  not  merely  a  palliative,  but  a  jijstiiication 
of  "PREYING  UPON  THE  UNPROTECTED  PROP- 
ERTY  OF  A  FRIENDLY  POWER.'t  This  high  and 
dar  '>ing  accuttition  against  Great  Britain,  of  ^^ preying  upon  the 
unprotected  property  of  a  friendly  power''^  was  advaiifed  by  Georae 
Cat)ot,  James  Lloyd,  Thomas  Perkins,  Arnold  Welles,  hnd  the 
other  Boston  merchants  who  signed  the  memorial  to  congrryg 
in  1805  ;  but  wh€»  have  fruu  that  period  to  the  present  been  in- 
eonsislenlly  the  advocutts  of  the  British,  and  the  accusers  of 
their  own  novernraent. 

Every  nation  at  war  may  he  said  "  to  strv^srlc  for  Iter  rxist- 
tnec."  But  she  is  not  thtrffore  to  "  struggle  her  unufTtnding 
neighbonrs  out  of  their  ships,  th  'r  seamen,  their  property,  oT 
the  dearest  rsjihts  of  their  sovertiiinty,  to  help  to  preserve  her- 
Stif  in  "«  *//•?' vi'-Zf,"  created  by  lawless  aml»ition. 

A  few  short  months  have  elaj)sed  since  the  United  States, 
contending  single-handed  against  the  most  formidable  naval 
power  that  ever  existed  misht  be  emphatically  and  correct!) 
aaid  to  be  *•'■  struggling  for  their  erisicncc,'"'  which  was  really  and 
truly  jeojtardized.  What  consummate  folly  and  madness,  a& 
well  as  injustice,  would  it  have  heen,  to  have  commenced  ('»p- 
ledations  on  the  commerce  of  Russia,  France,  Spain  or  Hol- 
land, ami  to  add  one  or  more  of  those  n;.tion9  to  the  list  of  our 
enemies  ?     At  such  a  critical  time,  it  becomes  nations  to  "  car-. 

♦  Boscoe's  view  of  the  causes,  object?,  and  consequences,  of  the  mf!* 
«nt  war— and  on  the  expediency  or  the  ilauger  of  a  j)eace  with  t'jance, 
iPhilHdelphia  F.ditlon  page  42. 

t  See  Boston  metuorial,  |)age  102.         .  '         ' 


1» 


APPENDIX. 


371 


fy  tiieir  faculties  so  meek,"  as  to  srive  no  reasonable  cause  of 
o!f*-nce.  If,  therefore,  the  idea  be  coned,  tbul  Great  Brilaiii 
WiS  really  struggling  for  ber  existence,  so  far  from  juslifyiug 
or  ;i»iiiatiniz  her  conduct  towards  the  United  States,  it  only 
■BMPfc  fully  vr>*rs  iie  dire  insanity  of  those  miserable  and  fatu- 
itoM  couB«^ue  hy  ivhicb  her  afifairs  were  directed. 


,  1  •«< 


CHAPTER  LXII. 


*  *   » 


n?  lovi  damour  raised  hi/  the  eastern  states  an  Ote  suhj^ct  of 
rspresentatifi^  whoUy  unfotmded.  The  rfsuU  of  factious  dclii' 
simi.  Statistics.  Examination  of  tke  rcpresentaiion  in  the 
Senate.*^  "'      '  * 


•«'."»** 


;•..*!     S 


Ta  reconcile  the  people  of  the  eastern  s^Mes  to  the  parri- 
cidal project  of  a  dissolution  «f  the  union,  there  has  been  a 
great  outcry  raised  on  the  subject  of  its  inequalities  and  disad- 
vantages, and  its  oppressive  operation  on  that  portion  of  tlie 
uiition,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  representation  in  the  low- 
er house  of  congress.  The  most  extravagant  errors  are  afloat 
oil  this  topic.  It  is  irenerallj'  believed,  that  the  southern  states 
have  an  enormous  and  undue  influence  in  that  body,  in  conse- 
quence of  taking  the  slaves  into  account  in  fixing  ihe  number 
«r  Its  members. 

1  wave  for  a  few  minutes,  ihe  consideration  how  far  this  in- 
efj'j  ility  and  injustice  exist.  For  the  sake  of  argument  1  will 
a«iinit  them  for  the  present.  And  I  respectfully  ask  the  reader 
whether  it  be  possible  to  form  a  partnership  or  connexion  of 
a;»y  kin«l,  without  inequality  ?  Take  any  s.^ecies  you  choose. 
Es.:imine  tiif  talents,  the  address,  the  capital,  the  means  of  pro- 
moting the  joint  mtt^rests  of  the  eonrem ;  you  will  find  that 
there  is  in.  som**-  -perLaps  in  all  thesn  respects — a  considerable 
inequality — that  ose  party  has  an  advartage  in  respect  to  un- 
derstanding, or  influence,  and  another  in  point  to  capital  or 
iliill — or  in  s  >me  other  of  the  vanousways  in  which  men  differ 
IVom  their  fellow  mortals.  Go  to  the  married  state.  Examine 
there  miniitel}'.  You  will  find  the  case  the  same.  And  I  aver 
that  it  is  almost  absolutely  impossible  to  form  any  connexion 
whitevcr  with  a  perfect  equality. 

Tliis  being  obvious'v  and  strikingly  the  esse  in  those  simple 
dissociations  which  I  have  considered,  how  could  it  be  supposed 

*  This,  am!  the  two  succcetlirii*  chapters,  are  extrscted  from  a  inm- 
plilct,  published  Nov.  28, 18!  I.  by  the  aiith'^r  of  ilip  >live  BrHn-li,  and 
ftititled '«  A  Caha  Address  to  the  People  of  the  iittutern  States." 


372 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


that  80  delicate  and  so  complicated  an  association  as  that  cf 
thirteen  independent  sovereigntit:s,  more  or  leas  various  in  their 
habits,  in  (heir  productions,  in  (heir  ciimites,  in  (heir  popula* 
tion,  in  their  pursuils,  could  have  been  funried  without  a  spirit 
•r  compromise — without  a  mutual  balancing  of  advantages  tiij 
disadvantages  ?  To  expect  it  would  be  the  quintessence  of 
folly. 

But  the  reader  will  doubtless-be  astonished  when  he  finiii 
^hat  is  the  real  state  of  the  case.  H«  will  be  convinced  that 
the  alledged  grievances  which  have  been  made  the  instrumenia 
of  exciting  the  angry  passions,  and  preparing  our  eastern  breth- 
ren for  rebellion,  have  no  existence.  Let  the  two  legislative 
bodies  be  combined  together,  and  it  will  be  obvious  that  the 
eastern  states  have  had  and  still  have  inther  more  than  the 
share  of  influence  to  which  their  white  population  entitles 
them.  I  have  taken  some  pains  to  make  the  calculations  re- 
quisite to  lay  the  real  state  of  the  case  before  tlie  public  :  and 
I  submit  the  result  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature. . 


-ill>- 


Examination  of  the  representation  of  the  eastern  states  in  the  .m' 
ate  of  Old  United  States,  on  the  ground  of  white  populalton  onli). 

Population  of  the  U.  States,  Anno  1790  3,rr  (<.;j  8 

Deduct  shaves  6y.,C^7 

White  population  3,.31,   9 

Total  population  of  the  eastern  stated  1,009.j  2 

Deduct  slaves  3:6 

White  population  1 ,00^,036 

«  Total  number  of  senators  28. 

As  3,231,629  :  28  :  :  1,005,036  ;  8,077. 

Thus,  their  exact  proportion,  had  (he  slaves  been  rejiMited, 
wa^  8,t)7.7 ;  wh«rea&  they  had  ten  senators. 


Fbpiilation  of  the  U,  States,  Anuo  1800 
Deduct  slaves  ,  ,   . 

White  populatiosi 


5,303.068 
890,B^'J 

4,40(3,8  IT 


•  ,,t.: 


THE  OLIVE  BRAI^CH. 


Population  of  the  eastern  states 
Deduct  slaves 


373 

1,233,011 
1,330 


White  population  _  l,23l,b72 

Total  number  of  senators  34. 
.       As  4,406,817  :  34  :  :  1,^31,672  :  9,502. 

Here  again,  they  had  more  than  their  proportion,  which  wm 
0,302 ;  whereas  they  had  ten. 


Population  of  the  U.  States,  Anna  1 810  7,239,903 

Deduct  slaves  '      l,191,3t)^ 

White  population  6,048,53© 

White  population  of  the  eastern  states  •      ],471,97S 

Total  number  of  senators  36. 

As  6,048,539  :  36  : :  1,471,973  ;  8,760. 

On  tliis  third  census,  their  proper  proportion  is  8,760 ;  where- 
as they  have,  as  beforci  ten. 


Thus  it  is  evident  that  the  eastern  states  hare  had  in  the 
mate  more  than  their  due  proportion  of  influence  from  the  conv> 
mencement  of  the  government — and  that  in  the  present  senate 
they  have  actually  14  per  cent,  more  than  they  are  entitled  to, 
Uy  takinsr  into  consideration  merely  the  white  po/mlation  of  the  no- 
Hony  notwithstanding  the  introduction  of  nefv  states. 

Who  can  forget  the  daring  threat  held  out  by  Mr.  Quincy,  of 
resistence  to  the  introduction  of  new  states,  '"^amicably  if  they 
could,  violeiUly  if  they  must  ?"* 

"  Mr.  Quincy  repeatpd  nnd  jti  titipd  ^  remark  h<"  had  made— which,  to  save  aM 
ini«aj)prehension,  he  couiinitted  to  writing  in  the  following  words : — "  If  this  bill 
p.isscs  it  id  my  deliberate  opinion,  that  it  is  virtually  A  DISSOLUTION  OP 
THE  UNION  ;  that  it  wlil  free  the  <!tate^  from  their  inoral  obligation  ;  and  as  il 
will  he  (Ac  right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  dutif  of  some,  TO  PREPARE  FOR  :V 
SEPARATIOiX,  amicably  if  ihty  wn-VIOLENTLY  IF  THEV  MUST."* 

Any  person  unacquainted  with  the  subject,  to  have  heard  or 
read  Mr.  Quincy's  speeches  on  this  topic,  would  have  concluded 

*  National  Intelligencer,  Jan.  l^,  1811,  in  the  debate  oo  tjje  admisiion  of  Ncv^ 
Orleans  as  a  state. 


M. 


3  74 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


—and  not  unreasonablj — that  some  lawless  outrage  had  becu 
perpetrated  on  the  section  of  the  union  which  lie  reprtsentr d ; 
and  that  it  was  robbed  of  its  due  share  of  iufluence  in  the  sen- 
nte  by  that  measure.  How  astonished  must  he  be  to  find,  Oiat 
from  the  organization  of  the  government,  the  fact  has  been  di- 
rectly the  reverse  ;  that  it  has  had  more  than  its  s}iare  of  inllu- 
cnce ;  and  that  the  other  sections  of  the  union  have  had  solid 
and  substantial  causes  of  complaint  on  this  subject ! 


CHAPTER  LXllI. 


Statistics  continued.    Slave  representation  fairly  stated.    Rcsidt. 

I  now  proceed  to  consider  the  state  of  the  rciiresentation  in 
the  lovser  house,  to  which  the  loud  complaints  of  Francis  Blake, 
Mr.  Lowell,  Mr.  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  and  their  friends,  pai lit u- 
larly  refer.  They  have  been  but  loo  successful  in  persuading 
their  fellow  citizens  that  to  the  fatal  source  of  slave  reprt-senta* 
tion  may  be  ascribed  all  the  manifold  oppressions  and  injustice, 
which  they  alledge  the  eastern  states  have  experienced. 

I  believe  there  is  not  one  man  in  a  thousand  who  has  a  concep' 
tion  how  very  slight  the  inequality  is  here.  I  have  asked  a 
number  of  intelligent  and  well-informed  men  their  opinions- 
and  some  surmised  100  percent,  beyond  the  truth — ethers  were 
wide  of  it  200  per  cent. 

What  must  be  your  amazement,  reader,  to  learn,  that  if  all  the 
slavei  in  the  United  States  were  discarded,  in  the  apporlion- 
ment  of  members  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  theUniteil 
States,  it  would  make  a  difference  of  only  three  in  the  number 
of  representatives  of  the  eastern  states  ? 

The  white  population  of  the  United  States  at  the 

late  census,  was 
That  of  the  eastern  states 

Total  number  of  members  1R2. 

Actual  representation'of  the  five  eastern  slates  41. 

As  6,048,539  :  18i  :  :  1,147,973  :  44,043. 


6,048,53!' 
1,471,1)7\ 


i.  - 


Thus  it  appears,  that  were  the  repreaetitation  graduated  !>/ 
the  white  jiopulalion  nione,  the  eistern  slates  would  be  en(i(l<" 
tQ  but  44  representatives.     Thereforej  the  iiyury  they  suffer  I'J 


APPENDIX. 


376 


the  admisaion  of  the  s1ave8,i8  only  a  reduction  of  three  raemliers, 
in  i  Miiiy  of  )ii2 — wiitjreuB  llicy  have  one  and  u  quarter  nture 
than  tney  aie  enlilied  to  in  (he  senate,  a  body  of  3ti  meml.ers. 
Tndt  ia  to  say,  itud  -e^  it  be  oorne  in  remeinijrante,  in  one 
branch  lhe>  ar^  «iot  l^o  |»er  cent,  ueii  w  iiieir  pro|)oi-(ion — and 
ill  the  other  brunch,  ^vuich  is  iiy  fur  the  more  inOuentiul  and 
powerful  lU^y  ii<ive  abu'.u  i4  per  cent,  more  than  tliey  are  I'airiy 
pntiiled  to  I'y  tlieir  white  population ! 


A  view  of  the  slave  representation  in  the  house  of  representatives. 
Census  of  1810.  kaiiOy  one  representative  for  35,000  inkabi' 
tants. 


Maryland. — Total  population 
Deduct  slaves 


380,545 
lJl,5oa 


Divide  Uy  the  ratio  35,000)2tt«,044(7 


Remn.inder 

Add  three-grths  of  111,502  slaves 


24,044 
66,900 


Divide  by  35,000)90,^44(2 

Fraction  rejected  20,944 

Nine  representatives — 7  for  whites — 2  for  slaves. 


Virginia. — Total  population 
Deiiuct  for  slaves 


974,622     > 
392,518 

Divide  by  85,000)582,104(16 


Remainder 

Add  three-fifths  of  392,518  slaves 


22,104 
235,504 


.     -V  .    Divide  by  35,000)257,608(7 

Fraction  rejected  12,608 

Twenty-three  representatives — 16  for  whites — 7  for  slaves. 


Kentucky — Total  population 
Deditfit  for  slaves 


406,511 
80,561 

Divide  by  35,000)325,950(6 


■  V 


(:■'• 


i  r^, 

\ ' 

kit-.? 

» 

W< 

m 

4 

'  <        ,i 

f 

*        i  ■ 

• 

Wt- 

<<  0 

M  ;., 

^r'- 

w^ 

370 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Remainder 

AUa  tbreefirths  of  80,561  bU.\en 


Divide  by  '^j, 000)59, '21, t{\ 
Fraction  rejected  24,180 

Teu  repreBenlalivtB — nine  for  whites — one  fur  slaves. 


North  Carolina. — Total  population 
Deduct  slaves 


655,500 
108,824 


Divide  by  35,0OO)380,67(j(n 


l^cmainder 

And  thiet'-fifths  of  168,8^4  slaves 


1,670 
101,292 


.."»     f>' 


Divide  by  35,000)  02,no»(v 


Fraction  rejected  32,908 

Thirteen  representatives — 11  for  whites — 2  for  slaves. 


South  Carolina. — Total  population 
Deduct  slaves 


415,115 
196,805 


I- 


Divide  by  35,000)218,750(6 


Remainder 

Add  Uiree-fifths  of  106,365  slaves 


8,760 
117,837 


Y  Divide  by  35,000)126,587(3 

Fractbn  rsjected  21,587 

Nine  representatives— C  for  whites — 3  for  slaves. 


ixeorgia. — Total  population 
Deduct  slaves 


"252,433 
105  218 

Dii'ideby  35,000)147,215(4 


Remainder 

Add^h.eefifthsof  105,218  slaves 


7,215 
€3,129 


Divide  by  35,000)70,344(2 


Fraction  rejected 
SSx  repreaeatativei— 4  for  white*— 2  for  slaves. 


344 


APPENDIX. 


37T 


Tcnncafiec, — Total  population 
jJeduct  slaves 


2«1,727 
44,635 

Divide  by  35,000)217,192(6 


Remainder 

Add  tlireefifths  of  44,535  slaves 


7,102 
26,721 


rraclion  rejected  *  33,013 

No  representative  of  the  slaves. 


A  fcrv  facts  on  the  suhjcct  of  the  slave  representation  in  Uu 

lower  house. 

New  York,  hy        first  and  last  census,  has  bad  for  ten  yearS; 
and  will  have  fui  icn  more,  one  slave  reprsentative. 

TotHl  { ovulation  of  New  York,  Anno  1 790         340,120 
Deduct  slaves  21,324 


Divide  by  the  ratio  of  33,000)318,796(9 


Remainder 

Add  three-fifths  of  21,324  slaves 


»'  ;■ 


21,796 
12,792 


Fraction  rejected 


Divide  by  33,000)34,588(1 

1,588 


K. 


Total  population  of  New  York,  Anno  1810 
Deduct  slaves 


959,069 
15,071 


Divide  by  35,000)944,140(26 


Remainder 

Add  three-fifths  of  1 5,01 7  slaves 


34,140 
9,009 


Fraction  r^ected 


Divide  by  35,000)43,149(1 

3,149 


11 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


/#/ 


/y 


1^  .^^  /^^£p. 


//        '>^"V^^ 


A 


^<5 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


■so    "^ 

:!:   1^    12.0 


m 

m 


iiyii 


1.4 


1.6 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14S80 

(716)  872-4503 


4fj 


* 


%•  ^. 


^ 


878 


THE  GLIVE  BRAXCH. 

Delaware  has  a  slave  representative. 


Total  population  of  Delaware  in  1810 
Deduct  slaves  .   . 


4,177 


Remainder 

Add  three-fidhs  of  4,177  slaves 


Divide  by  35,000)t38,497(  ] 

33,497 
2,503 


Fraction  rejected 


Divide  by  33,000)36,002(1 

1,002 


Massachusetts,  to  her  great  honor,  has  no  slaves.  But  it  is  ?. 
curious  fact,  that  she  has  a  representative  of  her  black  [ioijuIh- 
lion. 

Her  Whites  are        --v^     --  693,039 

Blacks  >.  ,  7,706 


700,743 
This  divided  by  33,000,  just  allows  her  20  members.     Df- 
duct  the  blacks,  and  she  would  h&ve  but  19. 


Representatives  of  slavei. 


1790 

1800 

1810 

Kew  Tork 

I 

0 

} 

Delaware 

0 

0 

1 

Maryland 

a 

:       i'     ' 

2 

Virginia 

$ 

#- 

H 

Korth  Carolina 

2 

:$  ■ 

% 

South  Carolina 

2 

i 

2 

Georgia 

1 

1 

2 

Tenneirsce 

0 

1  -'■• 

% 

Ken  lucky 

0 

1 

1 

H 


U 


19 


The  following  views  display  the  very  extraordinary  itipquali- 
tl«8  that  exist  in  the  representation  hi  the  senate.  Tl<*|  tullj 
ei^tablish  the  necessity  of  mutual  forbearance,  and  tho  h'  d"' 1^ 
ffpiritof  compromise  that  prevailed  in  the  federal  convrniicii 


if 

APPENDIX. 

a7« 

-•■•"•>,           ''"■', 

VIEW  I. 

J    ,,-..  ., 

Free  persons. 
700,7 15 
1' 11,460 
2l7,8flj 
i.til,L.:)2 
7ti,«i:.l 

Fcnators. 

Free  pprsons. 
]V*>wYork                  !);i,03: 
^>lHt^ylvauia            809,'^9li 
\'irgiii;a                     51>J,I0I 
Nortli  Carolina         a  lt5,b7G 
Kt-ntuchy                   Li-j,{l.^i) 

Scnaton* 

1,47I,Aj5 

10 

Vi':r'-' 

:io;«,Oi8 

la 

.".la^'ftcIiusotiB 
>■,  wlraiiip-^iuii; 
V'ermniit 
('i.)niK'ciii:iit 
JllK'de  l:Jaii(l 


Thus  it  appears  that  tlm  e  isteni  slates  with  only     l,471,i55 
h-ee  |Ki'suns,  havr  as  much  influence  in  the  senate 
PS  the  above  live  midille  states  with  ,  3,03(5,058 


} 


VIEW  II. 


Free  persons,     dinatora. 
N'-wliampshhe         VI I  400 
V.rmoiit  217  895 

l'o:.ntTiicut  ii»itl,r.32 

ll;iude  Islaua  TU,323 


,810 


8 


Fre^  persons,    SenalOW. 
New  York  944,03J      . 

lViin!>3lvania  809  1:06 

Virginia  i82,IOt      - 

North  Carolina        38tj.(]70 


2.722.  JOd 


8 


Four  of  the  eastern  states,  with  775,810  free  persons,  have 
as  muc'i  intluence  as  four  middle  and  southern  states  with 
2,712  108 — and  four  times  as   much  as   Penasyivauia  with 

709,296. 


Fiee 
."^IiSHachiisotts 
Nf'wliampshire 
V<iinoiit 
roiuitctictit 
Kliode  Island 


VIEV 

r  III. 

persons. 

Senators. 

Free  pprsonj. 

700,74.") 

Maryland                  269.014 

21 1  <t)0 

Virginia                     582,101 

217,«9j 

Nortli  Carolina        386,676 

2«  !,•>.'}  J 

<>')io                           2.J0,7HO 

7U,823 

Kentucky                   325.9iO 
'lVnnfcs?ee                  217.192 
South  Caroliua          218,7)0 

10 

Georgia                     147.215 

I,47I,.')55 

2,377,691 

*~^ 

Senator'. 


16 : 


The  result  of  this  comparison  was  utterly  unexpected.  It 
has  surprised  me  exct^ediugly,  and  will  no  doubt  surprise  the 
reader.  It  is  a  fair  and  overvvhelmhig;  view  of  the  compara 
tive  intluence  in  the  sennte,  of  the  murmuring,  discontented^ 
•<ifli\  oppreaeed  "  nation  of  New  England"  with  that  of  the  whol« 


t|(f| 


iiSO 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^'iSU 


of  the  ancient  "  slave  states,"  as  they  are  called.     It  apptigii 
that  the  former  have  one  representative  in 
«enate  for  everj  1 47,1 6,5  fi^e  person?, 

and  that  the  latter  have  one  for  every  148,to5     do. 

The  .ufdition  of  Louisiana  has  ftliered  the  sl.tte  of  the  repre- 
prest  ntdiion.  It  mnkes  the  ratio  for  the  slave  states  about 
130,000.  ^  , 

VIEW  IV. 


Free  prrfions,     Seualorg. 
Rhode  Ulaiid  71;,;!:.'"? 

Delaware  (:ii,r.t7 

ii.'i,3::o  4 


Free  pfr?rmp.    Senator;;. 
Nfw  York  'JM,0:«2 

I'tiJiisylvMi  ia  7!)9,i:;)U 


l,7i:?,31'3 


4 


One  free  person  lo  Dela\yare  or  Rhode  Island,  it  is  obviois 
iVom  the  above  view,  possesses  as  much  inliiunce  in  the  seiKii*- 
of  the  United  Slates  as  twelve  in  New  York  or  Pennsylvania, 
And  one  in  Lflaware  possesses  nei>r!y  as  mneh  as  fourteen  in 
New  York.  One  in  Rhode  Island  iias  more  tuan  seven  in  Vii- 
i^iniu. 


VIEW  V. 


Freo  pfrs^n?. 
^^•w  H.impshiic       2 1 4,4a) 

roiini'oticut  i:gg,h;<2 

UUodc  island  7fi,«;2:j 


5:>l.V.2l 


Svntilors. 


6 


Virginia 


Free  I'Crsor.s.    Seualori. 


ia;;,l04 


.^n*J,'.04 


Three  ettslern  states,  witli  557,024  free  persons,  have  six  ic- 
naiorB,  and  Virginia,  with  582,104  hus  but  uvo.        -    .► 

If  the  wisest  and  best  of  the  citizens  of  the  Ignited  Slate; 
assembled  in  convention,  with  General  Washington  and  Doc- 
tor Franklin  at  their  head,  found  it  nrcessarv  for  the  peace, and 
happiness,  and  respectabilitv  of  the  country,  to  ratify  the  oon- 
stitution,  Avith  such  prodig;ious  inequalities  j»s  are  stril«d  at»ovc. 
it  is  not  difficult  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  folly  and  wiekcdnf!^^ 
of  the  loud  complaints  of  injustice  and  inequality,  on  [.oin!s  I'l 
the  last  decree  insignificant,  whereby  the  si)irit  of  sedition  lia: 
been  excited  in  the  eastern  states. 

The  war  question,  it  has  been  said,  was  carried  by  the  slau 
representatives.  This  is  an  egregious  error.  The  majority 
in  the  lower  house  was  30.  And  the  whole  number  of  slave 
representatives  is  only  19.  So  that  had  they  been  whollj'  in- 
jected, the  vole  would  have  been  carried.     1  pass  over  the 


APPENDIX. 


381 


slave  reprejentalives  from  New  York  and  Delaware,  hotb  of 
^vliom  voted  si2;a'ms(  (he  war.  I  likewise  wave  Ihe  eonsidera- 
tion  of  the  facl,  that  eleven  members  from  the  southern  states 
also  voted  against  the  measure. 


A  fair  view  of  all  the  preceding  tahles  and  facta,  will  satisfy 
any  man  not  wholly  destitute  of  trulh  and  candor,  that  the  iute- 
rcBts  of  the  eastern  states  have  heen  carefully  guarded  in  l|<»th 
branches  of  the  legislature  of  the  union.  Their  complaintB 
are  to  the  last  degree  groundless  and  f-ictious.  It  will  further 
prove,  that  Peu'isylvania  has  a  stronger  ground  of  complaint 
by  far  in  the  senatorial  hraneh  than  the  eastrrn  states  in  the 
other.  With  a  population  of  800,2Uf)free  persons,  she  has  but 
two  senators;  whereas  Newhampshire,  A'ermont,  Rhode  Island 
And  Coaneclictit,  with  773.810,  have  eight.  The  difference  h 
f  normous  and  immense. 


Hlatimcnt  of  the  mtmber  of  members  in  the  house  of  representa- 
tives, aft€9  the  different  ccnsi. 


i'y*  ^'-^ 


Newhampshirc 

Vemont 

Massachusetts 

Connecticut 

Rhode  Island 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina 

South  Carolina 

Georgia 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

LouUiana 


First. 

4 
o 

14 

7 

2 
10. 

5 
13 

1 

8 
19 
10 

6 

2 

0 

0 

a 

0 


Second. 

5 

4 
17 

7 

2" 
17 

6 
18 

1 

9 
22 
12 

9 

4 

6 

3 

0 

0 


iff"     U      M 


V'' 


I 


103 


t  2 


141 


r,82 


THE  OLIVE  RRANCH. 


CHAPTER  LXIV. 

(tifjuirt/  iido  the  charge  against  ilie  southern  states  of  tlestreyiiij, 
commerce  to  promote  viamifaclurcs.  Vlicrh)  iiujcundtd.  The 
eastern  states  deeply  interacted  in  vinnnjactures.  TJie  smdhcri 
the  reverse. 


There  is  one  point,  of  considerable  importance,  on  wh'uh 
our  eastern  fellow  citizens  have  beenegregioiisly  deceived,  and 
on  which  it  is  desirable  they  should  form  correct  opinions 

That  the  administration,  and  all  the  southern  niemLcrs  oi 
congress,  are  actuated  by  an  inveterate  hostility  to  commtict ; 
and  that  their  measures  have  been  dictated  l)y  a  desire  to  de- 
stroy it,  for  the  purpose  of  injuring  the  commercial  states ;  h<is 
been  amumed  as  an  incontrovertit)Ie  fact,  which  could  neither 
be  disputed  nor  denied.  It  has  been,  as  I  have«tated,  reeciiO- 
cd  by  governors  and  legislators — by  inflammatory  wrilers  in 
newswpapers — and  by  equally  inflammatory  clergymen  in  thtii 
pulpits,  until  any  doubt  of  it  is  in  the  eaetern  states  believed  to 
be  as  wicked  and  heterodoxical,  as  a  doubt  of  the  miracles  ol 
the  Koran  is  regarded  by  the  mufti  at  Conslantinof»Ie. 

It  was  necessary  to  find  some  motive  for  this  hostility.     It 
would  have  been  too  monstrous  to  assert,  that  the  scvthei^ncrs, 
as  some  of  the  eastern  writers  have  quaintly  stiled  the  people  of 
the  southern  stat«  s  destroyed  ccmmerece  to  promote  agricullire. 
and  of  course  to  advance  their  own  interests.     This  would 
not  bear  examination,  and  was  therefore  abandoned.     It  was 
however  necessary  to  devise  a  plausible  pretext.     And  it  lias 
therefore  been  a  thousand  times  asserted,  that  the  ho,stilil\j  lo 
eomtnerce  arose  from  a  desire  to  promote  manufactures,    ^'^  Ami 
this  sorry  tale  has  been  helkvcd  by  the  "  most  enlightened^  porticii 
9f  the  "  most  enlightened  nation  in  tJie  rvorhV 

The  following  facts  and  oljservations  will  show  the  tianscen- 
dent  folly  of  this  allegation. 

1.  In  the  eastern  states  are  numerous  and  important  manufGO 
iures  established  on  a  large  and  extensive  scale, 

2.  The  ex*rerae  sterility  of  a  large  portion  of  their  sol),  and 
the  comparative  densitu  of  their  population,  render  manufaftui- 
ing  establishments  indispensably  necessary  to  them, 

3.  They  are  therefore  deeply  and  vitally  interested  in  theprO' 
motion  of  manufactures,  without  which  they  would  be  in  a  «:reat 
measure  dtpopulatcd  by  the  attractions  of  the  v  estern,  midUIC) 
and  southero  states. 


APPEND*  K. 


rtnf 


.\.  T!io  mimriicUiiTs  of  the  soulhcjri  slat< s  are  p:i:icip:illj  in 
j>iiv.tl(;  I'-utiilirs. 

J.  TiK'sv  slates  have  no  rr<lun(l.i:it  population.  Their  pcopio 
liml  full  '  m  )!(»}  mfiit  in  a'jfricultmc. 

f).  7Vf/,y  have  therefore  Ihtlc  or  no  intercut  in  the  promotion  of 
manufidurin'r  cstablishnvnts. 

7.  Bat  ihf;  icduciion,  or  icstrictloii,  or  iniiny  of  coinmerce, 
cinnotfail  vitalfi/  to  injure  them  hi/  Usscninsc  the  d' man i  for.  nni 
hivcrin^  the  price  of  their  productions.  \Vc  have  seen  tiiat  it  licis 
produced  this  effect^  to  a  most  ruinous  extent. 

8.  It  irresistibly  follows,  therifore,  that  if  the  southern  stiitcs 
waiitouly  (ieslroyetl  or  lestricted  commerco,  to  promote  manu- 
ficturop,  it  nioull  be  in/lictinfj^  the  most  serious  and  vital  injur:/  on, 
thcmscl-rs  for  the  mere  purpose  of  servinu:  those  states  to  which 
ihcji  are  said  to  bear  an  invettr.it"  awl  d'.adli/  hoslilifij ! ! ! 

9.  Whotver,  possessiii«j^  auy  mind,  can  disseminate  those  opin- 
ioas,  must  [iie*ii«to  deceive;  for  he  cantjot  possibly  believe  thtnti 
himself. 

10.  Whoever  cfin  believe  in  such  absurditie?,  may  believe  that 
livers  occasionally  travel  to  their  sources — that  lambs  devour 
wolves — that  heat  produces  ice — that  "  tliorns  produce  fiv^s" — 
or,  what  is  almost  as  absurd  and  ridiculous,  thai  the  soil  of  Mas- 
sachusetts is  as  fertile,  and  the  climute  as  mild,  as  the  climr^-e  and 
lail  of  Suuth  Carolina  or  Georgia. 


4  <i 

1 

^ 

«j^i 

'.'•,* 

■r^^i  y 


^U 


CHAPTER  LXy. 


Mlifitia  defence*    Sy&tem  of  classijlcation  proposed  in  congress. 

Rejected,     Awful  oulcrif. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  late  war  with  Greit  Britain,  an  at^ 
tempt  was  made  in  congress  to  employ  in  th«  defence  of  ihe  na- 
tion a  portion  of  the  militia,  in  a  mode  the  most  simple,  the  most 
practicable,  the  most  efficient — and  at  the  same  time,  the  least 
burdensome,  that  was  ever  adopted  in  any  country.  Those  per- 
sons, throuajhout  the  United  States,  who  are  subject  to  militia  du- 
ty, were  to  be  divided  into  classes,  each  of  twenty-five.  Every 
class  was  to  furnish  one  of  its  members,  who  was  to  serve  for  oue 
yeir,  or  during  the  war,  and  whose  bounty  was  to  be  contribu- 
ted by  the  rest  of  the  class  in  certain  proporlions.    Or,  if  none 


881 


THE  OLIVK  BIIANOH. 


of  the  class  tli()Ho;lil  proper  to  volunteer  his  services,  a  leciuU 
was  to  be  enlisted  nt  iheir  joint  expense.* 

Against  this  noble  sivstem  of  delence,  po  equitable,  so  jn?t. 
so  unexceptionable — so  julequate  to  its  eiul — so  easy  and  IVce 
from  burthen  to  our  citizens — so  likely  to  brine:  the  "war  to  u 
close,  l)y  conviuciui;  the  enemy  of  the  impossibility  of  niakiiic 
i\ny  impression  on  us — llnrc  was  a  mo^t  hideous  outery  mistd 
in  iind  out  of  congress — an  outcry  hli:;hly  dls2,raceful  and  fac- 
tious. It  was  branded  with  the  oiiiousunme  of  "  Conscription^' 
and  identitied  with  the  horrible  system  of  Bona|)arle,  u  hereby 
the  whole  male  population  of  France  was  subject  to  his  despot- 
ic will  and  pleasure. 

The  attempt  was  of  course  defeated.  To  the  passions  of 
the  people  the  most  inflammut«ry  appeals  were  made.  A  tnnjt 
lamentable  delusion  prevailed  on  the  subject.  Many  of  our 
citizens  were,  by  unp**a8ing  efforts,  led  to  believe,  that  the  plan 
was  wholly  unprecedented  in  this  country  ;  that  it  was  ntt/ ily 
unconstitutional  and  pernicious  ;  and  that  it  was  intended  as  il;e 
basis  of  a  military  despotism.  And  to  such  an  awful  oxt(  n'  «  li 
the  frenzy  carried,  that  open  resistance  wr.s  not  obscurely  threat 
cned.  Sexagenarian  veterans,  shaking  their  hoary  locks,  ami 
burnishing  their  rusty,  revolutionary  arms,  were  (ll-?poi»ed  t; 
punish,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  those  whom  they  were 
taught  to  regard  as  violators  of  the  constitution. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  a  more  awful  del'.iiion  — 
Never  were  the  public  cullibiiity  and  credulity  more  miseral  h 
played  upon.  For,  as  I  have  already  stated,  it  is  hardly  possi 
ble  to  contrive  a  plan  of  public  defence  more  just,  mure  ration- 
al, more  unexceptionable,  or  more  efficient. 

Let  us  examine  the  matter.  Recruits  for  a  year,  could  Iiavf 
been  readily  procured  at  any  time  for  two  hundred  dollars.  Of 
course  the  tax  on  each  individual,  of  twenty-five  persons  bound 
to  furnish  a  recruit,  would  be  only  eight  dollars,  for  uhich  lie 
would  be  exempt  from  all  the  dangers,  and  hardships,  and  i-ri- 
vations  of  a  military  life  ! 

The  British  government  would  probably  have  made  immense 
sacrifices  to  prevent  the  establishment  of  such  a  system.f    It  vas 

*  These  were  the  grand  important  features  of  various  plans  submitted  to  cotv 
j:ress,  and  to  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  which  were  absurdly  and  diyrracc 
fully  rajected.  Ttiere  were  some  unessential  difftrences  between  them,  not  worth 
attention  in  this  discussion.  To  the  honour  of  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  le- 
gislature of  New  York,  they  were  not  deterred  by  the  wretched,  stupid  and  f«- 
lious  clamour  that  prevailed  on  this  subject.  They  passed  an  act  to  raise  10,000 
men  on  the  clastification  plan. 

f  It  is  not  cxtrnvagant  to  say,  that  policy  would  dictate  to  England  the  sacriScf 
of  millions  of  pouuds  8t«rUos;to  prevent  tlie  adoption  of.  this  systeio. 


At>PENDlX. 


3»j 


tue  mfa&ure  moal really  formidable  auil  efficient  apjnin^t  her  veltr- 
uii  armies,  that  had  been  deviseJ.  But  surf  ly  lliib  owj^ht  to  have 
been  no  reason  why  American  legislators  should  o|»|>os'»  it — oi 
why  the  factious  and  tunniltuousincetincis,  held  lo<lenounce  the 
system,  should  be  eulogixed  as  dlsid.iys  of  "*  the  .spiril  o/.'^ncnti/- 
i/jr."*  Had  such  a  wreiched  s|»irii  |>iTvailed  in  '70,  thi»  inlorioiia 
country  would  never  Imve  emerged  fiom  its  colonial  and  de- 
pendent stale. 

From  the  extreme  abhorrence  of  warB,*and  br.ttl«?s,  and  blood- 
shed, and  wour.'it,  and  scars,  nniniftslcil  by  some  of  the  mem- 
b«  rs  of  consrress — from  IWt>ir  wailinc;^,  and  lamentations,  and 
£tron<r  f-ensiliililies,  at  the  popaible  lv»ss  of  a  einjrie  life,  a  slran- 
ser  rui'.iht  supj/ose  they  were  quiikers  or  menonists,  who  uere 
iK't  nitrely  eonfc(  leutioiisly  scrupulous  again?t  carryings  arms 
thcm^eUei,  bu  ip/inriftled  a^raiiist  warfiPe  altoirelher  .And  from 
the  dciifacy  of  thf^ir  coii3tituli(»nal  exceptions  ami  objections, 
it  mi;2!;!!l  be  r'?agu.'i:»b!y  presumed,  if  the  constitution  \>ere  not 
at  uur  a  illi  fjtjnh  i;  ur(  t:umi)tion,  that  there  was  no  p(»wer  g;i\t  n, 
or  ijiteti'led  lone  ci)nv«'yed  to  the  general  {government,  lo  com- 
m'lnd  or  coerce  the  military  service  of  any  individual  citizen. 
It  would  appear,  that  the  cil"/*  ns  ef  the  Ignited  States  had  oh- 
taiu'Ml  l<tlei's  [»alent  from  M»  :iV<ii  for  «ni^)ying  all  the  benefitg 
of  society  and  of  gelf^covt  vomtnl,  witboi.t  riskins;  either  life  or 
lim?* — or  shedding  a  drop  of  bjood  in  tl.eir  defence. 

While  the  puidic  delusion  on  Ibis  to;  ic  lasted,  arguraent  was 
useless.  Prejudice,  ?tnd  passion,  rod  irrationality,  almc>sl  uni- 
versally pre(lominate<l.  liut  every  8i»ecies  of  folly  and  mad- 
iif'ss  has  its  dxy.  After  its  soel!  is  dissolved,  it  becomes  harm- 
It  ss  'And  inoffensive,  it  is  then  a  fairsultject  of  inquiry  and  ih- 
vesiitcation.  The  undersfandina*  of  the  public  may  be  address- 
ed with  a  tolerable  chance  of  si.ccess. 

J  therelore  venture  to  disvoi.  ;he  subject,  and  solicit  thr- 
calm  attention  of  the  reader,  hi  case  of  future  nars,  from 
which  we  cannot  hope  to  If  exempt,  it  m;»y  be  of  considerable 
importance  to  estjd)lisli  correct  opinions  on  a  sulject  inferior 
to  none  in  importance — 1  mean  the  most  eligible  mode  of  i>ul3- 
lie  defence.  '  • 

I  therefore  undertake  to  prove  these  seven  proposi lions  : 

1.  That  there  is  no  principle  more  clearly  recognized  and 
established  in  the  constitutions  and  laws  of  the  several  states, 

than  THE    RIGHT     OF    BOCIGTY    TO     REQUIRE    AND     COERCE,    AS 


11 


Wflj 


*  In  several  parts  of  the  union,  fartiouR  and  grditiom  meetings  were  in-ld  to 
dendunce  tiiis  ^  iitrt,  who-<r  proctcdingB  wno  drtailofl  in  many  of  O'lr  papei?- 
^u-aded  iu  large  letter*  wjtii  tlie  words,"  Sf'tiUT  OF  '76.'" 


Stfi 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


TVFI.L    AS    THE    DUTY     OK    THE     (ITI7.F.N    TO     AFFORD,    MILITA- 
RY   SERVKE    FOR    TllK    GK.NLRAl.    nFFlNCK. 

2.  Th.'it  ihe  |)o\vrr  oC  congress  to  call  lorlh,  and  order  tho 
employment  of,  the  mititia,  in  cases  of  invaaiony  rel.cHion,  or 
in^unection,  i»  a?  clearly  established  as  any  other  |)o\vcr  xtsUd 
in  that  hody. 

3.  That  the  mode  of  drafiinc;  prescrilied  l»y  the  militia  la\N3 
i»f  the  several  states,  is  oppressive,  inje(|iJid,  and  imjiist, 

4.  That  the  force  so  drafted  is  generally  inelTicient,  and  enor- 
mously expensive. 

5.  That  the  system  of  classification  is  the  most  imparlial— 
the  most  efficacious — and  the  least  oppressive  mode  of  caliini,' 
into  operation  the  militia,  of  any  of  the  plans  that  have  cvtv 
been  devised. 

^.  That  the  proposed  system  of  classitication  prevailed  (ii;- 
riui;  the  revolution — and  of  course,  instead  of  having  Lun 
borrowed  from  Bonaparte  by  our  present  rulers,  was,  if  Itonow- 
ed  at  all,   borrowed  by  France  from  this  country. 

7.  That  the  classification  or  conscriiition  system,  moat  el;ih- 
orately  matured  '  y  General  Knox,  and  stamped  vith  the  Sf.i)»t 
General  Washioijcton's  approbation,  wns  more  strict  and  exien- 
tfive  in  its  pro^  Isiun,  thua  any  of  the  recent  plans. 


CHAPTER  LXVI. 

Right  ofSocictif  to  coerec,  and  duty  of  Citizens  to  afford  militnr\i 
service^  recognised  hy  the  Constitutions  and  Laws  of  the  scvirai 
states. 

To  establish  ray  first  point,  that  " there  is   no  prlnoiile 


service  for  the  general   defence,"   I  submit  to  the  reader,  tie 
most  satisfactory  extracts  from  the  corstituticrs  of  Js'ew-liinii' 
shire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New-York,  Pennsylvania,  Del- 
aware, and  Kentucky;  and  from  the  militia  laws  of  Massachu- 
setts,   Connecticut,    Rhode-Island,     New-York,    New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Georgia,  an(!  Kentucky.— 
These  are  all  the  states  whose  statute  books  1  have  been  iible 
to  procure. 


V- 


APPENDIX. 


387 


The  (It'clantion  f-f  rights  of  tlie  state   of  New-lfampshire, 

eX[>>t'9ijlj    juovults  ih:il 

"  Every  nif^inbrr  of  tli«'  coinmiinlty  h.is  a  rl^lif  to  he  prntjrtrd  Hy  it,  in  tlin  pn- 
joyineiit.  nl  '"»  I'l*".  l'^'"'')!  trul  jiKij.nty  ;  In-  inlhrnfnrc  t)».im<l  to  ri>iitr)*iiilfi 
ills  <,;i;ir«  '.o  t  irixpf  iisi*  ol  mioii  jnouctioii  j  .iiid  TO  \'lbiliD  Mi?)  I'KHbUM  aL 
^LUVICE   SVIIK.N   iNbUKSb  \KV,  OH   an   y.yi  ivai.f.nt." 

It  gives  Ihegovrrnor  for  the-  tlinr  hriiif,  com\>\vtc  and  plena- 
ry power,  '"  btj  Uhnsdjor  iwy  cUi^ J'  commander  or  ojjiccn,,'^ 

" 'J'o  li.i'ii.  inslrui't,  fvoiclsr,  nnd  jjovcrn  tlie  militia  imJ  navy;  and  for  the 
special  «1''U  iic»"  iinil  MiiVly  «)t'  tiie  st.itr,  to  ii^st  nil)lc  in  ninrtinl  array,  and  put  in 
unrlikr  /'O  ^jvt  On  inh'ihildnt^  thnff;  and  t'»  1»  ud  iinl  condiirl  tlu'in  j  and  witli 
liicm  » iitouuU'i',  n|jnls*,  r^pi'l,  n.'Nl<t,  and  pur'Hc,  hy  (i»rc<?  of  army,  ns  wllhy 
sea  as  by  i,tnd,  within  fnd  iHlhout  Hit:  /»./n'is  »/  the  fluff.,  j-vrry  siirli  j»»'r'>on  or  prr- 
fonj  a;;  fliall  at  any  niliiif  liiu-!  KtUinpt  tlie  drHtrui'lion,  invuMon,  detrimeitt,  or 
annoy aua;  of  the  Btat»;." 

It  further  invests  the  governor  with  the  miglity,  tl»c  tremendous 
jiower, 

♦•  To  nsc  nnd  exorcise  ovi-r  \]\^  armv  and  navv,  and  over  the  militia  in  actual 
.erncf,  THE  i.\VS  MMMiAL  li\  I  IMK  Ol-'  WAR,  INVASION,  a.\D 
AIjSO  in  Kl'-BKlililON,  declared  by  Ihc  ligi-lalure  to  exist,  as  occabion  siiall 
necessarily  rtij[uire."  ^ 

t'       " 

Nothin2;can  be  more  clear  and  explicit  than  these  provisions. 
They  level  in  the  diiBt  the  volumes  of  rant  and  <!ecl}imationu 
which  have  been  ullertd  in  congress,  and  with  Tvhich  the  prtss 
h'\s  teemed  on  this  important  topic. 

Tile  constitution  ot  the  state  of  Massachusetts  contains  the 
s.'me  provisions,  couched  in  the  very  same  vords,  as  that  of 
^'•w-Hftmp8hiTe.  One  has  been  ohviotisly  copied  from  tli« 
0  *^-  r.  It  is  therefore  unnece^tifiry  to  make  any  extract  from 
th?i  of  the  former  state.  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  volume  of 
the  constitutions  of  the  United  Htates. 

The  constitution  of  New-York  expressly  declares  that 

"  Whereas  it  is  of  tlie  utmost  importance  to  the  safety  of  every  state,  that  it 
should  alway«  be  in  a  condition  of  defence,  an)  IT  IS  THE  DLTY  OF  EVE- 
RY MAN  WHO  ENJOY*  THE  PRO!  LCTION  OF  SOCIETY.  TO  BE 
PREPARED  AND  WILLING  TO  DEFEND  IT.  Therefore  this  conven- 
tion, in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  liie  good  people  of  tnis  slate  doth  or- 
dain, determine  and  declare,  that  the  uoilitia  of  this  state,  at  all  timt- s  hereafter, 
as  well  in  peace  as  in  war,  shall  be  armed'and  disciulined,  and  IN  READINESS 
FOR  SERVICE." 

Th«  declaration  of  rights  of  the  constitution  of  Vermont, 
slates  that 

"  Efery  membtr  ©f  society  hatlj  a  ri|jht  (o  be  protacted  in  the  enjoyment  of 
ufc,  liberty,  and  property  ;  mi  thet  efore  ia  bound  to  contribute  his  proportiou 


fr, 


^88 


APPENDIX. 


towai(Mh«Mprn«e!>or  tl.i.t  protrdum,   anUYlEIJ)  1113  PKRSON.VL  hER 
VK'K,  when  iifcfMSiiry,  u.'  .>ii  i'<iiiivrtlciit  t!i»'i''l<>  *»»*iVor  ran  any  man  nh,t  i 
ron<iiii'iouslyscru)iul>u^  'fhuintri^  nnm,    lie  justltf  cvntjitlUd  thiieto,  iK  Hf.; 
Wll.li  PAY  ItiLCH  EUtlVALEM." 

The  olil  conatilution  of  PtMins^lvania  is  in  unison  viMi  thosp 
already  quoteil — viz. 

*' Every  mrmfMT  of  soci«ly  liilli  a  rii;lit  to  be  protected  in  the  ♦njoymrnl  ci 
lif<",  liberty,  and  property  ;  Hnd  Ihti.fou-  is  hvitnd  to  rontributt  fiis  pri>jf}rr<i,' 
toic'.irds  the  ex/wnie  nfthnt  pr«ticli{tn,  •r  «»  ripitMtfnt  thtrdo  ;  hut  no  p^^t  o|" « 
man's  proptjrty  can  l)e  jiiitly  takea  lioni  liiin,  and  cippliMl  to  public  usj-h,  witliou' 
big  connPiit,  or  Hint  of  liid  \v^a\  r»pre»«  ntntivt's  :  nor  cm  any  man  who  ig  rnnsii 
entiou-'ly  ccrupuloux  of  bearing  arm?,  bi;  justly  compelkd  th«rtlo,  i/ht  niil  ^i 
such  t'fuivaltnt.^* 

Tlie  exialing  constitution  of  Pennsylvania  is  equally  clear: 

•'  T'je  freemen  of  thi*  commonwoaUIi  shall  he  armed  and  di^npUned  for  its  dt- 
Thone  who  conscientiously  anniflc  to  hear  arniB,  biiuil  not  be  compelltd  lodojo 
but  ihall  ■pa'j  ui\  equivalent  for  pcnonul  jeriitc." 

Kentucky  holds  the  same  language — 

"  The  freemon  of  tliis  commonwealth  (neproes,  rmilatoes,  and  Indians  except 
ed)  shnll  be.  urtned  und  discipUnrd  for  its  dp/rnre.     Those  who  coufcii  nliiihl" 
icruple  to  bear  anus,  shall  n«t  be  compelled  to  do  so  j  but  shall  pay  rn  rq^dcd- 
lent /or personal  fcri'ice." 

The  old  constitution  of  Delaware  had  a  clause  nearly  vcrta 
tim  with  some  of  the  preceding — 

*'  Every  member  of  socii.'.y  hath  a  right  to  he  protected  in  the  erjormentcf 
life,  liberty,  and  property  ;  and  is  there'"ore  hourid  tu  contribute  his  proportion 
towards  the  expense  of  that  piotection,  ai.d  YIELD  HIS  PERSOiVAL  blK 
VICE,  when  necessary,  or  fln  e«7Mll'aien^ArJ'e^^" 

I  presume  I  might  her«  dismiss  the  subject.  It  is  impossiMe 
lo  resist  the  conviction  the  foregoing  clauses  (lash  on  the  mind. 
They  strike  dead  cavilling  and  casuistry,  declam<ition  and  so|;h' 
istry,  as  with  the  forked  lightning.  The  wisest  and  hfst  men 
of  seven  stjitea,  ensiaged  in  the  all-imi)ortant  duly  cf  framin? 
forms  of  government  for  their  fellow-citinens,  solemnly  rtcog- 
nize  the  [yaramounl  right  of  society  to  coerce,  and  the  imperi- 
ous duty  of  the  citizen  to  afford  personal  service,  or  an  e#|iuv8' 
lent,  for  the  general  defence.  And  the  intelligent  and  respect- 
able men  who  framed  the  constitutions  of  New-Hampshire  and 
Miasachuselts,  invested  the  governors  with  the  power  to  lead 
the  militia  in  pursuit  of  an  enemy,  **  within  and  withrut  tht 
Stdtp-s'  and  to  exercise  MARTIAL  LAW  on  the  mililia, ii 
well  J^s  on  the  regular  army. 

J  now  proceed  to  detail  tlie  legal  provisionft  on  thia  point " 


APPENDIX. 


S89 


They  vrillbe  Toand  equally  clear  ami  conclusive.    I  begin  wilb 
Musditohu&Liis. 

•'  Wlienrvcr  llie  govfmor,  or  coinmnndpr  in  chief,  t>iial!  order  a  (letJietuncnt 
from  ttio  luiiitin  aforeyaid,  mid  luiy  ixthoii  wlin  iili  dl  hodrtariicd  in  ob'-ilttrui  u( 
(uc.i  ordcrH  heiii;r  doiy  uotirit-d  liiertof.  nrid  oiderrd  to  ui.iicli  to  trit  pUic»- of 
reiidi'tvouA  ftTT"  rliall  iif'Kltcl  or  refiHe  to  obf*y  itucli  order,  ui  yliall  noi,  wttliia 
tweni>-rour  •  a.s  :ififr  lie  >i)all  ti.ivf  betn  itoti  It'd  a»  afon-iiiid  \niy  a  tiiic  ol  Ii'q 
pouitth  tu  lue  captain  or  coiniiiaiidiiiE  officer  of  Un-  otinpany  lu  wliicn  lie 
ili.iJ 'M'lonjj  or  prociin'  mi  ahli'-bodird  man  in  iil-*  ctrad  ^i  ''II  l'KK>i')^ 
f<H  \i-ii  HK  t'O.N?>lJEHi:D  vS  V  ^OLOIKR  IN  Sl'CH  iJH  I  il  M.^l4  .ST, 
ANt)  kH  DLlAlil'  Wmi  ACCORDliNGLY  .  aiidiii  .11  nMr.v»l)fcn-  .1.  id 
(inf  ^li.iit  h4.>  uHid,  tlif  sail)''  sliail  bp  <«uplii:d  to  biriiii!  men  lor  any  Kerviit*  Miucb 
iliali  be  itqinn^d  of  till-  couipaiiy  uudir  tttc  command  of  the  captain  or  olticer 
who  tutli  receive  the  faine."* 

Sliouid  dny  commisBioned  officer  of  the  militia  refuse*  to 
ma!v 'H  (leiachinent  fiun  the  corpg  under  his  command,  fur  the 
puivosc  of  repelling  invasion;  suppressing  iusurreciion,  &c, 
then 

**  In  addition  to  the  punishincnt  which  may  bo  inflicted  by  virtue  of  any  act  for 
regnlatinn  the  miiitia.  ii"  i-onvicted  thereof  befor«*  Ihf  jusicen  of  ir»f^  »ui>r((ne  ju- 
dicial court,  he  shall  be  subject  to  be  fined  ?n  a  sum  iwt  exctcding  .'tO  pound.:,  and 
to  hf  adjudiie.d  incapahlt  qf  auit^nning  any  offirf  in  Ihis  cvmnwnneaUh,  /or  a  term 
not  exceeding  len  years  ;  to  either  or  botii  oi  the  na id  penalties  according  to  ttie 
•i;g,ravation  ol  the  offence  and  cir  umslauces  of  the  offender,  ai  to  the  juiticet 
of  the  (laid  court  sh  ill  seem  ine*>t 

*'  Vnd  be  it  further  enacted,  Tnat  if  any  person,  whether  non-commissioned 
•fficer  or  private,  .ind  brlonf^ing  lither  to  the  train  band  or  alarm  list,  who  Miall 
be  detnehed  or  ordered  to  inarch  for  the  support  of  the  civil  autiiority,  or .  up* 
f  rrs-tioo  of  any  insurrection,  exiiting  or  apprtktnded,  as  t/vntuid^  shall  refuse  or 
De;>;t-;et  to  march,  armed  and  equipj>od  in  tiie  manner  and  at  the  time  whicii  the 
officer  by  whom  lie  shall  be  detached  shall  direct,  or  shall  desert  qr  leave  th« 
service  before  he  shall  be  regularly  disc Iriiged,  if  convicted  thereof  before  the 
justices  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  [r^  he  shall  be  subject  to  be  fined  at  the 
di!<cretion  of  the  said  court,  in  a  9axn  aoi  exceeding  ten  pounds 

"  \iid  be  i4  further  «'nm  |t<d  by  the  authority  aforeiiaid.  That  if  any  ^erROSf 
in  puhhc  or  private  conversation,  or  by  any  ways  c  means,  IJj^  shall  dissuade 
or  oiideivour  to  prevent  any  military  ofRcor  from  performing  i>  duty  required 
of  him  by  this  act,  or  any  perswn  or  percoii".  detached  or  ordered  to  marcli  fbr 
the  purpase  albrfNiUl.  from  marchin?  to  ttie  place  of  rendezvous,  or  from  conlia- 
uiiij;  in  the  service  until  recularlv  dich  irsjed,  each  person  so  ofTendini;.  heinj^  con» 
victed  thereof,  a^  af»resnid,  shall  p"v  a  fine  to  the  use  of  tlie  coiunionwealth* 
«/»/  fxtceding  F!  FTV  COUNDS,  aid  shall  recognice  for  his  good  behaviour  far 
a  term  n'A  exceeding  three  years. "f 

I  hone  the  reider  will  compare  these  sections  vfith  the  most 
risropous  of  those  contained  in  Mr.  IVIoiiroe's  or  Mr.  Giles's 
plni3  C  in  lour  will  com))el  him  to  ackuowletlije,  that  the  latter 
are  i  icain,)araL)ly  less  burdensome  and  oppressive  (ban  the 
former.  ^        , 


*  Permanent  laws  of  MaisacbuettS|;r«l.  I.  yftge  314. 
4  Idem,  page  'SiO. 

Kit 


900 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


The  statute  of  Connecticut  res|jecting  the  militin,  adopts  tke 
regulation  of  the  act  of  congress,  whereby  every  free  aule-hodiiMl 
man,  between  the  ages  of  18  and  4;j,  is  declared  sulject  to  mill, 
tia  duty.  It  further  exempts  quakers  from  that  duty,  on  the 
payment  of  three  doll,  rs  and  thirty  cents  per  annum.  It  then 
invests  the  captain-general  with  power,  in  certain  specified 
cases,  to  order  out  even  the  n^holeofthc  militia  or  militart^ jvrce 
of  the  state.  I  sulmit  the  very  strong  and  expressive  clause 
to  the  reader:  ;.    ' 

•'  The  captain  general,  or,  in  liis  absence,  the  next  commanding  officer  of  «!ta(e 
18  hertby  authorized  and  empowered,  at  he  mat  judge  ne<t.,Mr_ij  upon  the  urf;,-K.?/ 
on  onclarm^  invasion,  or  notice  tf  the  appearance  </  ,n  enemy,  either  by  .hu  or 
land,  tt>  order  out  the  Vt  HOLE  or  any  ptrt  t^'the  mitttury  force  oj  (his  state  •  to 
absrmbje  and  put  tlie  eaUJe  in  warlikt-  ordtr  ;  and  the  same  to  Uodf  nder,  atut  cm- 
ploy/or  the  as.siiliince  or  rtticving  any  of  the  inht.bitanta '/  this  state,  atlachidhv 
tin  enemy  or  in  danger  there' f  j  and  genfialiy  to  isfue  andjublish,  b}- j.roi;,r 
stafT  or  ord«  rly  officer,  iuch  oidtn  as  he  ihuU  judge  cxptdieuly  to  carry  into » xc, 
cutioD  the  intent  and  defeigu  of  tliiti  act  *'* 

The  militia  law  of  New -York  is  equally  clear  and  explj. 

•'  The  commander  in  chief  of  this  state  may,  in  case  of  invasionoi  other  rrrtr- 


gency,  nhen  he  shall  judge  it  nectasary,  order  out 
Ol    THE  MiLlliA  OF  THIS  STATE    TU 


.N??. 


A^\   IJ^OPOKHOiV 
KCH  lO  AIM     I     KT 


THEREOF,  and  continue  as  /"R^  as  he  may  think  necessary;  and  likenise  m  y  in 
consequence  qf  an  application  of  the  executive  of  any  of  the  United  Stn'f^  oji  tm 
iniasionor  insurreclion,  or  un  apprehension  of  an  invuiinn  of  such  liute  T\-f=>  \T 
HIS  DISCRETION,  order  ANV  INL'MbER  OF  1  HE  MILITJ  A,  lir'—nH- 
inff  one  third  pait  thereof  TO  SUCH  STATE,  provided  tl.at  they  be  not  compi  > 
led  to  continue  on  duty  out  of  this  state  more  than  forty  days  ai  any  (w  tinip; 
that  while  in  actual  service,  in  con-equence  of  being  so  railed  out.  they  shall  re- 
ceive the  same  pay  and  rations,  and  rj^  be  subject  to  the  same  rules  and  rtgula- 
tious  as  the  troops  of  the  United  Stales  of  America."f 

New  Jersey  has  not  been  de6cient  in  making  similar  provi- 
sion for  the  public  safety.     Her  militia  law  declares, 

*'  That  the  commander  in  chief  of  this  state,  for  the  time  beinf,  may,  in  mt 
<lf  invasum  or  nther  emergency.  WHEN  HE  SHALli  JUDGE  IT  NEC  ESSA- 
RV,  order  out  Q;^*"^^  proportion  qf  the  militia  qf  this  state,  to  marclj  to  any 
part  thereof.  niM  continue  as  long  as  he  may  think  it  necessary,  not  exceeding 
pKp  months/'^ 

6)ie  imposes  a  heavy  and  burdensome  fine  on  delinquents^ 
a  fine  which  the  poorer  classes  cannot  pay,  and  which,  of 
course,  inevitably  comi>el3  them  to  the  service. 


*  Statute  laws  of  Connecticut,  page  310. 

f  Laws  of  the  state  of  New- York,  vol.  I.  page  512 

I  PattersoD^s  laws  of  New-Jereef ,  page  441. 


<  » 


vr- 


APPENDIX. 


391 


**  Any  person  refusing  or  no;;lectiii3;  to  perform  Itis  lour  of  duty,  or  to  procure 
mBuHslituiL',  VI, ill  pjy  ujinm)/  tucnly  djUun  for  every  ^ixth  iif^lect  or  relusal  * 

'•  li'arjy  lUililu  m.ui  ^aaW  desert  while  lie  is  on  a  tour  of  duty,  he  sliall  be  tioed 
in  liny  sum  nut  txcetding  twenfy  djllars  for  every  such  'jir<'nce  ;  or  miy  be  i;n- 
pritaned  far  on.i/  timt  uot  exceediiii;  two  jujulhs,  at  tlie  didcretioa  of  a  court 
u]irtul ;  and  if  a  Qun-comniiii:ii(jued  otlicer,  Uu  shall  ulso  be  degruded  and  placed 
ii)  thoiank3."f  .         .  .        -.  » 

1  next  [>roceed  to  stale  the  law  in  Pennsylvania. — T!ie  same 
gojil  sea:ie  that  presided  over  the  decision  on  this  subject  in 
the  other  stales,  is  discernible  here : 

"Whenever  it  miy  b?  nccessiry  to  call  into  actual  service  any  part  of  the 
xniiitia,  incase  of  rebellion,  or  of  actual  or  threatened  invasion,  ofthisorauy 
of  llie  neighbouring  stal>"s.  thon  [i;y*<i  nhall  and  miy  be  lanful  for  the  governor 
to  order  into  uduul  service,  .SLf,  i  i'ARI'  OV  THH  MlLITl  \,  BY  CLASSES, 
AS  THE  EXIGENCY  MAY  Rf.tllJlRE;  provided,  that  the  part  so  called, 
dolli  not  exceed  four  cl  isses  of  the  militia  of  ;iny  brigade. "|| 

*'  If  any  inililia  on/i  shall  desert  while  he  is  on  a  lour  qfduty,  Q^Ae  shnll  be 
fined  Ihxrtyiiv}  dj!l  trs  for  every  such  (iff'tnce,  and  be  obliged  to  ui.irch  on  the 
next  tour  of  daly,  under  the  same  penaltie:f  aj  at  first.  If  a  non-coinmi!).«ionc'd 
oiEzer  siiali  i>o  desert,  he  shall  be  dciiraded  and  placed  in  the  ranks  ;  shall  p,iy  a 
line  of  thirty-six  dollars  ;  and  be  obliged  to  serve  another  tour  as  a  private  "V 

*'  Till-  lui'itia  of  this  state,  while  in  the  actual  service  thi-reof,  or  of  tUe  United 
Stales,  rj5=>,/iuif  be  subject  to  the  same  rules  and  regulations  as  the  federal 

The  little  state  of  Delaware  recognizes  the  same  principles 
— the  sime  rights — the  same  duties — of  which  1  have  shewn 
the  recognition  in  so  many  other  states. 

"  The  goverifbr  shall  have  fall  power  anil  authority,  in  emeofan  irti, 
vasion,  rebellion,  or  insurreclion  teithin  this  slate,  'XT'or  any  of  the  neigh' 
bouring  slates,  to  call  into  service  [J^  suck  pari  of  the  mililia  by  classes,  or 
to  him  shaH  seem  necessary  ;  and  in  case  of  the  absence  of  the  governor 
ef  this  state,  on  any  insurrection,  rebellion,  or  invasion,  I'/ie  commanding 
officer  of  each  brigade  is  hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  issue  his  ordert 
to  Call  c  't  such  part  of  the  militia  as  he  may  judge  immediately  necessary. ''*tt 

The  provisions  of  the  militia  law  of  Mary  land  are  equally 
strong  and  unequivocal.  ^ 

"  In  all  ca.se8  where  a  militia  man  may  be  drafted  to  perform  a  tour  of  duty 
under  the  laws  of  this  state.  Qy  Ac  shall  be  considered  as  a  soldier,  and  (Cpii- 
«ble  to  all  the  duties  as  such,  unless  he  skull  furnish  a  substitute :  and  the  iieute- 
uaut-colonel  of  the  regiment,  or  commanding  officer  of  the  extra  battalion,  as  th« 
case  may  be,  to  which  h^.'  inny  belong,  shall  be  the  sole  judges  of  the  qualification 
«f  said  subititute;  and  |jy»  may  receive  or  reject  him  at  tiwir  dt$crdion.*'tt 


*  Idem    page  112.  f  Idem,  page  113- 

n  Piirdon's  Abridgment  of  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  p  381. 


f  Idun  p   .iU.  **  Idem.  p.  336. 

tt  Laws  of  Delaware,  (Wilmington.  I79.i,)  p  21  i. 

\i  .Kelty'.i  Laws  of  .Vlar/lani,  vol.  II.  I79>i,  chap,  c 


802 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


*^lfa  iuidtn  intasion  thall  be  made  into  any  tounty  in  this  state,  «r  in  east  af 
an  inmrreclion  in  any  cnunly,  the  commanding  offi-ctr  in  tuch  county  is  hntbyj 
AU  I  HORtSBD  AND  UEmJ) KED  to  order  ou<  THE  WHOIiE,  or  mchfurt 
t^f  hth  militia  as  he  may  think  necessary,  and  in  such  manner  as  he  may  tfdnk  beit, 
for  n'pf  lling  nicli  invasion,  or  tuppressing  such  inguncction ;  and  etuJl  r-all  oq 
the  conjuiandiiig  officeiti  of  rcfiiait'Dli  in  the  adjacent  countief,  fcr  <^ucii  aid  us  he 
Knxy  tiiiuk  iiecessary  ;  who  shall  /orthnilh  in  like  manner  /urniih  the  savie.''^\ 

By  the  militia  law  of  the  ptate  of  Georgia,  every  mnle  citi- 
2en,  who  has  resiiled  within  the  stale  for  ten  dayt<^  If  ti  \he 
proper  a»;e,  is  subject  to  perform  military  ciuty.§  This  carries 
the  right  of  society  to  coerce  the  citizeu  to  military  dut^  in 
public  defence,  to  the  utmost  extent. 

The  duty  of  the  governor,  in  (he  case  of  insurrection  or  in- 
vasion, is  as  explicitly  and  unequivocally  stated  in  the  mililia 
law  of  Georgia,  as  in  the  laus  already  quoted: — 

**  His  excellency  the  governor  is  hereby  empowered  to  assemble  nnd 
embofly  \Xj^  *weA  pari  vj'the  mililia  of  the  stale  as  he  muv/rom  time  to  lime 
thiiik  necessary,  lo  re/zcl  any  inrasivn,  insurrechoii,  or  rebellion ,  wliicL 
may  happen  within  the  same,  and  to  order  such  olFicers  to  command  the 
said  militia  as  he  may  see  (it."Y  . 

Kentucky  hns  been  equally  mindful  of  the  great  duty  of 
making  adequate  provision  for  the  public  safety,  v.ith  her  sister 
states  : 

"  Every  able-boditd  male  eittstn^  cfihis  or  any  of  the  United  Slalei,  resid- 
ing in  this  slate,  uho  is  of  the  age  of  eighteen  and  under  for  ly-five,  ktiall  be 
enrolled  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  company  within  whose  bounds 
he  i!)ay  reside."** 

'■'■  The  gocemor  shall  have  pover  to  tall  forth  vach  farts  of  Ihe  militia  (u 
be  may  judge  necessary,  in  time  of  war,  invasion,  or  insurrection,  or  when 
the  danger  may  be  such  that  the  public  safety  shall  require  it. 

*'  The  militia  when  in  the  service  of  this  state,  shall  be  governed  by  the  ar- 
ticles of  war^  which  shall  be  in  force  in  the  continental  army."* 

By  the  law  of  Rhode  Island,  like  the  others  I  have  quoted, 
the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  are  regarded  as  soldiers,  and 
•ubject  to  martial  law — 

"  "Whenever  the  military  force  of  this  state,  or  any  part  tliereof,  fhall 
be  called  into  actual  service,  [|:;y=  it  shall  be  subject  to  the  articles  of  war, 
prescribed  by  congress  for  the  government  .of  the  troops  of  the  Uoite(t 
States."! 


^  Ibid  {  Digest  of  Laws  of  Georgia  page  460.  .^ 

IT  Idem,  pajre  465. 

•  *  Toulmin's  Laws  of  Kentucky,  p.  78. 

•  Idem,  p  80.  .        _ 

f  Public  Laws  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Ftov 
dence,  1798.    Page  440. 


J^PPENDrX. 


aos 


Theje  are,  asr  I  have  alre?i(ly  observed,  all  the  states  whose 
statute  laws  1  have  !)e«n  able  to  procore.  Tliey  are,  I  presume) 
adequate  to  (he  pufjiose.  It  is  not  to  be  doubtetl,  that  similar 
provisions  es^ist  in  all  the  others. 


CHAPTER  LXVII. 

Power  of  Congress  to  call  eut  tlu  Militia,    The  usual  mode  oy^ 
I  drafting  oppressive,  unequal,  and  unjust, 

M T  peeond  position  is,  *'  that  the  power  cf  congress  to  call 
forth,  and  order  the  employment  of,  the  militia,  is  as  clearly  es* 
tahlished  as  any  olher  power  vested  in  that  body." 

The  general  defence  of  the  nation  is  confided  to  congress. — 
This  is  their  incumbent  duty.  The  means  and  power  to  per- 
form this  duty  are  vested  in  them  by  the  constitution.  They 
are  tiuthurised  and  emjjowered* 


»»' 


■Vv  , 


*'  To  raise  and  •'Upport  arraie" 

The  exercise  of  this  power  has  notbeenj  nor  can  it  b«,  called 
in  question.     They  are  further  authorised  and  empowei^ed — 

♦'  To  proriihfor  calling  forth  the  mililia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  union ; 
$uppre$t  imurreetiona  ;  and  repel  invasion: J*  , 

I  beg  the  reader  will  carefully  examine  this  clause  over  and 
over.  It  requires  Ihe  mr)3t  serious  and  sober  reflection.  Here 
is  a  clear,  explicit  and  most  unequivocal  power  given  to  the 
general  {jovernmfnt  by  the  conslitutionof  the  United  States, 
to  c.iil  forth  the  militia  in  three  s.»eci(ied  c^ses.  One  is  "  to  re- 
pel invasion.''^  The  country  was  ^^  invaded,''*  during  the  last 
war.  And  yet  every  att*'mpt  (o  etrry  this  po,ver  into  opera- 
tion, in  the  mode  most  (liieif'nt  \nd  least  'lurdensome,  was  op- 
posed and  defeated  by  men  of  iiigh  standing,  £;reat  tHlenls,  and 
professing  a  sacred  regard  to  the  honour  and  interests  of  their 
country  ! ! !  And  the  whob^  of  tbeo;>po8ition  rested  on  the  ab- 
surd, the  untenable  ground  of  tbo  merisiire  being  *•'■  itnconstilU'- 
ft'ona/."  And  this  wretched  oretext  was  blindly  admitted  and 
defended  by  a  large  portion  of  our  citizens !  It  will  be  difficult 
for  posterity  to  give  credence  to  the  existeure  of  such  mtsera- 
ble  folly  on  the  pnrt  of  their  anceslois,  ^^ho  had  nearly  put  ow 
record  the  modest  dfcl  tration,  th;^t  lliey  were  the  most  ealigbt-* 
ouednatioa  on  the  surface  of  the  globe. 

Kk  2: 


304 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


As  a  specimen  of  the  declamation  used  on  this  subject,  T  an- 
nex a  sliort  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  Cyrufe  King, 
mem'ier  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States, 
from  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  ^  ^  ^  ^ ,  - 

"  If  what  I  have  urgrd,  will  not  induce  j*©!!  to  arrest  the  prOTress  of  this  hill, 
I  appeal  to  you,  I  bp«eech  you,  as  friends  to  hiiiuaoity,  to  spare  the  tears  wliicli 
the  passrige  of  this  bill  will  cause  to  flow  !  !  appeal  to  you  a»  fathers,  hy  ovpiy 
endrariog  tie  which  binds  you  to  your  children,  not  to  deprive  the  aged  parent  of 
the  child  of  his  youtii  !  the  support  and  solace  of  his  declining  years  !  lest  yoii 
bring  his  grey  hairs  witli  sorrow  to  the  grave  \  I  entreat  yjutcmake  the  cuse 
your  men  !  suppose  a  darVng  child  !  an  only  son  snntchedfrom  yrm  by  the  scourge 
^  tvar  !  in  the  Inngvage  of  grief  and  of  nature,  ynu  n'ould  exclaim, :  "  mould  tt 
God  I  had  died  for  thee,  O  Jbsalom^  my  son  !  my  son  /'* 

This  was  the  miserable  rant  by  which  our  fathers  and  our 
mothers — our  wives  and  our  children — our  towns  and  our  cities 
were  deprived  of  protection,  and,  but  for  the  peace,  would  have 
been  delivered  defenceless  to  the  enemy  ! 

Mr.  Miller,  of  New-York,  was  equally  eloquent  in  his  denun- 
ciation of  this  system.  I  lay  before  the  reader  a  specimen  of 
the  cogent  and  convincing  arguments  he  used  : — 

"  J  object.  8iV,  to  the  whole  system  offeree  and  coercion  ;  and  contend  that 
under  this  constitution  you  have  no  right  to  raise  armies  ccrcept  by  voluntary 
tnlislmenl ;  andfurUur^  that  ifyouhad  the  rights  it  would  not  be  discreet  t» 

exercise  itJ'*  /  /v  '. 

*'  The  plan  which  gentlemrn  wish  adopfed  is  cont^cription  !  Th«>'  call  it  classi- 
Jieation  rnd  pennlly — clasifirution  and  draft — «ii-,  there  is-poiscn  in  Vu  dish  :  car- 
nisii  i»  <is  you  please,  there  ie  poison  still.  You  call  it  cla  sification  !  I  stickle 
not  for  n  ames — "  a  rose  hy  any  other  name  would  smell  as  swett."  Is  this  c';;f><- 
Jfica'Jou  ?  "  Disguise  thyself  as  thou  wilt,  slavery,  still  thou  urt  a  hitter  dr. ft.'' 
The  tinx'9  demand  that  things  should  he  called  by  tlieir  riglit  names  [Jy^  11. is  is 
conscription,  and  with  features,  more  hideous,  than  are  to  be  found  in  ine  expli>- 
ded  system  of  our  unfortunate  cousin  of  Elba. 

••  By  this  system  the  people  of  these  Unit<'<l  States,  will  be  inslnntly  and/wm/i/ 
transformed  into  soldiers — the  ordinary  pursuits  of  life  must,  be  abandomd,  fo;-  the 
peril';  and  vexatious  of  a  camp  !  Our  peaceful  occupation^-  must  be  forsalicn.  Ti.e 
Kierc^'.ant  must  quit  his  countmg  house  :  the  farmer  his  plough  ;  the  mechanic  tiii 
workshop;  the  professional  man  his  pursuits— all,  all  mu<t  become  soldiers!— 
Our  sons  aiid  our  brothers,  those  who  are  to  be  the  -'*■  future  men"  o*"  this  coun- 
try, instead  of  la.i  ing  the  foundation  for  futuf-e  usefulness,  must  be  fubjertKl  to 
the  moral  and  physical  evils  of  a  camp,  Al'  the  habits  of  domestic  life  must  be 
annihilated,  and  all  its  eiidearments  outraged  or  disregarded.  The  husband 
jnust  be  torn  from  his  wife  rnd  children,  and  the  child  forcibly  separated  froai 
society  and  protectJon  of  hi*  parents.  I  beseech  gentlemen  to  pause  before  they 
▼enture  upou  a  system  like  this. 

"  Thi«  plan  viylaUs  the  consiituiion  if  your  country ;  it  invades  the  rip!  ts  of 
tbe  8tat«  governnsenta ;  it  is  a  direct  infringement  of  their -sovereignty  ;  it  con- 
centrates all  power  in  the  general  government,  and  deprivi's  the  states  of  llieir 
^  necessary  jkecurily  "  It  does  away  all  claim  to  personal  freedom  ;  it  is  a  dar- 
ing attempt  upon  the  rights  ainl  liberties  of  tins  people. 

*|  Armu%  are  the  forces  qfthe  United  States,  with  which  they  are  to  carry  on 
their  wnrs  ;  and  are  subject  to  tluir  x  •'tii:ivf'ju'-i-dictiv)n  and  controul.  But  the 
saUiiia  are  tht  stak  troops^  nhish  eongrtssliavt  no  ponm  to  rtdst !  !  !    They  are  a 


...  ';^(. 


r 


APPENDIX. 


3^5 


Ciirce  fxUtlu;;,  krio\7ii  and  acknoyvledspd  at  the  tiinf  of  tlie  adoption  of  this  cotj- 
sUlulion,  fxi.-llu,;  without  tlie  .lul  Oi  concurrrnce  of  t'u'  gctipral  g\,vfri,ii » iit. 
7'Ae  f^rneral  pinver  over  the  militia  rtHdf..i  in  the  stiita ;  .\  pnilirular  iiulhoyiiy  for 
object'^  dc'!iiied,  wud  caived  out  of  tbut  general  powtr,  and  giaiittd  to  the 
United  dtalei.'" 

When  the  reader  has  attentively  perused  all  this  rhapsody, 
and  is  almost  oonvinced  of  the  frightful  despotism  which  waa 
preparing  to  swallow  up  our  freedom  and  happiness,  in  order  to 
calm  the  ebullitions  of  his  indignation — to  restore  his  tran- 
qtiiilily — he  has  only  to  read  two  lines  of  the  constitution  grant- 
ing the  power,  and  dictating  the  duty  of  the  general  govern- 
ment, "  to  call  forth  the  militta,  to  repel  invasion.''^  Let  him 
then  ascertain  the  fact,  that  the  country  was  actually  invaded nt 
the  very  time  when  Mr.  iVliller  so  confidently  in  the  face  of  the 
constitution,  dared  to  assert  that  "  the  militia  are  the  state 
troops,  wliich  congress  have  no  power  to  raise.'*'*  When  he  has 
proceeded  thus  far,  he  will  soon  be  convinced  that  all  the  long, 
declamHtory  and  inflammatory  speeches  on  this  subject,  which 
occupied  so  many  weeks  of  the  time  of  congress,  were  mere 
"  sound  andfuryy 

To  return, 
government — 


rhe  constitution  further  authorises  the  gene- 


"  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia ;  and 
for  governing  such  pari  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted  States  » 

This  last  power  is  merely  limited  and  qualified  by  the  reser- 
vation to  the  several  states  to  the  right  of  appointing  the  officers, 
and  of  training  the  men.     The  limitation  is  in  these  words  : 

"  Reserving  to  the  states  respectively  ttie  sppointment  o  f  the  oflRceri,  and  the 
authority  of  traiuiiig  the  militia,  according  to  the  discipline  proposed  by  con- 
gress ' 


»» 


A  calm  and  candid  review  of  these  clear  delegations  of  pow- 
er, cannot  fail  to  result  in  a  conviction,  that  in  all  cases  of  ob- 
structions *o  the  laws — of  insurrection — or  invasion — the  riglit, 
the  power,  and  the  duty  of  congress,  to  order  out  the  militia,  is 
as  clear  a  right,  power,  and  duty,  as  ever  were  conveyed  or  or- 
dained by  any  instrument,  public  or  private.  It  follows,  that 
the  attempt  to  defeat  this  grant  of  power,  was  anti-federal  and 
factions,  and  had  a  tendency  to  destroy  the  government. 

1  sriALii  now  proceed  to  prove  my  third  point,  'that  the 
mode  of  drafting  the  militia  prescribed  by  the  militia  laws  of 
the  several  states,  is  oppressive,  unequal  and  unjust." 

In  nearly  all  the  states,  as  we  have  seen,  the  governor  is  em- 
powered, in  certain  specified  cases,  to  call  the  militia  into  ser- 


ifci 


996 


THE  OLTVE  BRANCH. 


vice,  in  such  numhers  arni  proijortions  as  he  may  \[n\^t  proper. 
He  poBsesses  plen  iry  discretioniry  povvtrs.  lie  rtuty  raise  I  he 
Mrhule  in  three  or  four  cuunfies,  or  he  may  ilivldc  Uiem  equally 
amon^  all  the  counties  in  the  state. 

This  cliscretionHry  power  is  highly  exceptionable  on  the 
ground  of  r^ivouritism,  and  is  indirect  hostility  with  the  gone> 
ral  spirit  of  all  oar  institutions,  which  universally  define  duties 
and  limit  {lowers  with  great  precisitm.  It  will  not,  it  canuot 
be  denied,  that  it  is  lia!)leto  considerable  abuse. 

But  I  shall  not  consider  the  danger  of  its  abuse.  The  discus- 
sion of  this  objection,  great  and  powerful  as  it  is,  does  not  cotne 
Kvithin  my  present  plan.  1  shall  suppose  the  power  exercised 
irith  sound  judgment  and  strict  impartiality,  so  far  fts  thf  latter 
requisite  incompatible  with  the  present  system.  It  is  still  Ha* 
ble  to  thamost  serious  and  solid  objections.  It  is  radically  and 
iflcurably  defective.  Its  operation  is  unjust,  unequal,  and  op- 
pressive.    Let  us  examine  how  it  is  carried  into  operation. 

Supiiosing  there  are  ten  counties  in  a  state,  each  containing 
10,000  militia — and  that  the  presence  of  an  invading  foe  indu- 
ces the  president  to  make  a  call  upon  the  governor  for  a  draft 
of  5,000  men.  It  is  obvious,  that  the  most  equitable  and  impar- 
tial mtnle  of  drafting  them,  according  to  the  present  miserable 
system,  will  he,  to  make  a  requisition  of  500  out  of  each  coun- 
ty. But  the  call  is  generally  made  on  two  or  three  neighbour- 
hoods, as  near  to  the  place  of  danger  as  possible,  while  the  re- 
mainder of  the  state  is  wholly  exempt.  The  extreme  oppres- 
sion and  injustice  of  this  mode  is  too  palpable  to  require  enlorce- 
ment.  And  it  is  impossible  to  remove  the  radltal  injustire  of 
this  plan  ;  for  in  w  hatever  way  they  are  drawn,  the  burdec,  the 
risk  of  health  and  life,  the  sacrifice  of  business,  the  expenses  of 
a  camp,  and  all  the  other  disadvantages  of  military  duty,  \\hk\i 
oujrbt  to  be  bn-ne  or  paid  for  equally  l)y  100,000  persons,  falls 
exclusively  on  S,000.  It  is  irniossible  for  the  human  mind  lo 
eonceive of  Hfiy  system  more  unequal,  more  unjust,  more  ab- 
surf5,  or  more  contemptij'le.  Five  thousand  citizens  I  rar  all 
the  i'urden  of  milita»y  service,  for  the  protei  tion  of  95,000,  who 
neither  run  risk,  incur  expenses,  nor  suffer  any  inconveU' 
iencp  t 

'  It  is  an  arduous  task  to  impress  the  r  ublic  mind  with  a  cor- 
rect sense  of  th**  folly  or  a-sunVityof  laws  or  cnsloms.  which 
have  "jfrow.n  'in'hth'-  srrorvth^'  .»f  s  'ciety.  Th»9  rendfe-rs  it  diffi- 
cult, in  all  countries,  lo  gain  a  fair  or  natient  hearing  for  arffU' 
menls  -against  the  est  iblished  order  of  things,  hone vcr  contrary 
to  reason,  common  sense,  or  common  ji.'stlce.  Bui  let  us  in  or- 
der to  display  the  injustice  of  this  wretched  principle,  extend  it 


^ 


APPENDIX. 


3»7 


to  the  aifdir  of  taxation.     This  will  render  it  more  pal>i»able  and 
striking.     Suppose  a  law  were  passed  to  ol»liu;e  5,000  men  to 
pay  all  the  taxes  of  05,000  others,  who  were  thems^'lves  to  be 
totally  exempt  from  taxation!  What  an  uproar  would  it  notes 
cite !  The  clamour  wonlil  be  loud  and  s;eneral  with  the    parties 
that  suffered  the  injustice,  who  would  by  force  resist  the  opera- 
tion of  it.     Yet  the  injustice  of  such  a  law  is  far  inferior  to  that 
of  the  existins;  militia  system  to  which  wc  submit  without  mur- 
Diur,  but  were  of  late  senselessly  ready  to  rise  in  insurrection, 
to  prevent  any  melioration  of  such  vile  oppression !    I  say  infe- 
rior;  bccailse  the  burden  of  military  service   is  far   more   op- 
pressive than  the  burden  of  taxation.      If  this  do  not  {irove  the 
propriety,  truth,  and  Justice  of  our  claim  to  the  the  titles  of ''  the 
most  enlightened  nation  in  the  worhl,"  1  am  afraid  it  will  never 
be  established.  *       'u 


*% 


7 


CHAPTER  LXVIII. 


hiefficiency  of  militia  freneralli/»  Exiravas^anily  expensive.'^ 
Oencral  IVashingtorCs  tesiimotty  on  the  subject  full  and  com* 
plete,  . 

My  fourth  position  is,  that  **  the  force  thus  drafted  is  gen- 
erally inefficient,  and  ruinously  expensive.'* 

At  present,  the  militia  are  collected  tojcether  in  a  disorderly 
and  irregular  manner.  The  materials  arc  as  discordant  and  in- 
coherent as  the  mind  can  conceive.  They  are  unaccustomed 
to  discipline — they  have  very  loose  ideas  on  the  subject  of  sub- 
ordination. They  have  little  experience — less  military  skill 
— little  confidence  in  themselves — little  in  their  officers — and 
their  officers  are  not  so  void  of  justice  as  to  lavish  any  large 
portion  of  contidence  on  them.* 

Suppose  them,  thus  assembled,  thus  officered,  thus  qualified 
■—to  encounter  a  disaJpiined  foe  of  half  their  numbers,  Qiy^  us 


*  "  To  place  any  dependence  on  militia,  is  assuredly  resting  upon  a  l^roken  staff 
—men  just  dragged  from  the  tender  ?cenP8of  doniosiic  life— unicru'*! 'lued  to  the 
din  of  arnis—totally  unacquainted  with  every  iiiud  of  military  s><ill ;  which  be- 
in}!  followed  by  a  want  of  confidence  in  themselves,  when  opposed  to  troops  reg- 
Ml;irly  trained,  disciplined,  and  appointed,  puperior  in  knowledee  and  superior  io 
arins.  make:)  them  timid  and  ij^ady  to  fly  from  their  own  shadows — beside:^  thft 
sudden  chanje  in  theiririanner  of  iiving,  (p;irticular!y  in  the  lodging')  brinjrs  on 
sic'  ni>?s  in  imny,  impatience  in  all,  and  suck  an  unconquerable  desire'!/  returning 
to  their  rexppctive  h'tmes,  that  it  not  only  itroduce^%  sham^ul  and  scandalous  dtser- 
Hon",  ammg  thetm,  Ives,  but  in/uses  the  like  spirit  into  others.'*  General  WMJiing-. 
t«n'»  letters,  London  edition,  vol.  I.  page  270. 


9»g 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


the  open  field.  And  we  must  take  the  open  field  mio  oorcaldj- 
lalion.  Liimentahle  would  be  the  issue.  On  the  one  ide 
wouhl  be  a  band  of  hardened  desiieradoes,  inured  to  slauphUr— 
reposinjj  full  reliance  in  their  oHicers — and  inarcbin«;  forward 
nvith  (hat  confidence  in  themselves,  which  is  the  harbinger  ?iri(l 
presage  of  victory.  On  the  other,  men  utterly  undisciplir.Hl 
— distrustini;  er>ch  other,  and  distrusting;  themselves — trnd  ijii- 
der  otBcers  chosen,  in  most  cases,  not  for  their  military  taknlg 
and  endowments,  but  for  companionable  qualities,  which,  how. 
ever  agreeable  in  the  social  circle,  tire  of  no  avail  in  the  tint- 
ed field. 

The  mind  sickens  at  the  contemplation  of  the  result.  No- 
thing short  of  a  miracle,  can  render  it  prosperous  to  the  mili- 
tia. The  chances  are  immensely  against  them.  They  may 
be  said  literally  to  be  led  to  slaughter — the  result  being  gener* 
ally  a  most  frightful  carnage. 

There  is  a  further  consideration,  vshich  greatly  enhanres  tic 
horror  of  this  contemplation.  The  materials  of  the  two  lies- 
tile  bodies  arc  as  different  as  can  be  conceived.  On  one  side 
are  to  be  seen,  in  the  ranks,  some  of  the  most  invaluable  of  our 
citizens,  men  -with  large  families,  whose  whole  future  happiiitss 
depends  on  their  preservation — future  Washingtons,  or  Friiiik- 
lins,  or  Livingstons,  or  Dickinsons.  On  the  other,  a  congeiies 
of  the  refuse  of  society  in  all  |)arts  of  Europe.  What  a  con- 
trast !  It  is  in  fact  a  game  of  hazard,  at  which  guineas  are 
staked  against  cents — and  at  which  it  is  impossible  ever  to  e- 
4|ualize  the  stakes. 

That  some  of  the  best  men  in  the  world  are  destitute  of  per- 
sonal courage — and  that  some  of  the  worst  are  abundantly  sup* 
plied  with  it,  is  well  known  to  every  nuin  who  has  even  liut 
superficially  reflected  on  human  nature.  Courage  is  a  consti- 
tutional quality,  which,  when  not  imparted  by  nature,  can  hard- 
ly ever  hte  acquired.  And  it  therefore  follows,  that  in  these 
compulsory  embodyings  of  militia,  there  will  be  often  fount) 
men  who,  however  useful  they  may  he  in  civil  life,  are  wholly 
unsuitable  for  the  camp.  Inability  to  \t»y  for  a  substitute,  or  a 
false  shame,  may  lead  many  of  these  men  to  obey  the  summons 
to  the  field.  But  when  the  clangour  of  arms  sounds,  nature. 
whose  voice  has  been  disregarded,  asserts  her  sway.  Ten  raeu 
of  this  description  may,  by  spreading  a  panic,  cause  the  defeat 
of  an  entire  army. 

In  political  economy,  as  in  all  other  sciences,  it  may  be  laid 
down  as  an  incontrovertible  maxim,  that  whenever  there  is  a 
strong  and  striking  opposition  between  fact  and  theory,  the  lat 


APPENDIX. 


369 


{tr  ia  a  fallacious  guide,  which  ciORot  fail   (o  lend  its  votaries 
asii  ).     Tlieoilt8»ijj»|H>r'cd  hj  iacts,  rarely  inisieud. 

'I'tie  Aiiui'ican  revolution  ia  fraught  w  Jli  f  tls  on  the  sub- 
ject iii  ihe  militia,  wnich  hold  out  (lie  most  unerring  admuni- 
tious. 

the  letters  of  Gerer.il  Washin^lon  to  c«)nirres3  are  replete 
Tvith  compliiints  of  ilu:  riinous  rtsuit^,  and  of  'l.e  inejiieieney, 
of  the  militi-i  sysif^nol"  the  tnile<l  Stales.  Tliey  fully  |iro\e, 
m  •ceover,  lliU  lio  cost  of  mditia  service  is  exlravajraiuly  hiiih 
— ujul  that  a  dejjendenee  on  miliUM  for  le^ulur  or  cuniinued 
service,  is  attended  with  the  almost   dansjjer. 

("here  is  no  auihoiity  on  »ny  ^uhjeet  uhatever,  more  com* 
m.ialiii':,  or  more  decif»ive,  than  Ih.i^  of  (General  Wnshin^ion, 
U|»Mi  miliiia  d<  fence.  In  no  nali<m  was  it  ever,  as  far  .is  I 
ktii'A,  mnv  fully  and  completely  essayed,  thin  if!  '  .  'Jniled 
S:  '.ies,  durin;;  the  war  that  e\  entuaed  in  the  ackno\v!<  d<rinent 
of  iluir  independence.  N>  m:'.n,  Ihei-efore,  ever  had  a  fairer 
opportunity  of  judiJ^in^  on  this  topic — and  there  is  no  man  on 
^vhosc  judi;ment  more  reliance  cudd  he  idaced. 

As  this  is  a  subject  <»f  vital  im<>ortance  to  this  nation — as  our  . 
happiness,  and  tint  of  our  posterity,  as  well  i\8  the  safety  and 
indepeiidence  of  the  countty,  may,  and  (irohahly  will  depend 
upon  a  correct  system  of  di  fence,  I  have  Judu;fd  it  proper  to 
produce  the  most  ample  display  of  the  generaPa  experience  on 
tlie  subject. 

An  examination  of  the  dates  will  shew  that  the  evils  com- 
minced  with  the  very  dawn  of  the  revolution.  For  the  first 
complaint  of  the  s;eneral  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  July  10, 
1773,  not  two  months  after  the  battle  of  Le&inj^ton. 

Julif  lO/A,  1775.       i 
•'  All  the  gpnfral  oflicprs  agre*!,  ttiat  no  deptndence  can  he.  put  on  the  mditia, 
for  a  continuanct  in  camp,  or  regularity  and  discipline  during  the  short  time  thty 

July\4tk,  1775, 
"  From  some  authfntic  and  later  advices  of  the  state  of  tli»  ii,iiiiHtfri;il  troops, 
ar.d  the  grvit  inconvenience  of  calling  uix  tfie  militia  in  the  midst  nf  hariat,  I  liave 
keen  induced  for  the  present  to  waive  it.^'f  ^ 

February  9/A,  1776. 
"  T'ouph  I  am  sensible  that  we  nerer  have,  sincp  that  period,  been  able  to  act 
upon  tlie  offcndiv*.  and  at  times  not  in  a  condirion  to  defend,  yet  the  costrf 
marrking  hnrne  one  set  qf  men— bringing  in  another— the  havoc  and  naste  occasion-  " 
f.d  by  thejirst—tht  repnirt  necessary  for  the  second— with  a  tkousvnd  incidental    ' 
tkarges  and  inconveniences  which  hare  arisen,  and  which  it  is  ucarcelj  posbible 

*  OflBdal  Letter?  to  th«  honourable  the  American  CongrrsF,  written  du.  inc:  the 
ST  hotwptn  the  United  Statf-g  and  Great  Britain^  by  liis  excellency  General 


wa 

Washinjjton.     Londoo,  179*:  vol.  I.  p 
t  I4eui,  page  9. 


7. 


40« 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


rtllior  to  recollect  or  ()pDcrib<>— nmnunt  to  near  a  much  an  the  kit  ping  tip  »  ^^, 
pcctable  body  qf  troops  tht  nholr  time,  readif  /or  any  emergevey.  n<i>uld  fiave  ditnt 
To  britig  men  wfll  arcju  uolnl  witli  tiie  (luti»«.  of  a  yoUlicr.  nquin  s  (iinf.  '/() 
lirii  u.  tlifin  urder  projier  difcipline  sind  iiih«>rdini)ti()n,  not  only  rrqiiin  )i  tiirir 
hot  iH  n  work  of  grout  difficulty  ;  and  in  tlim  'iiiii>,  wliort  tliere  in  m  iiitlf  cit- 
timtioa  bctwetni  tbf  rflicvrs  and  soldiers,  requires  nil  uiiuiininun  dcgui-  ot  atteo- 
tioii.'"" 

"  Aenin,  men  of  a  day'8  ptardinp  will  not  look  forward  •  and  frnni  expiiienre 
we  find,  that,  ni  the  time  approaches  Jhr  thdr  dichnrfj;r.  thti^  gruw  ccrtU  s  vj  /■,(,> 
arms,  ammuwtiim^  camp  utevsyln  S\c,  Nay.  .  v«ti  tl:t'  Itarr  nks  tlirinn  ivoh  Imvc 
felt  iiiiconimoii  mark*-  ot'  u;iiiliiii  di'iifdation,  aihl  l-.i;  lis  Uit'i.'i  H*'f',i  tiotihli  .uij 
nd<liVioii:il  cxpt  use  in  pi'ovidin;^,  for  t\it\  Uc^U  tl,  wlirn  wi.-  '"nd  it  i.rxl  lomjov 
jiihN'  to  pioiMiif  MK'lt  iiri  clif  as  nro  ;ihM»lii'ely  pi^cf^sary  ii;  li.e  (  rs)  inMai.n  _ 
I'otlii*  m*y  f»e  added  tlio  f»aKoniii:>  wliitli  ij«'W  rt'criiit^  innst  \\,i\e  to  u  (anip,  anj 
tlie  losh  fonTqneitt  theuiipiui.  Hul  tliiK  i.-  not  .il'-  J^jp  men,  (ligiigu;  ;j,rj 
thcrt  limited  time  only,  have  the  ofTcfi's 'fH)  niucl.  i:.  i  i  <  n  jowf.  ;  lor  o  oli|„io 
adcfitee  of  j'Opnlarity,  in  order  Ut  indurp  a  ft'io  d  t  iiii«tn.rut.  a  l>ind  of  'iiinjj. 
jaiif)  taken  plice.  which  f^rirms  on  :*  rehiV''  «)>i  of  discipline,  unlifenMdfurloucln 
and  other  indulgences,  iin-onip  nolewith  ordernnil  nuod  gov(  !un  f nf  "f 

"  Thrro  are  yet  but  lew  tonip'.nn  8  of  the  mililivi  tome  in  (J^  1  his  d^lat 
\rill.  i  i^m  much  afraid,  frustrate  the  intenlion  ot  t'leir  b<  inj;  ca-ini  upon,  as  iIk 
leaFon  i^.  slipping  fa«t  away  when  they  may  be  of  ►eivice."J 

Jpril  4 /A,  1776, 
"  I  l>eartl]y  wish  the  money  had  arrived  sooner,    tliat  the  n.ililia   n;i^;l  t  Imw 
been  paid  as  foon  a>  their  time  of  sirvici  »'vpired.     The  divappoin'nient  lia?  giv- 
en tht-in  great  unea&iiie  s,  and  they  are  gone  home  mxich  dissalx*firdV\\ 

•'  I  would  also  mention  to  con^;re^N.  Ihiif  tlie  mi  itia  rrglni*  nts  which  werp  la«t 
railed  upon,  in  mnkirgup  tiieir  abstracts,  charged  i  ;iy— li.e  rfticerf,  from  ihf 
time  they  received  orders  to  raise  eompaiiies—- and  tie  j)rlvateh,  fromil.  iloit 
they  respectively  enjrafted  to  coni«  or  were  tailed  upon,  though  tl;i}  did  lot 
Biurch  for  a  con?iderahir  time  after-  "lonie  not  wii'  in  three,  foui,  t(»  twenty  diji, 
durino:  all  which  they  remained  at  )  onie  about  their  <  v.p  private  afliiiri-,  witlout 
doing  Hny  tiling  else  than  '' preparing  for  tlie  march,*'  as  they  eay,  by  waytf 
^lea."T 

Jvly  17/A,  1776. 
"  The  Connecticut  light  horse,  mentioned  in  iny  letter  of  th(  11  th.  notnitb- 
standing  their  then  promi.-e  to  continue  here  for  the  defence  of  tliis  plaw.  ^rt 
cow  discliarged,  and  are  ahout  to  letuin  home — having  peremptorily  r'Jvuloli 
kind  nf fatigue  duty  or  even  to  mount  gwird.  claiming  ea.f:mption  «5 /<  r/ifn.- 
Thongh  their  assistance  is  mii«h  needed,  and  might  be  of  essential  servir.  it  r,:ie 
of  an  attack,  yet  I  judged  it  advisable,  on  Iheir  rtpplication  and  claim  oi  rxn'  in- 
dulgence, to  di«rbarge  them  ;  as  granting  them  would  set  an  exvin^pie  fc'otlnfj, 
and  might  produce  many  ill  consequences.  The  number  of  men  inchidtd  in  liij 
last  return,  by  this  is  lessened  about  five  hundred."** 

ytugust  nth,  1776. 
••  They  [tli"  British]   mean  to  procrastinate  their  operations  for  sonn'  umt, 
tnisiing  thr/  [J^7=»  the  militia  which  hnve  come  to  on'-  succour  will  soon  bfiow 
tired  and  retui  u  home,  as  is  but  too  usual  with  theui,*' 

Aug^ist,  IflM,  1776. 
"Governor  Trumbull,  in  a  letter  of  the  I.ltb.  advises  me  that  Ward's  re^inipnt.  I 
in  the  service  of  the  sta'es  was  on  the  march  to  this  army,  rnd  that  he  iiiiii  liii 
CXMincil  of  safety  had  in  the  whole  ordered  Jourteen  milftia  regiments  to  rrin/ra 
Ut.    Three  of  them  have  arrived,  and  amount  to  about  a  thousand  and  twefitf 


*  Idem,  page  87. 
«  M«B|,rage  U«. 


f  Idem,  page  88. 
T  Idem,  page  I'iH 


\  Idem,  page  fll. 
**  Idem,  |>9ge  198^ 


APPENDIX. 


401 


|.iii«i  of  *;iiiii|' 


men.    Whf  a  th«  whole  come  in,  we  shall  be  on  a  much  more  renpeciablc  footing 
that!  we  li;i»P  been  ;  but  I  ri  e.itly  tear,  if  the  ciieiny  defer  their  attempt  for  any 
eotutiderable  time,  they  mill  be  txtrtmtljf  impahmt  to  return  hamt ;  and]/"  they 
fviald-  ive  thall  be  redwed  to  distrett  aguin.*'* 

Stptemher  2d,  ine. 

**  The  mi liti.i,  instead  of  callini;  forth  their  utmost  efforts  ton  brave  and  manlf 
fipponition  in  ordt'r  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  intractable  and  impatient 
to  return  Great  numbers  of  them  have  gone  oti— in  some  instances,  almost  by 
wliole  regimiiiti),  by  half  ones,  and  by  companies  at  n  time.  This  circumstance 
of  itself,  independent  of  others,  when  fronted  hy  a  well  appointed  enemy,  iinpe- 
rior  in  number  to  our  wiiole  collected  force,  would  be  tuflkiently  disagreeable — 
b(it,  when  their  example  has  infected  another  part  of  the  army— when  their  want 
of  discipline,  and  refusal  of  almoi^t  every  kind  of  restraint  and  government,  have 
producid  a  like  conduct,  but  too  cunimon  to  the  whole,  and  an  entire  dixrej^nrd 
of  tint  order  and  subordination  necessary  to  the  well  doing  of  an  army,  and 
wliic!i  had  bonn  inculcated  before,  as  well  as  the  natnrf  of  our  military  establish* 
ments  would  admit  of— our  condition  is  »till  more  alarming ;  and  witti  the  deepest 
concern  I  am  obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  contidunce  in  the  generality  of  the 
troops. 

"  \1I  these  circumstances  fully  confirm  the  opinion  I  ever  entertained  and 
which  I  more  than  once  in  my  letters  took  the  liberty  of  uicntioninK  to  conf^n-is, 
thai  rf)  depcnJewe.  could  be  put  on  militia,  or  otlirr  troop*  than  those  enlc-lcd 
ami  emlKul it'll  for  .1  lon;;er  period  than  our  regulations  heretofore  have  prescribed. 
1  am  persuaded,  nnd  as  fully  confirmed  as  i  am  of  any  one  fact  that  has  happined, 
that  our  liberties  must  of  necessity  be  greatly  hazarded,  if  not  entirely  lost,  if  tt  eir 
defence  is  left  to  any  but  a  permanent  standing  army — I  mean  one  to  exict  dui  ing 
the  war.  Nor  wr.iild  tlie  expense  inc«dent  to  tiie  support  of  Ruch  a  body  of 
troops  as  would  be  compet  nt  to  almoft  every  exigt-ncy,  far  excised  that  which  is 
daily  incurred  by  calling  in  succour,  and  new  eniistmenU>,  which,  when  effected, 
are  not  attende<l  with  any  £ooU  c«>nsequence8  Meu  who  have  been  free,  and 
subject  to  no  control,  cannot  be  rednced  to  order  in  an  instant  \  and  the  privi- 
leges and  exemptions  they  claim  and  will  have,  influence  the  conduct  of  oti  ers  ; 
and  Mie  aid  ;lcrived  from  them  is  nearly  counter  balanced  by  the  disorder,  irregu- 
larity, and  confusion,  they  occasion  "f 

September  4th,  1776. 

"The  militia,  under  various  pretence!*,  of  sirkness.  &c,  are  daily  diminishing  f 
and  in  a  little  time.  I  am  persuaded,  their  number  nill  be  very  InomiiderabU  ^^\ 

September  Hth,   1776. 

"  The  militia  from  Connecticut  is  reduced  from  6000  to  2000,  and  in  a  feir 
days  will  he  merely  nominal.  Th«  arrival  of  some  Maryland  troops,  ^c  from 
the  flying  camp,  has  in  a  great  degree  supplied  the  lo«s  of  men  ,  but  he  ammuni- 
tion they  have  carried  away  will  be  a  loss  sensibly  felt.  The  impulse  for  going 
home  was  ho  irresistible,  it  answered  no  purpose  to  oppose  it  '1  hough  I  would 
not  disc'iarge,  1  have  been  obliged  in  acquience  ;  and  it  affords  one  more  melan- 
cboly  proof,  how  delusive  such  dependencies  are."} 

September  20th,  1776. 

"  It  i«  a  melancholy  aud  painful  consideratioD  to  those  who  arc  concerned  in 
the  work,  and  have  the  command,  to  be  forming  armies  constantly,  and  to  he  left 
by  tr.Tops  just  when  they  begin  (o  deserve  the  name,  or  perhaps  at  a  moment  when 
ao  important  blow  la  expocted.^^Q 

Septimher2Hh.  1776. 

**  The  thirteen  militia  regiments  from  Connecticut  being  r  duced  to  a  little  more 
than  700  men,  rank  and  file,  fit  for  duty,  I  have  thought  proper  to  dit^ch&rgf  the 
wtio'e,  to  save  the  stales  the  immense  charge  that  would  arise  for  offlcers'  pay.— 
There  are  many  militia  too,  that  have  jost  coma  in,  and  on  their  way  from  that 
«tat(»,  oane  of  whom  are  provided  with  a  tent,  or  a  single  camp QteDsil.  Ihii 
This  distresses  me  beyond  measure.  •♦IT 


•M-ij,  pnge2;J3. 
{ Idem,  page  2b»t 


+  Idem,  pa^2lt. 
II  Idem,  page  265. 
LI  - 


%  Mem,  "  •?e!^<6. 
f  Mem,  page  2W, 


4uJ 


THE  OLIVE  iJUAXCH. 


SrptembtT  24IA,  1778. 
**  Axain:  nt*n  accasfomcd  to  unbounded  T  ecdom  iiud  no  coutrul,  raniHit  bnmk 
^.h<?  rcitruitit  wuicli  it>  iudii>^«  iitaNy  nrci«»ui>  w  tiiv  g;uotl  oixii t  iiiul  guvt-ri  u.t  ni 
.if  uii  army  J  witiiuut  wlmit  hcenUoUhiim  ai.d  t-vcry  kind  oi  dif<orU<-r  itigi,  'fu 
brJiii;  m«ii  to  a  prupvr  degree  of  huboi(tiiiitti«iu  ig  i.ui  tin  work  ul'  a  day,  a  n  onth 
or  tvi'ii  a  ^i-ar.  .wul  unliappily  U>r  m  and  the  rauie  wo  luif  engaged  in,  ihf  litti)' 
dioiiplin*- 1  liavc  been  laboi  i\<g  to  estahlisi.  in  ttie  arnn  under  my  ininji  diatr  teg,. 
MHiid  II  in  a  mamier  done  anay  b>  iiavuiKiucli  a  tuixtute  ul'  troojpit  aa  have  ht'cu 
called  together  within  tlirae  few  uiontht/*-* 

**  Helaxt'd  and  unfit  as  our  ruie»  and  rrxulationa  of  war  are  for  the  government 

•f  an  aroiy,  tin-  militia  (tho»<'  properly  i<o  called,  for  of  tlie«e  we  have  two  tcrt 

the  nix  Miontiis*  men,  and  tlio^e  svnt  in  for  temporary  aid)  do  not  think  lh<  uim  Ivxi 
lubjt  ct  lu  111.  m.  and  iiienlbre  take  lib^Tiies  the  KoUiier  ijipunihliid  foi.  'i ',,j 
creates  jcaiouiiy  ,  jealnuMV  hegeti  die!|>ati^^}lction  ,  iiixi  tiiife  by  Uegltt^  liptn  into 
tautiiiy,  ketpiiig  the  wiioie  army  in  a  c  iil'used  nnd  diBordered  htule— Mndenii" 
the  tune  01  ilios-e  who  w i  h  to  see  ri;!iilHiity  and  nood  order  pi e\ ail.  more  ui^- 
happy  than  «0  dh  c<  ii  deM'iibc  Be^drs  thi«,  hxnu  repeated  changeH  take  pUue 
Th.it  all  urrangement  ib  st t  Ml  noii'ziit,  and  the  cunbt.int  fluituation  uf  things  dc- 
nngeti  every  plan  as  fa>t  .ib  adopted  'rhe»e,  tiii,  congrehii  uiay  bi  afuntu  ;,re 
hut  a  hmall  part  ol'  the  incunvenii-nce!!  which  might  be  eiiunitrated,  and  altt,l;i]tic| 
to  militia  ,  but  tlnre  is  one  that  merits  pnrtiruiar  attention,  anu  thai  'm  oxjen^e. 

C«KTA:N  I  AM,  THAT  IT  WOLI.D  BE  CllKAFKR  TO  KEKJ'  FIFTY  OR  \  lll'NDHFD  TllOf- 
8AM)    IN    CONSTANT    I'AY,    THAN  TO    DKIK.ND   DON   HALF    THE    Nl/MUEH,  AND  MfflY 

THE  OTHER  HALV  OCCASIONALLY  RV  MILITIA. The  time  tlic  latter  are  in  pay  ht  iore 
and  after  the^  are  in  camp  asi^euihling  and  marching—  the  waste  of  amoiunitii  n, 
thk  coniumption  of  iiloreb,  which,  in  spite  of  every  resolution  or  requifit.on  of 
<songre!!S,  they  must  be  furnibhed  with  or  t>ent  brine,  added  to  other  iiiiidei.tai  tx- 
penseei  conseqiient  upou  their  coiMrig  and  conduct  in  cnmp — furpa.>-<te!j  all  idin, 
ami  destroys  every  Kind  of  regularity  and  economy  which  you  could  establi-h 
among  lixed  aid  re;.u]ar  troovs,  and  will,  in  my  opinion,  prove  (if  the  scheme  i* 
adt.ered  to)  THE  KtlN  OF  OLK  C'ALSE  "f 

"  The  jealousies  of  a  standing  army,  and  theevilt;  to  be  apprehended  from  one, 
Arc  remote  ;  and,  in  my  judgment,  situated  and  circumstanced  aji  ue  are,  u>\  at 
all  to  be  dri>uded  :  but  the  consequence  of  wantiiig  one,  according  to  oty  .iiiikj, 
formed  froMthe  preseiit  view  of  things,  is  certain  and  iuevi.able  ruin,  n^  for 
if  1  wav  called  upon  to  declare  opoo  oath,  whether  the  militia  have  Lici.  niO;t 
serviceable  or  hurtful,  upon  tl'.o  whole,  i  tliould  suUcnbe  to  the  latter.  1  do  uot 
mean  by  this,  however,  toarroign  the  conduct  of  congress  :  in  to  doing.  I  tl.(ul(i 
equally  condemn  my  own  meafures,  if  I  did  not  my  jud<:uitnt:  but  expeiiuce, 
ivliicb  IS  the  best  criterion  to  vrork  by,  ^o  iuliy,  clearly,  aud  decisively  reprpbatej 
the  practice  of  tiusting  to  militia,  that  WO  MAN  VV  HO  KEiiARD.^  OKi^KR, 
RKCiULARlTY,  AND  FX'ONOMY,  ORH.^S  ANY  REGARD  I  OR  HIS 
HONOR,  CHARACIER.  OR  PEACE  OF  MIND,  WILL  RISK  THEM 
IJFON  THIS  ISSUE.  An  army  formed  by  good  ofTice rs  moves  like  clocV-work ; 
hxit  there  is  do  fitustion  on  earth  less  enviable,  nor  more  distressing,  than  that  o^ 
a  person  who  is  at  the  head  of  troops  who  are  regardless  of  order  and  disi  ipline, 
and  who  are  unprovided  with  almost  every  necessary.  In  a  word,  the  din!i'iiiii»'i 
which  have  for  ever  surrounded  m«  since  I  have  been  in  the  service,  aLd  kcptinj 
mind  constantly  upoD  the  streteli — the  wounds  which  my  feelings  (as  aii  ofiicer) 
]bave  received,  by  a  thousand  things  which  have  happened  contiary  to  my  (xpkct- 
atiwjs  and  wishes,  added  to  a  conrciousness  of  inability  to  govern  ar>  Hrniy  cum* 
posed  ot  such  discordant  parts,  and  under  such  a  va;  iety  of  iiitricate  and  per- 
plexiog  circumstances  induce  not  only  a  belief,  but  a  thorough  roiiviction  in  my 
mind,  that  it  will  be  impossible  (unless  there  is  a  thorough  ch^mgr  in  our  military 
tj'Btem)  for  me  to  conduct  matters  in  such  a  manner  as  to  givo  satisfaction  to  the 
public,  which  is  all  the  recompense  I  aim  at,  or  ever  wished  for.**^ 

■     •  > 

^•{d^  face  271.  t  Idem,  fen  2T2.  t  Idem*  pa^e  273. 


■■i  ■ .. 


APPENDIX. 


403- 


SrpUmbtr  30,  1770. 
'  t*  By  n  letter  reccIvt^J  froin  tin*  coiiuuittei*  of  Ml\-ty  in  tlie  tt.tlt;  of  Ncwiump- 
fhi'V  i  '"'J  -i  liioaiiiul  ui'  i.i.-ir  rni  iti  i  wcru  uIkuM  to  itiarcii  l.u-  UUU  ul  im<.>,  to 
rei.iio.cc  t.'u*  army,  lO  con»equf uce  of  tiit-  icqui^aioii  ol  coiikhh.  I'revioui  to 
tli<  ir  m  ti*'')|  K''i>(-'r>il  ^VjiJ  wriu'^  me,  nu  wait  o'liigcd  to  I'linutti  tlteui  wiiii  five 
humlrcd  ^on.idH  of  powder,  ntid  .t  (iiuu'<»i)d  (joutidi  ul'  uiU'kul  hdll  ;  M!id  i  have 
little  rR4«oii  tu«')ii>e('t  tliat  ihvy  urt;  tu-ttu'  provid»-d  witli  oilier  arlicU'M  tluo  tlit.>y 
were  Wttu  auiinutnliu  >-  (n  titis  c:ur,  tliey  will  oiilv  add  to  our  pr«;«eiit  dintrfw, 
wli>'  I  iH  ire  I  <•  t'lr  tuu  Ki  it.  and  l)L>coinc  diij^uited  witii  tlie  ivrvic**,  THOL'tiil 
THC  I IMK  UIKV  WliK/i  KN(iA<iEl)  FOR  Id  ONLY  TILL  THE  VUiiiV 
Or'  'MA  t-'MUEU-  liiJi  will  iiijuiti  tUcir  enliciing  tor  a  longer  time,  if  DOt  wlioll^r 

yrcvL'Dt  ii   '• 

'^  October  4,  1770. 

••  Upon  tijc  preiriU  plan  I  plainly  forcrtP  nn  intorvnnlion  of  time  b»  Iwotn  th» 
oil)  '.I'ld  ix'w  unny,  wliii'li  must  he  iill*(l  ui>  witli  mililiii  (if  to  be  had)  \>'l  Til 
WH  )Vl  NO  VI  \iN,  A  110  H  \M  \NY  llK(iARU  FOR  llIS  RBPl  TATION, 
C\N  UNUBtirvKE  TO  BE  AiN.S^VERABLE  FORCOiNaEUL'ENCEd.'t 

Ocliibtr'il,  1770. 
"  Our  army  ia  decreasing  fast.     .Several  gentlpmen  wlio  liave  come  to  camji 
within  a  f  .>w  clays  have  ob«erved  large  uuuibers  of  militia  returning  home  ou  llir 
diircrcnt  roadj.*') 

Nijvtmbtr9,  1776. 
*'  I  have  little  or  noreaion  to  eitppct  that  the  militia  now  hiM-c  will  remtin/^ 
day  longer  than  the  time  they  ilnt  engaged  for.  I  have  recommended  their  stay, 
and  requeued  it  in  general  orders.  Gt-n.  Lincoln  and  tlie  Mas^aclhi^etts  com- 
Tni.oriiouerd  are  u^ing  their  interest  with  tho^ie  from  that  state  liut  as  fur  as  1  can 
judge,  we  cannot  r'-ly  upon  their  staying 

1  have  no  assurances  that  more  than  a  ver^  few  of  the  troops  composing  tht 
tying  camp  will  remain  after  tiie  time  of  their  engagement  is  out— so  far  from  it, 
I  am  told  tliat  some  of  general  £wiug*t  brigade  who  stand  engaged  to  the  first  of 
January  are  now  i^oiag  away.*'( 

Dtcember  1, 1770. 
'*  The  enemy  are  fast  approaching — some  of  them  are  now  in  sight.     All  tho 
men  of  the  Jersey  flying  camp  under  general  Heard  being  applied  to  have  refund. 
to  continue  longer  in  service. '*|| 

Trenton,  Dee.  3,  1778; 
•'  I  look  out*^arnestly  for  the  reinrorcements  from  Philadelphia      1  am  in  hopes 
that  if  we  can  draw  a  good  head  of  men  together  it  will  give  spirits  to  the  militia 
of  this  state,  who  Inve  as  yet  afforded  me  little  or  no  assistance— nor  can  1  find 
they  are  likely  to  do  much.  "IT 

Trenton,  December  5th,  1770. 
*' Sorry  I  am  to  observe,  however,  that  the  frequent  calls  upon  the  militia  of 
this  state,  the  want  of  exertion  in  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  country,  or  a  fa- 
tal dupineness  and  insensibility  of  danger  till  it  is  too  late  to  prevent  au  evil  that 
was  not  only  foreseen,  but  foretold,  have  been  the  causes  of  our  late  difgraces. 

'^  It  the  lui  itiaofthis  tttate  had  stepped  forth  in  season,  (and  timely  notice  they 
had)  we  might  have  prevented  the  enemy *s  crossing  the  Hackinsac,  although  with- 
out somir  previous  notice  of  the  time  and  place,  it  was  impossible  to  have  done 
this  at  tne  North  river. 

*'  At  Hackinsac  our  force  was  insafficient,  because  a  part  was  Elizabethtown,  Am- 
boy,  and  Brunswick,  guarding  a  coast  which  I  thought  most  exposed  to  danger  ; 
and  at  Brunswick,  because  1  was  disappointed  in  my  expectations  of  militia,  and 
bjcause  on  the  day  of  the  enemy's  approach  (and  probably  the  occasion  of  it)  the 
tlm,^  of  the  Jersey  and  Maryland  brigades'  service  (xpired;  NEITHER  Of 
WHICH  WOULD  CO.NSENT  TO  STAY  AN  HOUR  LONGER. 


*  Idem,  page  279. 
f  Idem,  ^ag^  3:24. 


t  Idem,  page  2B2. 
lildem^pagca^tt. 


t  Idem;  page  301. 
H  Idem,  page  iSQi 


404 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^  **  Tbeee,  among  ten  thousand  other  instances,  might  be  adduced  to  shew  the 
diRadTantages  or  siiort  enlistments,  and  the  little  dependence  upon  militia  in  timet 
of  real  danger. 

"  M)  first  wish  is  that  Congress  may  be  convinced  of  tlie  impropriety  of  rely- 
inj;  upon  the  militia,  and  of  the  nerefsity  of  raisi.ng  a  larger  ataudrng  army  than 
tiiat  thf  y  have  voted.     The  iinving  in  the  irticies  of  stores,  provisions,  and  in  a 
thousand  other  things,  by  having  nothing  to  do  with  militia,  unless  in  caseh  of  ex- 
traordinary exigcnry,  and  such  as  could  rot  be  expected  in  the  common  course  of 
events,  would  amply  support  a  1ar<;e  nrmy,  which,  well  ofEcered,  would  be  daily 
improving,  instead    of  CONTLNL'ING  A  DESTRUCTIVE,  EXPENfrlVR 
and  DISORDERLY  MOB.     I  nm  clear  in  opinion,  that  if  40.000  men  had  been 
lept  in  constant  pay  since  the  hrst  commencemenl  of  hoRtilities.   and  the  niiiitia 
Iiad  been  excused  doing'*' jty  during  ttrat  period,  the  coniinent  would  have  saved 
money.     When  I  reflect  on  the  losses  we  liave  sustained  for  want  of  good  ticopj, 
the  certainty  of  this  is  placed  beyond  a  doubt  in  my  mind      In  such  case,  the  mi^ 
Jitia,  who  have  been  harrassed  and  tired  by  repeated  calls  upon  them   (and  farm- 
ing and  manufactures  in  a  manner  suspended)  would  upon  any  pressing  emergrncj 
liave  run  with  alacrity  to  arms ;  whereas  th«!  cry  now  is,  ♦'  they  may  as  well  be 
ruined  in  one  v»y  as  another,"  and  with  difficulty  they  aie  obtained      I  mention 
these  things,  to  shew,  that,  in  my  opinion,  if  any  dependence  is  placed  upon  niilj. 
tia  another  year,  congress  will  be  deceived.      When  danger  is  a   little  removed 
from  them,  they  will  not  turn  out  at  all.     When  it  comes  home  to  them,  the  well 
afftcted,  instead  of  flying  to  arms  to  defend  themselves,  are  busily  employed  in 
removliig  their  families  and  eflects — whilst  the  disaffected  are  concertnig  nicis- 
ures  to  make  their  submission,  and  fproad  terror  and  dismay  all  around,  to  induce 

.others  to  follow  the  example. — Daily  experience  and  abundant  proofs  warrant 
this  infonuation."* 

December  16</i,  1776. 
•'  That  the  militia  are  not  to  bo  depended  on,  or  aid  expected  from  them  but 

•  in  cases  of  the  most  pressing  necessity,  is  not  to  be  doubted.  The  tirst  of  tLrse 
propositions  is  unquestionable :  and  fatal  experience  has  given  her  sanction  to 
the  truth  of  the  latter.  Indeed  their  lethargy  of  late  and  backwardness  to  tun 
out  at  this  alarming  crisis  seem  to  justify  an  apprehension  that  nothing  can  bring 
them  from  their  homes.  For  want  of  their  assistance,  a  large  part  of  Jersey  baa 
been  exposed  to  ravage  and  to  plunder;  nor  do  I  know  that  Pennsylvania  would 
share  a  better  fate,  could  general  Howe  effect  a  passage  across  the  Delaware  Hith 
a  respectable  force.  These  considerations  have  induced  me  to  wish  that  no  reli- 
ance except  such  as  may  arise  from  necessity  should  ever  be  had  oo  them  again; 

'  and  to  make  further  mention  to  congress  of  the  expediency  of  increasing  their  ar- 
mj.     1  trust  this  measure  will  meet  their  earliest  attention.*'! 

December  20,  1770. 
'*  Short  enlistments,  and  a  mistaken  dependence  upon  militia,  have  been  llie 
origin  of  all  our  misfortunes,  and  the  great  accumulation  of  our  debt."{ 

"  We  find,  sir,  that  the  enemy  are  daily  gathering  strength  from  the  disaffected, 
This  strength,  like  a  snow-ball,  by  rolling,  will  increase,  unless  some  means  cao 
be  devised  to  check  effectually  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  arms.  Militia  may 
possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while  ;  but  in  a  little  while  also,  the  militia  of  tiiese 
states  which  have  been  frevjucntly  called  upon,  will  not  turn  out  at  all,  or,  if  they 
do,  it  will  be  with  so  much  reluctance  and  sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the  same  thin^-' 
instance  New  Jersey  ;  witness  Pcnnsolvania  !-  could  any  thing  but  the  river  De- 
'laware  have  saved  Philadelphia!^  Can  any  thing  (llie  exigency  of  the  case  in- 
deed may  justify  it)  be  more  destructive  to  the  recruifing  service,  THAN  (UV- 
JNG  TEN  DOLLARS  BOUNTY  FOR  SIX  WLIEKS'  SERVICE  OF  THE 
MILITIA,  WHO  COME  IN  YOU  C\NNOT  TELL  HOW-CO  YOU  CAN- 
NOT TELL  WHEN-AND  ACT  YOU  CANNOT  TELL  WHERE-CON- 
SUME  YOUR  PROVISIONS- EXHAUS 1  YOUR  STORES,  AND  LEAVE 
YOU  AT  LAST  AT  A  CRITICAL  MOMENT. 

*  Idem,  page  333.  f  Idem,  page  346.  t  Wcm,  page  350. 


APPENDIX. 


4Di 


**  These,  sir,  are  the  m^n  I  am  to  depend  upon  ten  days  lipncc ;  thi-j  is  the  b.i 
(lis  on  which  your  cau^e  will  and  must  forever  depend,  till  you  get  a  large  staud- 
ing  army  sufficient  of  itself  to  oppose  the  enemy."* 

Janunry  1,  17T7. 

"  After  much  persuasion,  and  the  exertions  of  their  oflRcers,  half  or  a  greater 
proportion  of  tliose  from  the  eastward  have  consented  to  stay  six  weeks  ou  a' 
bounty  of  tea  dollars,  i  feel  the  inconveniency  of  this  advance,  and  I  know  the 
con-iequsnces  that  will  result  from  it— but  wiiat  could  he  done  !*  Pennsylvania  had' 
allowed  the  same  to  her  militia — the  troops  felt  their  importance,  and  would  have 
theii-  price. 'f 

January  5,  1777* 

•'Their  large  picquets  advanced  towards  Trenton — their  great  preparations 
and  some  intelli|e;ence  I  lud  received,  added  to  their  knowledge  that  the  tirst  of 
Janu  iry  brought  on  a  dissolution  of  the  best  part  of  the  army — gave  me  the 
strongest  reasons  to  concluie  that  an  attack  upon  us  was  meditating."} 

January  7, 1777. 

"  The  severity  of  the  season  has  made  our  troops,  especially  the  militia,  eX" 
tremely  impatient,  and  has  redaccd  the  number  very  considerably.  Every  da^ 
more  or  less  leave  us. "J 

January  19,  1777. 

•'  The  fluctnatin*  state  of  an  army  composed  chiefly  of  militia,  bids  fair  to  re- 
duce us  to  the  situ.ition  in  whicli  we  were  some  little  time  ago— that  in,  of  scarce- 
hiving  any  army  at  all — except  reinforcements  speedily  arrive.  One  of  t!ie  bat- 
talions from  the  city  of  Pliiladelphia  goes  home  to  day,  and  the  other  two  onljr 
rem  tin  a  few  days  longer  upon  courtesy.  Tlie  time  for  which  a  country  brigade 
under  general  Mifflin  came  out  is  expired  :  and  they  stay  from  day  to  day  by  dint 
of  solicitation — their  numbers  much  redueed  by  desertions. "II. 

"  As  militia  mu<<t  be  our  dependence  till  we  can  get  the  new  army  raised  and 
properly  arranged,  I  must  entreat  you  to  continue  your  endeavors  with  the  states 
of  Peimsylvaoia,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  to  turn  oat  every  man  they  possibly 
c^n,  and  for  »iome  time  lon?»?r  than  they  generally  have  stipulated  for.  IP  THEY 
AGREE  FOR  K  iVlON TH,  or  any  limited  time,  it  should  commence  from  the 
time  they  actually  join  the  army,  and  not  from  the  time  they  leave  their  homes  : 
otherwise  the  mtrching  backwards  and  forwards  coosumes  the  term  of  eagage-- 
inent."ir 

January  224,  1777. 

*'  The  necessity  that  we  have  been  and  are  now  under,  of  calling  in  and 
armini;  the  militia,  scatters  our  armory  all  over  the  world  in  a  manner.     Their 
officers  are  so  irregular,  that  they  generally  suffer  then*  men  to  carry  home* 
every  thing  that  is  put  into  their  hands,  which  is  forever  lost  to  tli«  public  "** 

February,  20W,  1777. 

"  At  this  time  we  are  only  about  four  thousand  strong— a  force  you  will  sup- 
pose, uneaual  to  a  successful  opposition,  if  they  were  not  militia,  and  far  toO' 
small  for  the  exigencies  of  our  affairs,     ft  is  impossible  to  obtain  exact  returns, 
though  they  are  daily  called  for— owing  to  the  frequent  and  almost  constant^ 
departure  of  some  of  the  corps. "ft 

Feb.  28(A,  1777. . 

"  I  was  in  hopes,  that,  by  the  tir'^e  the  militia  who  are  now  in  service  would^ 
%c  discharged,  we  should  have  had  a  considerable  number*^  the  new  levies  in* 
the  field:  but,  though  I  have  reports  from  all  quarters  of  the  great  success  of 
the  recruiting,  1  cannot  get  a  man  into  the  service.  General  Johnson's  militia 
all  go  the  5th  of  Mirch  (many  are  gone  already)  :  and  general  lincoln's  on  the " 
15th.  These  two  bodies  form  so  considerable  a  part  of  our  force,  tbatj  ttolegt^' 
they  are  replaced,  1  shall  be  in  a  manner  destitute.  ")| 


•  Idem,  page  350. 
Ildem,  page  •. 
*Mldcoi,pagel4. 


f  Idem,  vol.  ii.  page  2. 
D  Idem  page  10. 
ffidciBipageSI. 

1.1  2 


I  Idem,  page  3. 
H  Idem,  page  IL- 
fl  Idem,  pa^e  30. 


406 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


It 


MorristoTvn^  March  11 /A,  1777. 
Wkat  prospect  there  may  be  of  immediate  succours  from  other  quarters, 
]  know  not :  but  from  the  militia  of  this  state  I  cannot  expect  to  derive  much 
jiiore  aid.  Those  who  are  well  affected  have,  been  so  frequently  called  from 
their  homes,  that  they  are  tired  out,  and  almost  profess  an  abhorrence  of  the 
leiTice."* 

*'  By  the  paymaster's  report,  the  commissary  here  requires  an  immediate 
draft  for  a  hundred  thousand :  and  the  militia  returning  and  about  to  leave  camp 
»  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  more.  The  expense  of  calling  on  them  so  fre- 
«piently  is  almost  incredible  "f 

Morrittonm^  March  2Glh,  1777. 

"  I  urged  governor  Trumbull  in  a  letter  of  the  6th  inst.  to  send  two  thousand 
«f  iiis  militia  to  the  same  place.  But  sorry  I  am  to  observe,  rrj*  the  militia 
have  got  tired  "J  '^ 

*'  For  want  of  proper  coercive  powers,  from  disaffection  and  other  causes— 
the  militia  of  this  stnte  [New -Jersey]  are  not  to  be  depended  upon. — They  are 
drawn  out  with  difficulty,  and  at  a  most  enormous  expense,  as  their  accounts 
will  shew :  THEY  COME,  YOU  CAN  SCARCE  TELL  HOW  .  THEY 
00,  YOU  HARDLY  KNOW  WHEN.  IN  THE  SAME  PREDICAMENT 
ARE  THOSE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA."^ 

"  Small  as  our  present  force  is,  it  will  be  reduced  in  a  few  days,  by  the  ^oing 
offof  the  Jersey  tnree  months-men,  the  Cecil  county  militia,  and  the  Virginia 
volunteers,  all  of  whom  claim  discharges  next  month  .*'|| 

April  28,  1777. 

*'  So  early  as  the  6th  of  March,  I  wrote  to  governor  Trumbull,  earnestly  re- 
vesting two  thousand  militia  to  be  sent  to  general  Mc  Dougal,  to  -be  employed 
at  Peek*ikill  and  on  the  communication  in  West-Chester  county,  for  six  weeks. 
With  this  requisition  he  most  readily  complied,  so  far  as  his  orders  were  necessa- 
ry, and  (I  am  certain)  his  influence  would  extend.  This  1  have  repeated,  and 
this  supply  he  has  exerted  himself  to  furnish  :  yet  so  ineffectual  have  his  endeav- 
ours been,  that  not  more  than  ei(<,ht  hui;dred  had  come  out  by  genu'al  Mc  Dou- 
gal's  return  ou  the  17th  instant.*'! 

May  l2iA,  1777. 

*'  I  would  observe,  if  the  militia  are  called  out,  it  should  be  for  a  fixed  deter- 
ninate  time  ;  for  though  they  will  c{;rtainly  retuJn  when  that  expires,  yet  that 
is  more  tolerable  than  for  them  to  go  i>ff  in  parties  every  day  as  their  whim  and 
^price  suggest — which  has  always  been >he  case  when  the  time  is  not  stated.  I 
would  also  observe,  that  if  it  is  possible,  they~sbouId  be  engaged  to  march  out  of 
their  states,  if  ordered.  If  their  service  is  located,  they  will  move  with  great 
jeluctance,  if  tliey  move  at  all."** 

June  2d,  1777. 

*'  The  shameful  deficiency  in  all  our  armies  affords  but  too  just  grounds  for 
disagreeable  apprehensions:  if  the  quotas  assigned  the  different -states  are  not 
immediately  filled,  we  shall  have  every  thing  to  foar.  We  shall  never  be  nblt  to 
reiist  their/orce  \fthe  militia  are  to  be  relied  on :  nor  do  I  know  whether  their 
aid,/ee&/e  nnd  in^cient  as  it  is,  vf  much  1o  be  expededy^  f 

SepUmberlth,  1777. 

*'  In  respect  to  the  militia  requested,  [of  Jersey]  his  excellency  is  doubtfull 
whether  they  can  be  obtained  :  for  Governor  Liviugston,  by  a  late  letter,  infurms, 
that  he  had  no  expectation  that  more  than  three  hundred  of  the  thousand  called 
for  to  garrison  the  post^  of  t!ie  Highlands,  would  march,  notwithstanding  he  had 
issued  orders  for  that  purpose ;  ai^  that  three  weeks  would  probably  elapse  be* 
ftre  that  number  went."!  \. 

October  tth,  1777. 

••  Since  the  action,  n;y»  general  Forman'^s  brigade  ^Jersey  militia  has  quilted 
US.    The  men  began  tooe  uneasy  at  their  situation,  and  desirous  to  return  boate : 


*  Idem,  pa|;e  42. 
{  Idem,  page  47. 
••  Htm,  page  75. 


f  Idem,  page  44. 
II  Mem,  page  48. 
ft  Idem,  page  W, 


i  Idem,  page  46. 
f  I.K  ra,  page  61. 
X\  Uem,  page  1^ 


APPENDIX. 


401fr 


anJ  as,  hy  some  intelligence  from  general  Dickinson,  there  was  reason  to  iinai;ine 
there  might  be  a  call  Tor  their  service!  in  the  Jeneys,  it  was  thought  exppdieut  to 
gratify  their  deiire. "IT 

,      ^  ^  October  13<A,  1777. 

*' I  will  only  observe,  that  TH»  coMSKQaKNcts  or  calling  thk  hilitia  into 

TUB  FIELD  IN  THB  COKRSE  OF  THl  WAB  HAVE  BKKN  SO  SKVKRELY  AND  HI'INOUSLY 
r«LT,  THAT  I  TRUST  OUR  VIEWS  WILI.  NEVER  BE  TURNED  TO  THEM  BUT  IN  CASES  Of 
THE  GREATEST  EXTREMITT."** 

November  lit,  1777. 
"  The  mililia  from  Maryland  and  Virginia  are  no  longer  to  be  counted  on  :  all' 
the  former,  oKcept  about  two  hundred,  are  already  gone  ;  and  a  few  days,   I    ex- 
pect, will  produce  the  departure  of  the  whole  or  chief  part  of  the  latter,  from  the 
importunate  applications  which  some  of  them  have  made,**ff 

"  Agreeable  to  my  expectations,  the  [  Firginia]  militia  are  gone  :  so  that  we 
have  none  now  in  aid  of  the  continental  troops  but  those  of  this  state  [Pennsylva- 
ia]  mpntioned  in  the  return,  and  a  few  from  Maryland  *'|t 

«'  The  militia  of  this  state,  supposing  they  should  be  tolerably  vigorous  in  their 
eiertions,  will  not  be  e^ual  to  the  task  :  at  least  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  imprac> 
ticable,  for  them  to  do  It.  It  it  to  he  wished  that  such  as  can  be  drawn  out  may  be 
er^aged  to  serve  THREE  MOS THS,  ar  TWO  \T  LE\.ST,  (if  it  can  be  ef- 
fected) after  their  arrival  in  camp ;  and  that  a  mode  could  be  adopted  to  supply 
their  places  with  others  at  the  expiration  of  their  term,  should  the  exigency  oi  our* 
siTjir^  require  it.  A  time  for  their  continuance  should  be  fixfd,  or  Uiey  rvill  al' 
wri/i  be  uneasy  and  pushing  off:  and  the  longer  circumstances  will  admit  it  to  be, 
th«  better :  for,  t^fter  the  period  occurs,  for  which.  Vuy  come,  t(  nill  bt>  impossible^ 
to  detain  tiiem  a  moment  "HT 

A  perusal  of  the  preceeding  extracts  can  hardly  fail  to  shake 
the  faith  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates  for  reliance  on  militia- 
for  ^eaeral  defence.  i*^ever  was  any  point  more  ably  or  con" 
vincin^ly  enforced.  The  immense  importance  of  the  subject — 
the  mighty  errors  that  prevail  on  it — ^and  the  ruinous  conse- 
quences these  errors  may  entail  on  us — will,  I  trust,  fully  justi-^ 
fy  me  for  such  long  detviiis. 

The  following  positions  are  clearly  and  irresistibly  estab- 
lished : 

1.  That  the  expense  of  militia  is  exorbitantly  great. 

2.  That  they  cannot  be  reduced  to  that  strictness  of  disci- 
pline which  is  indispensably  necessary  in  all  armies. 

0.  That  the  period  of  service  is  so  short,  that  it  expires  be* 
fore  they  can  acquire  military  skill. 

4.  That  whatever  be  the  emergency,  iivhen  the  period  of  ser- 
vice has  expired,  tlie  militia  cannot  be  retained  in  service, 
without  solicitation  utterly  destructive  of  subordination. 

I  am  w  ell  aware,  that  there  are  illustrious  exceptions  to  these 
ebservatious.     The  militia  have,  in  many  instances,  made  a. 
grand  and  glorious  display  of  all  the  military  virtues,  in  as  high 
a  *legree  as  the  bravest  veterans.     They  have  defeated  equal 
aad  superior  num^jers  of  troops  of  the  latterdescriptiua:  wilnesft 

V  Idem,  pajie  180.  ">*  Idem,  page  180. 

itl|l$m,  page  IMU       it  Iden,  page 260.        Vf  ld«o),  page  201. 


;*•£ 


408 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


PlatUsburg,  Kew-Orleaos,  &c.  But  these  cases  do  not  form  the 
rule.  They  are  exceptions.  And  were  any  |)er8on  to  produce 
me  instances  to  invalidate  my  positions,  1  could  out-numl)ei 
them  very  considerably.  But  t  studiously  draw  a  veil  over 
the  subject.  To  any  roan  of  reason  and  common  sense,  who 
reflects  on  the  mode  of  selection,  or  who  inspects  a  body  o.^ 
drafted  militia,  it  must  be  obvious,  that  the  mode  is  radically 
and  incurably  wrong. 


-.-•?# 


CHAPTER  LXIX. 

Conscription  or  Classification  of  Militia^  to  fill  up  the  Anny,  (he- 
most  impartial  plan.  A  measure  of  the  American  revolution. 
Borrowed  by  Bonaparte.    General  Knox's  system, 

I  NOW  undertake  to  establish  my  fifth  position,  "  that  (he 
system  of  classification  is  the  most  impartial,  the  most  efficacious, 
and  the  least  oppressive  mode  of  calling  the  militia  into  service, 
of  any  of  the  plans  that  have  ever  been  devised." 

This  mode  of  calling  the  militia  into  service,  applies  to,  and 
bears  equally  upon,  the  whole  body  of  militia  throughout  the 
nation,  without  exception.  This  is  characteristic  of  impartial* 
ity  and  justice,  peculiar  to  this  system  ;  and  had  it  no  other 
advantage,  would  entitle  it  to  a  decided  preference  over  every 
other. 

That  it  is  most  efficacious  is  equally  clear.  The  service  is 
entirely  voluntary.  No  man  need  serve  who  does  not  find  him. 
self  qualified,  and  who  has  any  aversion  whatever  to  the  service. 
It  is  needless  to  prove,  as  it  must  be  self-evident  to  the  must 
superficial  observer,  that  there  is  an  incalculable  difference  in 
point  of  efficiency  (between  any  number  of  men  who  are  drafted 
by  lot,  and  forced  to  serve,  whether  they  choose  or  not,  and  the 
same  number  who  enter  the  service  of  their  own  free  will. 

That  this  system  is  the  least  oppressive,  is  equally  indisputa* 
ble.  According  to  the  prevailing  militiia  systems^  every  man 
drafted  must  either  serve,  or  send  a  substitute  at  his  own  indi- 
Tidual  expense.  In  all  the  states,  heavy,  and,  to  the  poor,  ruin^ 
ous  fines,  are  imposed  on  delinquents.  Thirty  three  dollars, 
vrhich  is  the  fine  in  Massachusetts,  is  an  enormous  sum  to  a 
poor  person,  which  forces  him  into  the  service,  however  reluc* 
ilint  or  unfit  for  duty.  Whereas,  according  to  the  classifleation 
plan,  all  the  persons  liable  to  military  service  throughout  the 
•tftte,  or  Btates,  as  the  case  may  be,  contribute  tbeir  respective 


% 


APPENDIX. 


400 


(^uotai  towards  paying  lliose  who  may  offer  their  services,  or 
viho  may  be  enlisted,  if  enlidtment  be  necessary,  which  il  rare- 
ly will  be. 

My  sixth  proposition  is,  ^*  (hat  the  classification  system  pre- 
vailed during  the  revolution.*' 

All  that  is  necessary  to  prove  this,  is  to  refor  the  reader  to 
the  fo1lowin&;  extracts  from  the  laws  of  Pensylvania,  which 
were  similar  in  substance  to  those  enacted  in  the  other  states. 

<*  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  cominiMion* 
ersoftiie  city  and  several  counties  of  this  state  respectively,  or  any  two  of  them 
fhall  direct  the  assessors  of  the  sevr-ral  township:!.  ward><,  and  dii^tricts,  in  th« 
laid  city  and  counties  rpgpectively,  to  meeto;j  or  before  the  first  d^y  of  February 
next,  at  tlie  usual  place  of  holding  courts  in  the  said  city  and  counties  respective- 
ly, or  at  su.:h  other  place  or  places  where  the  said  comaiissiooers  shall  thiak 
nio^t  convenient,  aud  shall  then  and  there,  in  conjunction  with  the  said  asseisors, 
proceed  to  class  the  taxable  persons  and  property  within  the  said  city  and  couD- 
ties  respectively,  in  such  manner  tiiat  the  said  property,  together  with  a  propor* 
tionable  sum  on  all  taxable  single  freemen,  shall  dc  divided  into  as  many  equal 
parts  as  the  quota  of  men,  which  tl)e  said  city  and  countie--  renprclively  are  by 
this  act  required  to  enlist,  shall  consist  of,  payiDji;  due  regard  to  ttie  ease  and  coa- 
vruience  of  the  iuhabilants.  by  including  those  who  re/tdc  near  each  other  within 
the  same  class  ;  and  shall  transmit  to  the  several  classes,  by  person*  by 
them  to  be  appointed  for  that  service,  an  order  in  writing,  under  the  hands  of  the 
t'did  ommissioner*,  or  any  two  of  them,  with  a  rluplicate  anncxod,  containing  the 
names  of  each  and  every  person  composing  the  s-tme  reauiring  each  of  the  said  clat- 
ter TO  ENLIST  DURING  THE  W  \R  AND  OELIVER  TO  THE  PROPER 
OFFICER  ONE  ABLE  BODIED  RECRUIT  WITHIN  FIFTEEN  DAYS 
THEREAFTER  ♦'• 

*^  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  commissionen 
of  the  city  and  several  counties  of  this  state,  respectively  or  any  two  of  tlum, 
shall  forthwith  transmit  to  the  several  classes,  classed  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  the 
assembly  of  this  state,  ei<titlrd.  *'  An  act  to  complete  the  quota  of  the  federal 
army  assigned  to  this  state."  ptvsed  the  'wenty  third  day  of  December,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  eighty,  by  persons  to  be  by  them  appoint "d  for  th.»t  ser- 
vice, an  order  in  writing  undor  ilieir  hands,  with  a  duplicate  annexed,  coiifaining 
the  names  of  each  and  every  person  compo  ing  such  class,  requiring  each  of  the 
said  classi'.s  to  enlist  for  tlie  term  of  eiijliteen  months,  as  aforesaid,  ai  d  DELIVER 
TO  I  HE  PROPER  OFFICER,  ONE  ABLE  BODIED  RECRUIT  WITH- 
IN FIFTEEN  DAYS 

''  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  if  any  class  or  classes 
shall  nfjliiet  or  refuse  to  enlist  one  able  bodied  recruit  as  aforesaid,  within  the 
tiinp  limited  anl  directf^d,  or  to  mike  return  thereof  to  the  assessors  of  the  proper 
tO(T'i-liip,  waid.  or  district,  it  shall  and  may  bs  lawful  for  the  said  commissioners, 
tonfiirliiu,  ward,  or  ('istrict  a-^sossors,  or  any  of  them,  and  _hey  are  hereby  author- 
ized and  required  to  enlist  for  the  term  aforesaid,  and  deliver  to  the  proper  officer 
oneahU*  bodied  recruit  in  behalf  of  such  class  or  classes,  respectively  ;  and  that 
it  shall  and  may  be.  lawful  for  the  said  commissioners,  township,  ward,  or  district 
assessors,  or  either  of  them,  wlKre  such  neglect  or  refusal  shall  happen,  to  pro- 
ceed ind  lovy,  in  the  manner  directed  by  the  laws  now  in  force  f«>r  levying  and 
callcirtMi!!;  other  public  taxes,  on  tlie  class  or  classes  so  neglecting  or  refusing,  the 
lum  agreed  to  be  paid  by  tlie  said  commissioners,  township,  ward,  or  district  as- 


i»i 


*  Laws  of  Peaasylvama,  1780,  chap.  cxci.  page  428. 


*f^-«  Mt  .(ili".?^^ 


I  .i 
r 

I 


I' 


^1 

It 


|i 


■'I 
I 


410 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


MtnoT»,  or  any  of  them,  to  the  laid  recruit,  aod  the  reasonable  expeniei  accrulog 
thai rupoD,  in  proper  proportious,  accoi'diog  to  the  last  public  tax  levied  tiierciu  • 
wliicli  they  are  hereby  eitjoined  and  directed  to  do  withiu  ttrodays  after  tucu  re^ 
cruit  sli.ill  be  enlisted. 

**  Be  it  fuitlier  enacted  by  tiie  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  commissionci  s  of 
the  several  counties,  respectively,  sliall  provide  und  keep  a  book,  iulo  which  they 
ehall  enter  in  numerical  order  the  several  delinquent  classes,  as  they  shall  be  re- 
tumrd  to  them,  and  shall  enlist  recruits  for  the  said  delinquent  clanes,  according 
to  tlieir  respective  numbers,  and  in  like  manaer  levy  and  collect  the  sums  impos- 
ed on  tnem  respectively  by  this  act.^'f 

By  these  laws,  each  class  was  obliged  to  furnish  an  able  bod- 
ied recruit — either  une  uf  their  own  number,  or  a  person  to  be 
enlisted  by  thcnif  and  at  their  joint  expense — which  is  precise* 
ly  I  he  idea  of  the  secretary  of  state  and  Mr.  Giles. 

This  is,  1  presume,  conclusive.  This  relieves  the  system  of 
classitiCHtion  from  the  odium  attached  to  it  as  a  discovery  of 
the  prolitic  brain  of  Bonaparte.  His  inventive  powers  have 
had  more  credit  in  this  respect  than  they  deserve.  He  has  ta* 
ken  the  plan  at  second  hand  from  the  sages  and  heroes  of  the 
revolution. 

My  seventh  point  is,  "  that  the  classifieation  or  conscriptioii 
system,  most  elaborately  matured  by  General  Knox,  and  stamp- 
ed with  the  seal  of  General  Washington's  approbation,  wai 
more  strict  in  its  provisions  than  any  of  the  recent  plans.** 

General  Knox  addressed  his  system  to  President  Washing- 
ton. It  bears  date,  Jannary  18,  1 790 — and  the  letter  which 
prefaces  it,  has  the  following  introduction : 

*^  Hiving  submitted  to  your  consideration,  a  plan  for  the  arrangement  of  the 
nilitii of  the  United  States,  which  1  had  presented  to  the  late  congress  of  the 
United  states,  and  you  having  ap^iroved  the  general  principles  thereof,  with  cer- 
tain exceptions,  1  now  respectfully  lay  the  same  before  you,  modifiid  auording 
to  the  alterntions  you  mere  pleased  to  si^gest  " 

From  this  plan,  approved,  as  we  see,  and  submitted  to  con* 
gress  by  General  Washington,  1  submit  an  extract,  amply  ade* 
quule  to  prove,  that  it  bore  the  essential  features^  which  belong 
to  the  system  of  defence  which  has  been  hunted  down  by  the 
folly  ami  madness  of  party.  In  fact,  it  was  much  more  strict 
and  severe  in  its  details,  than  either  of  those  digested  by  the 
secretary  at  war  or  Mr.  Giles — that  enacted  in  New-York— or 
the  one  rejected  by  the  sapient  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.— 
None  of  the  recent  plans  contemplated  service  beyond  45  years 
—whereas,  General  Knox  carried  biz  views  to  a  third  class,  to 
be  composed  of  citizens  between  40  and  60  years.  His  plan 
likewise  contemplated  compulsory  service  of  the  mariuerst 
who,  as  we  shall  see,  were  to  be  sui^ect  to  consciiptioB. 

"   il(J-m,page*01.  il     ^ 


APPENDIX. 


411 


Sztradfrom  General  Knox's  plan/or  the  general  arrangement  of 
tn*i  Mtluiu  oj  the  d nitt a  states f  uttOmided  to  Lvngnss  by 
Gintrdi  *V asuinj^lony  January  17W0,  and  jmoUaiud  uy  order 
(tfttie  tiou6€  oJ  H^ressnt  atwen  oJ  tue  Untied  Stales, 

"  An  tfn«;r^ctic  national   mintia   is  to    be  repiided  ai  the  capital  lecurity  ofa 
free  repu  >uc,  ami  not  j  standing  ai-my,  l'oi-uuu{{  it  rfiitinct  ciand  >u  tlie  coiumu- 

nii> 

*  The  period  of  life  in  wtiicli  military  aervici*  tliall   be  required  of  the  ciuzeos 
of  the  United  State»,  to  coinmeuce  at  18,  and  terminate  at  lue  a^t-  <>t  tO  y<  uri. 

'  lite  mc.i  compre'icndcd  hy  ttiib  d*  -criptioo,  exc^u-nive  of  »ucti  exceptionti  as 
tlie  .egiil  uures  ol  iHe  respective  states  may  tiiiak  proper  to  make,  and  all  actual 
■tnariuir-,  siiAl;  be  enrolled  lor  diH'erent  degrees  ot  military  duty,  and  divided 
iiitoilibtinctclHs.-es. 

'■  lUe  ih  das'*  shall  comprehend  the  youth  of  18,  19,  and  2((  years  of  age,  to 
be  (It'iioinmatrd  tli«>  advanced  corps. 

■  'lue  M  ci  iss  shall  iucliide  the  men  from  21  to  45  yean  of  age,  to  be  denomi- 
nated t  je  uraiii  'lorp.H. 

"  I'iie  Jd  daiiii  ohall  comprehend  inciuiiively  the  men  from  <lb  to  CO  years  of 
ai'e,  to  he  deiiuiuiuated  tiie  reserved  corps. 

°  *  \ll  i!ie  inilitia  9f  tlie  United  iStates  aliall  assume  the  form  of  tii«  legion,  which 
{ball  be  the  permau^'ut  estabiisiimeiit  thereof. 

"  A  leg*ou  iihall  consi^t  of  15'6  commissioned  officers,  and  '2ZiO  Qon-comujts- 
gioacd  officers  and  privates. 

**  The  companies  of  all  the  corps  shall  be  divided  in  sections  of  12  each.  It  is 
pr  tposed  by  this  division  to  estublibti  one  Uiiii'orm  vita^l  principle,  which  in  peace 
and  war  shall  pervade  the  miiilia  o'<  tue  United  iStates 

*'  All  requisitions  for  men  lu/urm  un  armtf,  «iliier  for  slate  or  federal  purposes, 
aball  be  furnished  by  the  advanced  and  mam  corps  by  means  of  the  sections. 

*'  The  executive  government  or  commander  in  chief  of  the  inilitia  of  each  state, 
will  Hssess  the  numbers  required  on  the  respective  legions  of  these  corps. 

''  Ttie  legiou&ry  general  will  direct  the  proportions  to  be  luriiighed  by  each 
part  of  iiis  command.  iShouid  the  demand  be  so  great  as  to  require  one  mao  from 
each  section,  then  the  operations  hereby  directed  shall  he  performed  by  single 
seccious.  Bui  if  a  less  number  i^houid  be  required,  they  will  be  furni.  lied  by  ao  as- 
tociaiion  uf  sections  or  companies,  according  to  the  demand.  In  any  case,  it  is 
probable  tliat  nutual  convenience  may  dictate  an  agreement  with  an  individual 
tu  perform  the  service  required.  If  however  no  agreement  can  be  made,  one 
nust  be  detached  by  an  indiscriminate  draft,  and  the  others  shall  pay  him  a  sun 
ot  luoney  equal  to  the  averaged  .sum  which  sliall  be  paid  in  the  legion  for  the  vol- 
untary perform  ince  of  the  service  required 

*  iu  casie  any  section  or  company  of  a  legion,  after  having  furnialied  its  own 
quota,  should  have  more  men  willing  to  engage  for  the  service  required,  other 
companies  of  the  same  legion  shall  have  permission  to  engage  them — the  same 
rule  to  extend  to  the  different  legions  of  the  state. 

'  I  Fue  legionary  geoeral  must  be  responsible  to  the  commander  in  chief  of  the 
military  of  tiie  state,  that  the  men  furnished  are  according  to  tSe  descriptiun,  and 
that  they  are  equipped  in  the  manner  aud  marched  to  the  rendexvous,  conforma- 
ble to  the  order?  f»r  that  j-urpose. 
/'  The  oiea  who  may  be  drafted,  shall  not  serve  more  than  three  years  at  one 
time. 

"All  the  actual  marioers  or  seamen  to  the  respective  states,  shall  be  registered 
in  districts,  and  divided  into  two  clatoes— the  tirst  class  to  consist  ef  all  the  seamen 
from  the  age  of  16  to  30  years  inclusively — the  second  class  to  consist  ef  all  those 
Iroui  the  age  of  31  to  45  inclusively. 

"  Tlie  first  class  shall  be  responsible  to  ser\'e  three  years  oo  board  of  some  pub- 
lic armed  vessel  or  ship  of  wui,  as  a  commissioned,  warrant  officer,{Or  privatt*  ma- 
*itt,  Cbc  which  teiKi«&4he|p  «h«ll  reeeire  the  cwtooHurir  wafes  aad  eiD^lujMiilf. 


I'CjI 


412 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


^'^■ 


/ 


'*  The  2d  clai*  ihali  be  refponxible  for  a  portloo  of  lenriee  !■  thoM  eateg  (« 

irbicli  the  fir^l  ciatig  Rliall  be  uiie4ual— the  iiumbtr  rt-quirtd  tliall  bt-  luinitht-d  by 
lectiotif,  ill  ihe  tiame  maiiDcr  as  ia  prcM-ribed  for  the  scctiouH  of  the  militia.** 

**  The  advanced  legions,  in  all  cases  of  invasion  and  rebellion,  sliall,  on  requiiti. 
tion  of  the  b  wtui  i<bthority.  be  cbii(.id  to  Di»rch  to  any  place  within  the  Thited 
{States,  to  reuQuin  embodied  for  racli  time  as  shall  be  directed,  not  lo  exceed  cue 
year,  to  be  computud  tkoni  the  time  of  marchii.K  from  the  regimeDtHJ  punule  ■ 
during  the  period  otth*  ir  being  on  fiuch  service  to  be  phced  on  the  coutinentui  ei. 
tabJiKlimeut  oi  pay,  FubMsteiice,  clothing,  torago,  tents,  camp  equipage,  ami  all 
such  other  allowances  as  are  made  iojtdtral  troops^  at  the  same  time  and  uuder 
the  same  circumstances.*' 

"  The  common  mode  of  recruiting  is  attended  with  too  great  destruction  of 
morals  to  be  tolerated,  and  \*  too  uncertain  tu  be  tiie  principal  resource  of  a  wise 
nation  in  uaic,  of  dancer.  The  public  faith  in  frequently  wounded  by  unwnriliy 
individuals  who  hold  out  delusive  promises  which  can  never  be  M'alik,ed.  fiy 
lui-ii  means  an  unprincipled  banditti  are  often  collected,  for  the  purpo^e  of  dc 
fending  ev*>ry  thing  that  snould  be  dear  to  freemen.  The  consequences  are  natu- 
ral ourli  men  either  desert  in  time  of  danger,  or  are  ever  ready  on  the  sligiittst 
disgust  to  turn  their  arms  against  their  country.  By  the  establishment  of  the  kz. 
tiooH,  an  tmiple  and  pr;rnianent  source  is  opened,  when  the  state  in  every  exicmry 
may  be  supplied  witn  men  whose  all  dcpeuds  on  the  prosperity  of  their  country,'* 

I  request  the  reader  will  duly  weigh  these  extracts,  and  will 
examine  the  admirable  plan,  at  large,  which  ought  to  imniorial* 
ize  the  nieoii)ry  of  den^ral  Knox.  1  hope  and  trust  the  day  is 
not  far  distant,  when  the  adoption  of  such  a  system  will  filace  a 
rampart  around  our  firesides  and  our  families,  which  might  bid 
defiance  to  all  the  hosts  of  Europe  combined,  were  they  to  at* 
tempt  our  suljugation.  This  would  far  exceed  the  famous  Chi' 
nese  wall  built  to  guard  against  the  incursions  of  i he  Tart»n— 
or  thePictish  wall  of  the  Roman  general  Agricola. 

I  cannot  pass  over  one  incident  connected  with  this  affair, 
nrhich  shews  in  a  striking  point  of  light,  the  delusion  which  the 
spirit  of  faction  excites.  After  the  noble,  efficient  systems  of 
the  secretary  at  war  and  Mr.  Giles  fell  sacrifices  to  the  convul' 
sive  struggles  in  congress  for  power — nnd  fsfter,  of  coufse,  Iht; 
country  was  thus  left  in  a  manner  dt fenceless  and  exposed  to 
the  inroads  of  a  |)Owerful  enemy,  the  house  of  delegates  nf  Ihe 
state  of  Maryland  published  an  address  to  Ruftis  King,  Esq.  lav- 
ishing compliments  on  him  for  his  services  in  tlefeating  Ibt'se 
plans  of  defence,  subjecting  their  houses,  their  wives,  their  cl.iN 
dren,  their  parents,  and  themselves,  to  the  mercy  of  Cockburns 
«Dd  Gordons  * !  t 


»'  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  house,  in  behalf  of  the  freemen  of  Mary- 
land, be,  and  they  are  heret^  presented  to  the  houorible  Rufuc  Kinp,  of  the  fn'a(« 
of  Ihe  Tnilcd  States,  for  the  seasonable  and  successful  interj  osition  of  'is  ex].eri' 
enced  wisdom  vnd  '  if^va'ed  Influence  of  chnracter.  in  avert-'  g  'I'erredl'.'tt  r!  '•y^n- 
tioi>  of  a  nieafiurp,  hostile  to  the  inmiunitief  ofcoiistiiulinnHl  iVf^doni.  off<t'?i*f  i« 
the  pure  genius  of  independence,  andfrtught  with  conseouepces"  baleful  and  appal- 
hoe  to  tbe  •oci^l  oi4er,  CraaiuiUtf ,  wd  well  being  of  Uut  l>aited  republic. 


"Ai 

ly  off.-! 
of  I  t;(l 

auii  abi 
gre<8,  if 
cstdbiid 
fbrent  <i 
Europe, 


■"*.. 


fi  . 


APPENDIX. 


413 


tt  Ab4  thk  lioait  weald  accompany  the  retpeetful  tribote,  which  is  thus  ippcial- 
ly  offiTed.  with  ,\  geuerul  expreanion  of  the  grateful  teiiiie  which  it  aUo  enierUiini 
of  I  i^iliBtiiiiSuiiitied  merit  of  tiieotiier  meinlKfru  of  the  inioority,  who  so  fltedfa^tly 
aud  ibly  co-operatfd,  at  every  revival  oi  tiir  «truggle,  in  holh  braiiches  of  con- 
gress, ill  coiubaiiag  againnt  the  iuvidiou;!  intriKiucliun  of  aa  authoritative  conici  ipt 
cfltdbliiliineiit.  more  specious  ill  the  form  of  Its  jpuroach,  but  not  taxeiiti.illy  tiif- 
ft^rent  iromttiat  whoite  intense  opprfSk'oii  lias  jr  *  vanished  froiu  the  coutinent  of 
Europe,  with  its  guilty  author,  the  bloud-staiut      3urper  ot  FraaceJ' 


CHAPTER  LXX. 

Qertynifinderism.  Derivation  of  this  queer  name,  PoUlicaJ  Lcs;' 
erdcmaiu.  A  grand  discovery  how  to  enable  a  minorUij  to  rule 
the  majority.    Joint  and  concurrent  votes.    General  ticket. 

It  is  a  paintui  truth,  discreditable  to  humaa  nature,  that 
politicians,  even  those  who  in  private  life  are  honest  and  up- 
right, dis(ilay  considerable  laxity  of  principle,  in  cases  wher*  in 
the  iuterest,  or  the  power,  or  the  intluence  of  the  party  to  which 
they  are  attached,  is  in  question.  From  ttiis  stion;;  and  point* 
ed  censure,  few  parties,  m  any  age  or  country,  have  been  free. 
It  is  QO^  threfore  wonderful,  that  both  federalists  and  demo- 
crats have  been  liable  to  it.  Their  history  affords  many  dt'ci- 
sive  itiustr.itions  of  the  soundness  of  the  maxim.  « 

Thesu'oject  to  which  1  have  devoted  this  chapter,  is  an  un- 
answerable corroboration  of  the  accusation.  It  involves  a  gross 
violation  of  just  ice  and  political  morality — and,  virvually  dis- 
franchising one  portion  of  the  community,  imparts  to  the  other 
an  undue  share  of  political  influence.  This  is  assuredly  a  high 
crime  and  misdemeanour,  deserving  of  the  most  pointed  repro- 
bation of  good  men  of  all  parties. 

It  has  reference  to  the  representation  in  the  senates  of  the 
individual  states. 

As  this  book  may  fall  into  the  hands  of  persons  unacquaint- 
eii  \*ith  our  systems  of  government,  it  may  not  be  improper  to 
state,  that  our  legislatures  are  generally  composed  of  a  senate 
and  house  of  representatives,  or  delegates.  To  the  latter  t)ranch 
ench  county  in  the  state  to  which  it  belongs  sfnds  one  or  more 
representatives.  In  fourteen  of  the  states  the  representation  is 
in  {troportion  to  the  population.  But  in  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virojinia,  and  North  Carolina, it  is  regulated  merely  by  counties, 
no  regard  being  paid  to  the  population. 

The  senates,  in  almost  every  case,  are  com;iosed  of  members 
chosen  bj  districts,  formed  by  two  or  more  counties,  which 

Mm 


■  .w 

#1 


,,wj 


414 


THE  OLIVE  BnANCH. 


^ietricls  elect  a  number  of  senttors  in  proportion  to  (lieir  popu- 
lation, except  in  the  four  slHtes  specified. 

The  aboTe  arrangement  and  the  ndjustment  of  tlicse  disirjctg 
opens  "a  door  tea  consideri^ble  degree  of  inlriuue  and  m.  n&|<e. 
mint,  and  invites  to  chicane  and  traud — in  one  ^ord,  to  tht  jjo* 
litical  t>in  ^vhich  1  have  BiyWAiiicrinjitianftcriarN. 

The  ii\jiislice  lies  in  so  arranging  the  counties,  in  the  Tutnia- 
tinn  of  districts,  «s  to  produce  the  ellect  stated  in  the  stcoiid 
paragraph. 

To  accomplish  this  sinister  purpose,  counties  are  frequt  iiily 
united  to  form  a  senatorial  district,  which  have  no  teriiiciial 
connexion,  being  separated  from  each  othtr  by  an  inters  tinng 
county,  someiimcs  by  two  or  tliree.  Of  this  lieinous  polihcal 
sin,  l)oth  federaiifits  and  democrats,  as  1  have  Sdiil,  have  Uen 
guilty. 

The  state  of  Massachiisetls  was  depicted,  two  or  thrre  yv.in 
since,  as  a  sort  of  monstrous  figure,  with  the  couiuies  i(  tih.irg 
the  senatorial  districts,  displaytd  on  this  unprincipU'd  |  hm.-- 
It  was  called  a  Gerrymander^^  in  allusion  to  tlie  n.  me  cf  ilie 
late  vice-president  of  the  L  nited  L-ifuUs,  ilien  governor  of  that 
state.  Hence,  1  derive  the  term  ihrrymundirhm.  To  thuue 
who  gave  the  title  of  GcrrymaiuLr^  it  might  not  unaptly  be  siud 
«*-"wa>  of  g'lasSt  throw  no  ^Ivnes.'^ 

To  enable  the  readei  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  extrtmc 
find  flagrant  injustice  that  may  be  perpetrated  in  this  nude, 
Tvithout  any  apparent  vinlation  of  l.nw  or  constitutitn,  1  viJI 
explain  ho'w  the  minority'  may  lie  cnalled  to  rule  ihe  n.njoritj, 
so  far  as  respects  ii.e  tenatorial  branch  of  the  legislature. 

1  suppose  a  case.  Six  counties,  each  containine  1,C00  vrtfrs. 
are  to  Ue-Xorjnejd  into  three  senatorial  distii«is.  etich  to  (hctfdir 
senators.  'J^hese  districts  may  te  so  contrived,  that  the  piity 
predominant  in  the  legislature  at  the  tin  e  of  arranging  \Un, 
whether  federal  or  democratic  with  2,320  \otfrs,  fchall  luve 
eight  scn^r  s ;  and  tlie  other,  Tsith  3. 680,  shall  ha\e  «  nly  (our, 
and,  never'heless,  every  elector  of  the  Tvbole  6,000  shall  exer- 
cise the  right  ot  suffiage. 

You  may  tvej  lie  amazed,  r^n<1er.  But  ii  iu  so.  Such  is  the 
political  juggle  and  hocus  {^ocus,  tZiat  our  public  men  ol  loth 


f 


•  The  fp dora<  isti.  nvlio  have  always  been  very  adroit  in  political  cliristeninji?, 
.endeavoured,  by  the  use  of  this  nwiie,  to  cast  tiie  ocJium  excliisivfly  on  tl  «ir  aji 
taponif"t«,  ae  if  they  themselves  w ere  immaculate  on  this  subject.  Tbeidfais 
unsound. 

1  It  Pcnton  fe11(»  are  said  to  hi  full  of  notions.  They  1  ave  been  frr ttj  roj 
liortal  i  II  tin  i-ubjcct  of  tl.e  Fnplis-b  language,  wliich  thfy  have  ajnplifitd,  I  wi" 
not  veottire  to  nj  iiopicved,  with  many  eucb  queer  Morda. 


Jacks 
Perry^ 


xtrtme 

1  vi!l 
fijonty. 
f. 

I  vrlers. 
U  ct  f(  iir 

lit  nil 
II  lave 
ly  lour, 
11  exer- 

ih  is  \\^ 
cl  to\h 


Irislcninpt 
i  tl « ir  ail; 
[he  id* a  iJ 

Lntj  ro; 


IS^^^tX* 


41^ 


parties  too  frequently  play  to  aci^tn  ^.  or  to  p«   jietuaU'  an  unduf 
aliiire  of  power. 

1  now  state  the  nuinlier  uf  voters  of  each  of  the  si 
to  which  1  give  the  foltowiu^  iiaineti : 

Counties, 

Jackson 

Kiie 

Chin];»lain 

]\I  icdonough 

Perry 

Porter 


.     Federalints, 

Diinotidts, 

I    <  • 

120 

8.S0 

280 
340 

720 
660 

1 

"1"  '  '•      «<    <    .  *     »|1 

680    '    ' 
150   •'•" 
750 

I 

320 
850 
250 

I     * 


23ltO 


3580 


I  might  have  styled  the  parlies  big-endians  and  little-endianj. 
The  nAtne  is  of  no  importance. 

Now  for  a  display  of  political  legerdemain — in  order  to  ena- 
ble the  minority  to  rule  the  majority  ; 

District  No,  X'^Jortmd  of  Erie  and  Porter  counties, 

f*  -f      Federal.  Demonratie. 

Erie  280  72(> 

Porter     «...  .      ..   ,         750  250 


.'ft 


V  ■«•  ■♦ 


1030 


070 


Distriet  No,  Z—fcrtnedof  Champlmn  and  Macdonougk, 


Champlain 
Macdonough 


Federal. 
340 
6ii0 


Democratic. 

660 
320 


1020 


980 


Distriet  No.  Z—formed  of  Jackson  and  Perry. 


Jackson 
Perry 


Federal. 
120 
150 


270 


Democratic* 
880 
850 

1730 


'I* 


411 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Tbui,  ai  I  have  stated,  a  minority  of  S,320  inhabitant!  have 
twice  as  many  senators  jis  the  mnjorily  of  3,  080 — their  canili* 
duiis  havuii;  been  Biuces&rul  in  iho  two  first  tlistiicts  In  the 
first  dikitrict  the  demucr.itic  minority  is  970 — in  tlie  second  080, 
whii'h  are  wholly  lost.  And  the  majority  in  me  third  distnctis 
1730,  whereHS  1010  would  have  equally  secured  the  election. — 
It  therefore  lullowg,  that  hy  this  arranuement,  there  are  070, 
980,  and  ti20  democratic  voles  at  eoiutely  thrown  away. 

This  is  an  extreme  case.  li\ju»lice,  carried  to  such  flagrant 
extent,  does  not  often  occur.  'I'he  instances,  however,  of  tiiis 
kind,  but  of  an  inferior  decree,  are  hy  no  means  unfre(iuent.  It 
thence  happens  that  a  senate  is  sometinMs  democratic,  while 
the  house  of  representatives  in  the  same  state  is  decidedly  fede- 
ral ;  and  vice  versa. 

This  political  arithmetic,  like  every  other  science,  hiis  its 
arcana.  The  grand  and  unerring  rule  is  to  make  your  oun  mi- 
norities and  majorities  as  small,  and  ^hose  of  your  adversaries 
as  large,  as  possible.  In  other  words,  to  throu  away  as  few 
votes  on  your  own  side,  as  many  on  the  other,  as  in  }  our 
power.  This  fraudulent  practice  admits  but  of  one  efiectu»l 
remedy.  Senatorial  districts  ought  to  be  formed  of  counties 
end  parts  of  counties  quite  contiguous  to  each  other,  eo  that  all 
those  who  vote  for  each  ^^nator  shall  he  residents  of  the  same 
ueigbboirhood.     •    .   .-   •    >tvr'>  •»  i   i-* 


%H   . 


J 

inei 
tora 

W 

N 

V 


t'lj*- 


."'i 


There  is  another  political  fraud,  of  wkich  both  parties  have 
been  occasionally  guilty,  and  which  deserve*  the  severest  re- 
|)rohatipn.  It  has  respect  to  the  choice  of  members  of  the 
nouse  of  representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  electors  or 
the  president  and  vice-president. 

For  these  very  important  operations,  there  is  net,  although 
reason  and  justice  loudly  call  for  it,  a  iixed  and  perma- 
nent  rule.  The  legislatures  of  the  individual  states  have  the 
power  of  deciiling  upon  the  mode,  and  as  it  resj^cts  the  repre- 
sentatives, upon  the  time  of  the  election.  Hence,  flagrant  in- 
justice is  frequently  perpetrated. 

These  elections  are  sometimes  hy  districts,  in  the  same  inaD- 
ner  as  the  state  senators  are  elected  !  at  others,  by  a  general 
ticket. 

The  last  mode  is  extremely  unfair  and  incorrect.  It  «« 
prives  the  minority  altogether  of  any  share  in  the  represenla 

tiOB. 


APPENDIX. 


417 


A  short  statement  will  fully  evince  the  extreme  ir^jusliceand 
inequality  of  a  {general  ticket  formemlient  of  cuugiess,  or«lee- 
tors  of  president. 

Mass  ichusetts  is  entitled  to  members  •(  the  house  of 

Tt  're.4entativcs  of' the  United  States,  20 

New  Yurk  27 

Pennsylvania  -.   »        ,,  ►  23 

Virginia  *w  23 

Total— 03 


Suppose  either  of  the  parties,  federal  or  democratic,  to  have 
a  very  small  majority  in  tach  of  these  states,  say  2,000  votes; 
supi)ose  also  the  whole  number  of  votes  in  the  four  states  to  be 
800,000.  The  result  will  he»  that  if  the  elections  be  by  gene- 
ral tickets,  154,000  vo'crg  will  secure  the  entire  represeutH^ion, 
which  is  more  than  hail*  the  whole  number  of  membeis  of  con- 
gress— and  that  the  remaining;  146,000  have  no  representative, 
this  idea  might  be  puraued  to  a  great  extent.  But  1  Ica^e  it  to 
the  \ii?n  or  [>encil  of  the  reader. 

Instances  have  tVequently  occurred  in  the  diOer^nt  states,  of 
the  mode   of  election   bein-  changed  ou  the  spur  of  the  oct  a- 
liitn,  lo  suit  the  m<>ra<'ntftry  purposes  of  party  or  faction.     The 
most  recent  case  that  has  occurred,  was  in  the  state  of  New- 
Jersey  in  1812.     Fram  the  ory^anizilio.'i  of  the  general  govern^ 
mH'it  till  the  year  1800,  the  members  of  the  house  of  represen- 
tatives of  the  'United  Stiites  had  been  elected  in  that  state  by 
disiricts.     In  IHOO,  the  federalists  had  a  majority  in  the  legisla- 
ture, and  calculated  on  a  majority  of  votes  in  the  whole  state.-—- 
In  order,  theref  >re,  to  engross  the  whole  representation  to  them- 
selves, on   the  eve  of  the  election,  they  repealed  the  district^ 
law,  and  passed  an  act  for  electing  the  representatives  by  a  ge- 
Her.il  ticket.     Contrary  to  their  calculations,  the  democratic 
ticket   prevailed  then  and  in  every  subsequent  election,  till  the" 
year  1812.     In  the  latter  year,  the  federalists  having  a  tempo- 
Taiy  ascendency  ia  the  state  legislature,  one  of  their  first  acts 
WHS  to  leijenl  the  s;eneral  election  law,  which  they  had  theni- 
se'ws  enacted,  and  to  restore   the  election  by  districts,  wbich^ 
they  hati  formerly  repealetl.      And  by  Gerrvmandering  the  state 
to  suit  their  v)  jws,  they  stained  four  out  of  the  six  representa- 
tives ;  whereas  by  a  general  ticket  they  would  not  have  obtaiii^' 
ed  one. 

Another  reprehensible  procedure,  emanalins  from  fhe  samtf* 
laxity  of  principle,  respects  elect iims  by  our  legislative  bodies.^ 

Mm2 


418 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


When  the  politics  of  the  two  branches  of  a  legislature  are  dif- 
ferent,  there  is  frequently  h  struggle  about  the  mode  of  election 
— whether  hy  a  Joint  or  a  concurrent  vote.  The  senate,  being 
the  less  numerous  body,  are,  in  the  case  of  a  joint  vote,  meTi;e(i 
and  !ost  in  the  ^;reater  number  of  the  house  of  representvtives. 
They  are,  therefore,  strenuous  supporters  of  a  concurrent  vote, 
in  which  their  influence  is  equal  to  that  of  the  co  ordinate 
branch.  The  other  house,  nontiding  in  its  numbers,  is  equally 
zealous  for  a  Joint  vote,  wherein  it  will  liave  the  ascen- 
dency. The  slate  of  Pennsylvania  was,  many  years  since, 
for  a  considerable  time  unrepresented  in  the  senate  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  in  consequence  of  a  struggle  of  this  kind— neither 
party  being  disjtoscd  to  concede  to  the  other. 

It  is  a  grand  desideratum  to  have  all  these  points  clearly  and 
exjdicitly  delinetl  by  the  constitutions.  There  should  be  as  lit- 
tle temptation  to  fraud,  and  as  little  safety  in  the  perpetration 
of  it,  as  possible.         ,,,,, ,  ^.y  „,j,,  ,,    ,^  ^y,^^  ^,_,,,^,., 


*  CHAPTER  LXXI. 


Slate  of  represejitation  in  Massachusetts.     Wrdched  system  oj' 
representation  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,    Rotten  boroughs. 

It  may  not  he  imj»roper  here  to  introduce  an  analogous  sub- 
ject lesnecting  the  representation  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
The  men  who  framed  the  constitution  of  that  stale  were  jiroba- 
bly  as  highly  enlii^htened  and  respectable  as  any  equal  numlior 
ef  men  ever  convened  for  such  a  fiurpose.  But  they  neverthe- 
less committed  some  very  egregious  errors  which  are  reallv  as- 
tonishing. Thd  most  conspicuous  was  nei>lectii>g  preeise'y  to 
fix  the  number  of  representatives  in  the  more  numerous  branch 
of  ll:e  legislature.  The  consequence  is,  that  its  numbers  have 
fluctuated  in  the  most  extraordinary  and  incredible  de-rree. 
There  have  been,  I  believe,  as  many  as  700 — at  other  timi^s, 
not  half  the  number.  And  the  town  of  Boston  has  had  a  pm;ill 
army  of  representatives,  no  less  than  forty-four — beinir  a  greater 
number  than  the  whole  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of 
the  state  of  Delaware — than  the  entire  senate  of  South  C;ifoli- 
na,  or  Pennsylvania — and  than  the  assembly  of  New  Jersey. 

This  defect  in  their  representative  system  arises  from  «  Haw 
in  the  constitution,  resnectinis:  the  cb  ice  of  members  of  the 
house  of  Tepresentatives — instead  of  the  imperative,  they  shall 
fkct,  the  phrase  is,  they  may  elect* 


M       APPENDIX. 


41» 


"  Every  corporate  town  coatnitilnj^  oiip  humlrctl  and  fifty  rattohle  polln,  may 
elect  one  rf  pn'.->('nt'tivt'  .— tv(  ry  corporatt-  town,  containii^j  tliire  liuiidrid  anrf 
gevcnty-Civc  nitoahle  polls  m '^  fl.'ct  two  rcprcscntativ*.,  —  evrtv  corporate 
town,  containing  six  liundiod  riU»Ml>lf»  polls,  ninv  ricct  tlirre  repn-si'til.itivfs  ;— 
and  proceeding  in  that  muiiH-r,  niakiug  two  liundrfd  and  Iwcnly  tivc  rateable 
polls  tlie  mean  increasing  nuuibfrfor  every  additional  repn-kent.itivi.." 

Every  town  has  heretofore  paid  (an«l  1  believe  still  pays) 
it3  own  representatives  :  and  from  a  sordid,  miseralile,  huck- 
stering, and  contemptible  spirit  of  economy,  some  of  them  send 
no  representatives — others,  recjardless  of  expense,  send  full  as 
many  as  they  are  entitled  to — and  some,  it  is  presumable, 
when  party  spirit  runs  his;h,  send  more  than  Iheir  quota. 

On  reflection,  I  cannot  conceive  how  Boston  can  be  entitled 
to  44  representatives.  The  city  of  Philadelphia,  with  a  popu- 
lation of  57,000  inhabitants,  has  never  polled  more  than  0,000 
votes.  The  right  of  sutfrage  here  is  as  latitudinarian  as  any 
where;  much  more  than  in  Massachusetts,  where  a  citizen 
must  be  worth  60/.  to  qualify  him  to  vote.  According  to  the 
Massachusetts  principle,  we  should  be  entitled  only  to  al»out 
27  representatives.  Boston  has  but  33,U00  inhabitants,  and 
yet  has  had  forty-four,    irr    ^       >•   ^>    ,.t 


-©♦o-  Ui 


«V»<.'' 


Representation,  which  is  the  key-stone  of  free  government, 
is  arranijed  very  incorrectly  in  several  other  sUUes.  The 
Grni/inander  principle,  is,  alas !  too  prevalent.  The  lust  of 
power  induces  parties  to  hold  tenaciously  whatever  political 
advantages  they  possess,  however  ur\just  their  operation. 

This  subject  would  almost  require  a  volume.  But  1  am  a» 
fraid  the  reader  is  tired  of  my  scribbling — and,  to  be  candid 
1  am  tired  myself.  1  pant  for  a  close.  1  shall  barely  glance 
at  a  few  enormr»us  traits  of  injustice. 

Each  of  the  counties  of  Maryland  has  four  representatives  ia 
the  house  of  delegates.  There  is,  nevertheless.,  a  most  enorm- 
ous (liflference  in  the  population. 

Inhahitants. 


Frederick  county 
Anne  Arundel 
Baltimore 
Hartford 
Baltimore  city 


Rcprcscntatms, 

34,477  4 

26,668  4* 

29,255  4 

21,258  4 

46,555  2 


1' 


158,213 


W 


4?0 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Thus  four  counties,  and  the  city  of  Baltimore,  have  only  U 
representatives. 

.  Inhahilants,    Representatives. 


Counties, 

Allegany 

Calvert 

Cavulin« 

Kent 

IBt.  Mary  V 


ft 


6  009 

8,005 

9,453 

11,430 

12,794 

48,011 


■«>• 


4 
4 
4 
4 

4 


These  five  counties  have  tw«nty  representatives.  Thufr 
46,011  persons,  in  one  part  of  tlie  state,  have  10  per  cent,  more 
influence  than  158,213  in  another.  If  this  be  not  Gernftrnttider- 
wm,  pray  what  is  ? 

"  Kent  county,  in  Delaware,  has  but  20,495  inhabitants — Sug- 
flex  27,750.  But  each  elects  an  equal  number  of  representative} 
and  senators. 

The  same  wretched  and  unjust  system  prevails  in  Virginia. 
Each  county  has  two  representatives.  And  there  is  a  more 
enormous  disproportion  in  the  population,  and  more  flagrant  in- 
justice, than  in  Maryland. 

I  annex  a  view  of  the  population  of  sixteen  counties,  which 
have  thirty-two  representatives  in  the  house  of  delegates.-— 
Eight  of  them,  it  will  he  seen,  have  103,000  iuhabitantg,  and  the 
other  eight  only  27,000.  Thus  9ix  men  in  the  tirst  list  have  no 
more  influence  in  the  making  ofiaws^  than  one  in  the  second! 


Counties. 

Caroline 

Buckingham 

Albemarle 

Fauquier 

Frederic 

Halifax 

Loudon 

Mecklenberg 


InhabitanlSi 

Representatives 

17,544 

/          2 

20,059 

2 

18,268 

2 

22,689 

t-            2 

22,574 

hr..                 2 

22,131 

2      ' 

21,338 

2 

18,453 

2 

163,056 

le 

APPENDIX, 


421 


Counties* 
Wa^wi  k 
Flouvauaa 
Midilesex 

*  Patrick 
^  Masou 

*  Tazewell 

*  Brooke 

*  Giles 


Inhabitants, 
1,835 
4,775 
4,414 
4,695 
1,991 
3^007 
2,717 
3,745 


■'k 


,    27,179 


RtfresentiUmi, 
2 

.  %     > 
t 

i 

i  • 

Id 


Same  subject  once  more,  in  a  s^ll  more  striking  pi^Q^  oC 
view.     .  M=     *  ,       •  .  ^   "» - "  '^■•'» .  3  . 


Counties, 
Fauquier 
Frederic 


Counties, 
Warwick 
Mafiooi 


Inhabitants,        Representatives. 
22,689  2 

22,574 


45,263 


^     J 


2 
4 


•^•« 


'^ 


Inhabitants, 
1,835 
1991 


Representatives 
2 


a,82d 


Thus,  eleveq  iAhabitantt*  of  the  former  counties  have  not  as 
much  weight  as  one  in  the  latter ! 

Let  no  VlFginian,  after  this  statement,  dare  to  censure  the  rot- 
ten boroughs  of  England.  This  state  of  representation  is  in  th« 
true  spirit  of  that  borough  system. 

When  we  take  fully  into  consideration  the  youth  of  this 
country — the  era  at  which  the  American  constitutions  wer« 
formed — the  general  diffusion  of  political  knowledge — the  illu- 
miaation  of,  and  advantages  possessed  by,  the  conveniens  that 
framed  these  constitutions;  and  when  we  likewise  reflect  on 
the  borough  system  in  England,  and  the  natural  tendency  of 
all  political  institutions  towards  corruption,  unless  frequent  re- 
currence is  had  to  first  principles-—!  am  really  inclined  to 
think,  that  palliations  may  more  readily  be  found  for  the  borough 
system  in  England,  wretched  and  corrupt  as  it  is,  than  for  the 
county  representation  in  Virginia  and  Maryland. 


y 


'■%. 


*  New  Counties. 


4^2 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


The  knavish  tricks,  which  I  have  glanced  at  in  thts  chapter, 
cannol  be  too  highly  despised,  whether  perpetrated  Uy  federalists 
or  democrats.  It  is  to  be  regretted,  that  there  is  no  court  of 
justice,  to  punish  sjch  political  frauds,  how  henious  soever  they 
may  be.  A  man  shall  be  sentenced  for  years  to  saw  marble,  for 
a  depredation  on  the  property  of  his  neighbor,  to  the  amount  of 
a  few  dollars.  But  a  large  portion  of  a  state  may  be  virtually 
disfranchised  by  its  representatives,  without  a  possibility  ot  re- 
dress, and  the  culprits  wholly  escape  punishment. 


k'l'<i'    lfi>    »;'_« 


»' 


To  the  calm  and  dispassionate  consideration  of  the  publio 
these  views  are  respectfully  submitted.  That  enorn  ous  evils 
exist,  and  loudly  call  for  a  remedy,  cannot  be  doubted  or  denied. 
That  those  whose  political  influenc«  rests  on  the  basis  of  these 
evils,  tvili  submit  to  have  them  redressed,  I  fondly  hope  and 
pray — but,  reasoning  from  the  general  course  of  human  affairs,  I 
am  not  very  sanguine  on  the  subject.  For  in  the  whole  history 
of  mankind,  from  the  earliest  records  to  the  present  time,  there 
are  hardly  any  instances  to  be  found,  of  that  glorious  spirit  of 
Justice  and  self-denial,  that  induces  nations  or  public  bodies 
voluntarily  to  renounce  any  impoi'tant  advantages  they  may 
possess,  however  unjustly  they  may  have  been  acquired — or 
however  oppressive  or  iniquitous  their  operation.  And  he 
must  be  a  fool  or  a  madman,  who,  after  reflecting  on  the  pages 
of  the  "  abstract  and  brief  chronicle"  of  our  times,  is  very  san- 
guine in  the  expectation  that  we  shall  prove  ourselves  much 
wiser  or  better  than  our  ancestors — or  that  we  shall  avail  our- 
selves much  more  of  the  light  of  history,  to  guide  our  pttths, 
than  the  nations  that  have  preceded  us.  Every  stage  of  our 
progress,  fraught  with  folly  and  error,  forbids  the  flattering  anti- 
cipation.  ^     . 


.* 


CHAPTER  LXXII. 


4  voonderfvl  cenirast.  "  Jjet  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher 
pomcrsy — Rrv.  Dr.  Morse — Rev,  Dr.  Parish — Rev,  Dr. 
Osgood-     Invocation  to  war.    Governor  Gilman. 

Op  the  seditious  and  treasonable  opposition  to  the  govcni- 
ment,  which  lafelv  I'revailod  h\  iho  eastern  states,  I  have  given 
copious  specimens  in  chapters  52  and  56. 


APPENDllX. 


423 


II  is  difficult  to  decide  which  is  greater,  the  disgrace  of  the 
govetnineitl  in  \is  (lusilianimuus  and  t'eebte  8uumii>siuu  lu  such 
lawless  outrages,  or  thai  uf  the  parties  who  pevpc  (ruled  liiem. 
Never  before  dtd  such  (reason  ible  conduct  experience  the  sumti  . 
impunity.  And  never  agaiu,  1  hope,  will  the  same  experiuu  nt 
be  made  of  the  imbecility  of  the  government  of  the  Lniied 
States,  he  it  in  whose  hands  it  may,  whether  democratic  or  fed- 
eral. Tbe  result,  it  is  true,  has  not  been  unfavourable.  I'he 
tornado  has  8peii(  its  fury  vvithuut  destroying  the  majtstic  edi- 
fice of  our  government,  which  it  threatened  with  perdilion — 
aud  without  provoking  civil  w.>r.  Bat  tbe  t^uilt  of  ihose  wiio 
raised  the  storm,  and  the  guilt  of  those  who  shamtiuily  l)e^J^ct- 
cd  the  uecess.iry  measures  to  waid  olf  its  terrific  consequences, 
is  precisely  tbes^me  as  fit  had  produced  (hose  awful  resulis, 
from  which  (he  tinger  of  heaven  alone  saved  ibis  favored  njition. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  contrast  vvilh  (hose  horrible  violations 
of  law  and  proprie(y,  the  mtixims  and  conduct  ol  the  federal 
leaders  and  their  advocates  >\hen  tliey  held  the  reins  of  go\  em- 
inent. It  will  afford  an  interesting  «\ample  of  (he  facility 
with  which  our  views  of  oljects  and  our  sentiments  can  be 
moulded  to  suit  the  purposes  of  (he  moment. 

And,  to  commence,  1  i»eg  the  reader  will  carefully  peruse 
the  sedition  law,  passed  Anno  1798,  of  which  he  will  hud  tlie 
]^rincipal  features  in  chapter  2. 


By  this  law,>«^' i   •^••♦jV' 


HjKfl  r 


"  Ifany  pprjons  should  combine  or  coDs{>irf  togettier,  to  oppose  any  mtaiure  ojr 
mec^ures  nfUie  govemmpnt  if  the  United  States  wbicli  s!ioui<J  he  dirt-vted  by  tlie 
proper  ailtt  oritv,  tliey  Q[J^  shnuld  be  .mbjett  to  ujine  not  exceeding  Jive  Uiousand 
iolUps—und  Q^  to  imjirisonmtnt,  nal  less  than  six  manths,  nor  more  than 
five  years  V 


Reader,  ponc'er  well  on  these  few  lines.  And  reflect  what 
would  have  become  of  the  Chittendens,  the  Otises,  the  Picker- 
ings, the  Blakes,  the  Wrbsters,  the  Kings,  tbe  Russels,  cum 
muUifi  aliis^  had  this  law  been  carried  into  operation  against 
th«  m.  There  is  not  a  man  of  them  that  would  not  have  taken 
his  abode  in  a  jtrison,  and  paid  a  fine  of  perhaps  five  thousand 
dolhrs.  There  are  some  of  (hem,  who,  had  this  law  remained 
in  existence,  would  have  incurred  its  penalties  a  thousand 
times. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1808,  a  rumor  prevailed,  that 
Bonaparte  had  declared  war  against  this  country  The  federal 
papers  then  threatened  "  the  partisans  of  France'^  with  the 
venge^mce  of  (he  lav — Hye,  and  with  venereance  beyond  the 
UW)  if  thejF  dared  to  nake  the  least  opposition  to  the  govern- 


<*!j 


424 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Blent,  or  display  Ihe'ir  regards  for  France,  even  in  conversatioa. 
They  were  ordered  'to  loner  tluir  tone'* — or  threatened  Avith 
beinm  "a«i<  to  thdr  master.'*  Of  the  style  of  these  denuntia- 
tions  and  Ihrea's,  I  annex  a  fair  ml  full  specimen,  from  the 
Gazette  of  the  United  States,  October  22,  18U8. 

••  If  (he  new»  this  day  neeived  of  an  actual  dcclHratiou  of  war  by  Bonaparte, 
thouid  prove  tro*-,  tlie  Irnitmous  tmitnarif's  f  I\apahun  nho  every  nhere  abotind 
in  Ih*  counry^  n-'lfind  it  necnsaru  to  loner  their  ttne.  ^Iiat  cm  be  tolt  raud  in 
tim*  01  pcHci'  Q5»lHLFEori.K  "•  i.i.NOl  BEARIN  1 IME  OF  U  .r. 
The  advocrtttH  .  ,  !  .ench  despot-  ui  (jy  wuft  tilher  gj  tu  tfteit  nu^sler,  0/  f^a  ^ 
more  mutioys  in  Iheir  l"ng^i  gr  n  i&  due  that  Fruice  l»as  to  all  inu  .^  md 
piirrones,  been  niukiiig  war  upon  u.-  ihesr  twelve  jtiituths  But  ac  it  has  not  bf to 
de^■i:^lcd  in  lorm  and  as  Mir  ):.ovniiinent  1'uvt  not  thougiit  proper  to  make  any 
opi'O.  itioii,  the  pnperb  of  JNVpcI.  oo,  and  his  upintf'  ot  every  description.  Iiuve 
hitl>  rto  been  suttrred  to  carry  on  their  int?igui'«,  ai.d  to  promote  theciu^eof 
thi'i'  mi.'-tfr  by  every  ntienns  whiclt  they  choae  to  adopt.  WE  MUST  NOW 
CORRECT  THE  PROCEDLRE." 


the 


One  other  newspaper  specimen,  of  an  earlfer  period,  fiom 
Baltimore  Federal  Gazette,  July  5,  17>^--       ^.    .  .,.   . 

"  I  believe,  that  seme  of  the  old  French  harm  still  remains  amongst  us,  and  • 
that  some  vile  and  degenerate  wretchij;.  wlicm  I  cail  Funch  partizans.  or 
American  jaeolins,  will  not  join  any  military  association,  ot  pchiolie  loiiD  hut 
di?*'ounige  iliem  as  far  a«  th<*y  dare.  Th<  ■^e  inf  n  sliould  be  car*  fully  watchkd; 
and  if  they  should  artfully  attcnipf  to  form  pny  military  corps  (and  ♦.ley  wjil  he 
known  by  the  diameter  of  their  officer*  and  privates)  notice  should  be  given  to 
our  federal  and  state  governments,  to  prevtnt  commisaions  xsiuing  from  nani 
<{f  in/ormation  " 

This  is,  I  presume,  enough  of  this  description. 

I  now  proceed  to  detail  the  sentiments  of  three  clercyinfn, 
who  have  rendered  themselves  consi  ieuotis  l«y  their  rHncorotis 
hostility  to  the  administrp.ti"n8  of  IVlr.  Jeflerson  and  Mr.  Madi- 
son— the  Bev.  Jedidiah  Morse,  the  Rev.  David  Osgoi-tJ,  and 
the  Rev.  Elijah  Parish.  1  have  no  recent  sermon  of  Dr. 
Morsels :  But  of  the  nnti-christian  spirit  that  predominates  in 
the  late  sermons  of  the  two  latter  gentlemen,  I  have  given 
abundant  proofs  and  specimens  in  the  56th  chapter  of  (his 
work.  Let  us  examine  what  were  their  sentiments  when  the 
administration  was  in  the  hands  of  their  own  party.  Never  y>aA 
there  a  stronger  contrast. 

And  first,  of  Dr  Pdrish.  This  reverend  gentleman  deliver- 
ed an  address,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1 79P,  which  breathes  in  eveiy 
pppe  the  most  devoid  sul  mispion  to  rulers,  the  m»F>  decit^ed 
support  of  their  me:  pu res,  nnd  the  most  virulent  fulminati<  ns 
against  the  t  »»r  i  sns  of  the  p^overnment-  Its  sj-irt  may  be 
readily  conceived  from  the  folIowiDg  short  specimen  i-^ 


APPENDIX. 


425 


•'  It  is  n  4im^  of  day  that  requires  cautious  jealousy.  Not  joMou.ay  of  your 
impstrites,  Q^  for  you  have  given  thein  your  coulidencf ,  but  of  tliose  vrlio 
glander  tiiiMr  »jiuiiii8trAtiou.  To  be  jealous  of  your  thIcts  would  bo,  asifu 
person  were  to  cuooee  a  bride  from  all  the  beautit-x  of  tho  eoild,  ;nid  iImmi  hi- 
staiitly  witiiout  cause  be  jealous  of  her  alone.  Q^  Vour  i'itblic  ciiaractkhs 
AKE  YOLR  OWN  ciioicH.  Watch  tho^B  Ungrateful  roih,  who  luunn'ir  about  taxa- 
tion and  oppression,  the  burdens  of  ^overnrai^nt  and  religion,  rr^  ['hoy  davi; 
i'ellowihip  witli  our  enemies— tlicy  are  traitors  to  Ood  and  c,ii  istianity.  Be 
jealous  of  tiio.-«c  who  declaim  ai^aiost  alien  and  sedition  laws ;  they  probably 
have  a  hankermj;for  lyin?  and  rebellion  themselves.  In  a  word,  lot  honest  luen, 
let  the  friends  of  God  and  humanity,  spurn  from  their  embrace  every  nrui  wlin 
tritles  with  bin  fithei's  reiigion,  the  hope  and  salvation  of  the  world,  rrj=»  viio 
?linns  wpak  minds  with  ttie  designs  of  government;  who  discoina^es  lu.- most 
foM...dable  means  of  defence.  It  was  the  sword  which  gave  con  i.r  to  ileolare 
independence.  Such  is  the  present  state  of  human  nature,  Uiat  n^  uot  iir,»  but 
tli-^  sword  can  defend  our  independence.  Never,  never  while  iii  •  is  a  r.iiiison 
ilroo  in  your  hearts  will  you  sutfer  an  armed  ibc  to  l>rpatlie  your 'la'ivp  air  — 
ri.'flSED  liE  \m  rH\T  KKRI'E  ni  back  his  .S^VOliO  FROVI  HLOOD  ; 
LRT  HM  THAT  H\TH  NOME,  SELI,  HIS  COAT  ANU  BUY  ONE. 
Tilt:  CONTEST  n  DESlll.VBLE." 

.       '♦ 

Uow  ghall  we  account  for  tilis  ravenous  thirst  for  blood — this 
iiivocitioa  of  the  sword — this  elaborate  Uefeace  of  the  consti- 
tuted authorities — how  reconcile  it  with  the  ;iacific  spirit,  the 
denunciations  of  war,  and  the  malignant  abuse  of  the  adminis- 
tration which  are  to  be  found  in  chapter  50  ?  There  is  only- 
one  conceivable  reason — and  that  is,  when  blood  was  called 
for,  it  was  Freach  blood — French  blood — French  blood  that 
was  to  flow. 

Next  I  exhibit  the  Rev.  Dr.  Osgood.  A  convention  of  con- 
grea;ational  ministers  agreed  to  an  address  to  President  Adams, 
in  Vlay,  1798,  which  was  signed  by  that  gentleman  among 
others.     I  annex  a  short  extract :— 


'•  We  remember  Christ's  ccknmand  to  forgive  and  love  our  most  injurious  ene- 
mies. But  neither  the  law  of  Christianity  nor  of  rea.son  requires  us  ^j^  to  pros- 
trate our  national  independence,  freedom,  property  and  honour  a;,  t  ••  fpct  of 
Sroul,  insatiable  oppressors.  Such  a  prostration  would  be  treason  against  that 
eiii;?  wh  )  ?ave  us  our  inestimable  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  an  a  sacred  de- 
posit, to  be  defendedjand  transmitted  to  posterity  It  would  be  criminal  unfaith- 
fulness and  treichery  to  our  country,  our  children,  and  the  whole  human  race. 

"  File  intimate  eonnexii>n  between  our  civil  and  christian  blessings  is  alonft 
«ulli«ient  to  justify  the  rC/O  Jecidid  part  which  the  clergy  of  America  have  uni- 
formly taken  •'/=*  in  supportiug  the  constituted  autiiorities  and  political  interest! 
of  their  country." 


Next  follows  the  Rev.  Jedidiah  Morse,  wtoc  eloquenoe  and 
BO'iid  reasoning  "  in  oldan  timey^  cannot  fail  to  excite  the  ap- 
pro')ition  of  the  reader.  The  following  extracts  arc  from  a 
sermon  delivered  by  this  reverend  geutletnan,  May  9,  1798. 

N  n 


^1 


42C 


rr 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


•*  Our  ne-n^papors  tpcni  with  shiiid«T  and  peF«rial  invrclivc  and  ahu«e,  Ctir 
ruler!',  p.rowu};i«y,  nmi'y  of  tlii-m,  in  tl-e  iiervi"e  ol  Ituir  counliy  ;  who,  inHn, 
vaiious  dijinillifJ  and  rcsponsibie  olII«e«  tlify  liave  lilltd,  liavr  discliarg»d  tut  jr 
dij!i«s  willi  great  ubiiity  and  incoiriipiible  iiitfpiity,  aif  yet  sti^iiMlizid  cor.t'i.u. 
ally,  as  unliitndly  to  th«'  rijrliV"  arid  liheilicH  cf  t!ie  proplc,  aid  O  ilii  tun;  hiu-r 
r«t«  of  tlieir  country.  Our  gov»rnni(.nt  itHilf,  the  most  p<rf«'Ci.  liii"  b<  si  admin- 
ist«rt'd,  IIk'  least  hurd.nsonif,  and  m(»^t  hapjiyfyinj/  to  tiic  |  e  ]>!♦',  of  anj  .in 
caitli,  is  }tt  steadily  oppo.fd  in  all  iln  important  me'.isuits,  and  rr^ulur  ai  d 
coiitMiual  »(rortK  art!  made  to  *'  >top  its  wljeels." 

'•  Asi  citizens  w»   ouk^lil  with  (>ne  heart  to  cicavo  to,  and  support,  our  own  pov- 
erDment      It  is  ii  jiovernnifnt  of  our  own  :oiii  ng    fiiio  ncn  ii  i>ieirt   hy  n(,.(,f 
OU'  own  cloicr  ;  and  thcreroif  claims  our  ronlidcncc  and   support.      W  e  ouyl.l  o 
repel,   with  indipnatioii    every   ^u2;g«•stion  and  slanderous  insinuation,  calcula- 
ted to  weaken  a  just  confidence  in  the  recti'.ude  of  the  int»  htion'i  •f  onrconstiiut 
ed   iiutliorilies.     All  fucIi  in<innatiund,  at  this  ci  itical  period,  proceed  iVoui  .ui 
ici(!(U'nce    lu)stile  to  our  peace  ;  and,   if  pennitted  to  liavi;  their  iu'euded  ifi'ut 
MAY   ACCOMPLISH  THK  FlHPOSKi  OF  OCR  ENEMIES.    L\  ()(  K 
DIV-SION,  AND']  HE  OVERTHROW  (>}'  OIR  (iOVERNM  TIST.     W  liii,., 
on  tlie  one  hand,  we  would  avoid  pisHivt-  o'li  thenre  and  non-re:  i--tiinc.     let  i:>-  ti(,t 
vibrate  into  iUc  other  extreme,  and  bdievei;  ;i  duty  to   he  jealous  iiiitl  ru^iir.tm 
Oi'evciy  thin}?  which  is  done  by  our  rulers      W'v.  thouclit  tliem  hor.t  st  men.  ai.d 
fricjids  to  tiieir  country,  when  we  elected  1  hem  into  oHlce  ;  and  wli.it  h;:ve  t!:*)' 
since  (ioiie  to  forfeit  our  p^ood  opiifton  ;'     Jet  their  inen.Mire.'j  bf  e\  .jiiintd  wi-h 
candour,  and  we  shall  assuredly  ;,ay,  th;  j  itvsr.rve  nell «/  Iftdr  countrv.     In  tiiis 
moment   of  our  political  da>i<;,or,  let   us  b.*    impressed  wit!)  this  liiith— that— 
♦'  I'nitecl  we  stand — dividi  d  we   fall."     '1  he  increasing  onion  aiuonj!:  usi  and  liip 
revival  and  expression  of  kin;  true  American  spirit,  are  tokens  for  g,ood,  and  ungur 
Tvell  in  refrnrd  to  our  political  interestf. 

♦'  To  the  unfriendly  dispositifm  and  rindud  of  a  foreign  power,  we  may  ntciiiic 
the  Mhappy  divirinns  that  have  existtd  amooj;  us,  wliicli  have  so  jrreatly  di«'nrh 
ed  onr  j face,  and  threatened  Ih.e  ovcitiirow  of  our  government.  'I  '..tii  ii;;i\;ui, 
to  which  they  have  strictly  and  steadily  -idhered,  has  been,  "  Divide  and  gi  verr.  " 
Their  too  great  influence  aniono  us  has  been  exerted  vigorouMy,  and  in  confo.-n.  ty 
to  a  deep  laid  plan,  in  cheri.-liin;;  party  spirit,  in  vili^Ing  thj-  n:en  we  have ,  h}  ( u.- 
free  suflVapes,  elected  lo  ;tduiiiiister  oi.r  roPFiitution  ;  and  hare  tlni  endeavr'td 
to  de  trov  the  co:i(iden«'e  of  the  people  in  tlie  constituted  authorities,  and  divide 
tbemfrom  the  government 

A  comparison  of  Ibfse  cloctrinos  Mith  the  tlocfrines  and 
practice  of  the  Kev.  Messrs.  Oscood  au<]  Parish  in  1812,  181  {, 
and  1814,  as  exhibited  ch»[>.  56,  niusi;  excite  the  most  painful 
sensntioBS  in  the  mind  of  every  m.n  who  freels  for  the  honor 
of  his  speci«s.  It  is  imj>ossil;le  for  ihe  hum-.-n  mind  to  cone  eire 
of  a  m  re  striking  contrjist — a  more  deiJon.hh^  instance  of  in- 
fatuation and  delusion — era  more  avful  iiiemorial  of, and  me- 
mento aa;ain8t,  human  weakness. 

From  the  |)ul])it,  I  descend  to  the  civil  w&W — and  siil  mil  the 
opinion  of  Governor  Gilman  in  17M8,  in  an  address  to  the  kgis- 
lature,  and  the  echo  from  hot'  houses.  $ 

From  Governor  GUman'^s  Speech  to  the  L^iilaiurr  of  Ntrv  Hampshire. 

*'  Perfection  in  human  aQi,irs  is  not  to  be  expected  to  satisfy  every  citizen  is 
next  to  impossible;  but  if  our  system  of  national  goveniment  is  penerally  good  ; 
if  it  is  free  ;  if  we  have  the  choice  as  frequently  as  we  v  Ish,  of  persons  to  tulmii- 
iiter  it ;  if  one  of  th"  fundamental  and  irreversible  put  •ijles  in  }.  rej^ubli.-  r.  ?ov- 
cnuneot,  is,  tbat  Q^  a  ma,iority  gfaall  t!;oyern,  is  il  not  proper  to  give  {);f  * 


APPENDIX. 


-127 


iv;ci€ 

and 
8H, 
[uful 
lonor 
eire 
in- 
me- 

il  tVe 
Itgis- 


■e. 

izen  is 
good  i 

I.  ?ov- 


Crm  fupport  to  the  laws  and  at!minl^tratit)n  of  ju  ;!i  a  goverr.mrnt,  nv<\  f  »:■  evrrr 
t,>  ...ui   u.i,v  .Oion.ii'.-    inv  Ur  ClA.M  Jil  \.N' i)  iii'lV'.-^l  11.  ).N   i  ilr,l\K  K) 

H4.T  j.» vi .  MJ  Oii  i^Ruci.ur:!), on  .may  lwiie u.;  i^KocLUi:,  i.\- 

JLKiKS  i'KoM   v.W  l'OKi:iiu\  WAl'lON  i" 

Extiact/nm  tiit  am  icr  if  fit  Senate  to  the  nbivc. 

•'  Conv'iiiccd  tlwt  our  national  gitvtTiiiiinit  iii  fjiin.  d  un  t!ii>  siir«>t  li.i  is  of  1  h  . 
rrly  ;  It  ,i  uc  ^Tr'  n:\jjriiy  ou^d  It  rule  ;  that  we  ii.ivc  an  oj'purtiiiiity,  ,\i  ot'lru 
as  we  can  wi  >  .  on  lUgc  and  cloct  our  niitrs,  we  vit-w  it  as  lue  p.iUailiuai  otour 
ri^litx,  anJ  tiitnit'd  looui  linnest  "^upp  .dl. 

'•  Vlt  lOii^li  j  alousy  is  a  live.y  tr.it  in  apolitical  cIuiMctt-r,  yet  when  very 
frup-ii'M-i-y  fX-niisv-d  lo\v.irds  the  iJiidnislral'iis  of  goMTnuii-nl,  [v-^itimy 
lend  lo  lt;.•'^('n  l!ie  Cijnlid.  nci'  oi  a  p.-ople  in  tiitir  ru;»'."s  —and  ]^  «'»  \  ,^\r  witli 
re^iPl  a. id  "i(lij,n  itiou  uu"  laclioii  tatt  ci  inioiirit  fur  tii.;  dj  liiii  lOii  of  our  ^)^aco 
.KiJ  i;ov.  1  ,iin.iit,  and  conceive  it."  only  sourci?  lo  be  the  dregs  cf  successive  forei;ja 

iWdicny,  o^)eiaiiu^  oa  the  weak  and  vicious." 

■  *'- 

Kxlraclfrom  (he  atisiver  (]f  the  fliu.e. 

•' \s  t!ie  coii«titi!tioii  of  tfie  povt'rnment  Mas  framed  by  tlie  wisest  and  lii\,t 
laen,  wa.*  adopted  uiter  n  candid  di.<ciis>ion,  and  up  tn  in  iture  dcli')iTali(in,  wilii- 
ou  Vi  J,  ici'  or  iu;nu!t,  it  Ixduugs  to  u^  lo  repoac  jjrvip^r  coaiidi'iw.e  ii  tin;  Oi'H.t'rs 
of  ou  (vvn  c  ni'a'c,  and  w  illin^ily  atlbrd  eiJei-  ive  aid  lo  that  ^^ovtMiiiniiil  whivli 
w<'  It.iV'-  iii^i^it'ited  .or  'Av  coiuuioii  good.  Tiie  beneiicial  plfecl^  of  liie  coiisLiiu- 
tion  of  i'iie  United  hlatcs  have  heeii  generally  felt,  and  acknowledjied  lo  h^' far 
greater  lirm  was  at  fnsl  expected  v  spirit  of  inquiry  into  t;ie  principles  of  a 
gov  i.nnr.i'.  'Hid  tlie  mode  of  is  adinnnttralion  jierlains  lo  a  free  pej;o;i|p  ;  Rut 
nj'  'fn  th  it  .'>pii-U  htco.ncs  inti  iupir,ile,  audits  .esign-i  are  [T/-'  1\>  I'Ri/- 
M  <:!::  i;;'l^JJirU>;\,  O  UlViOlu  \\1)  VVCVKE.V  rili':  GUVo.iN- 
MKNi  H  M\Y  E.MBOLDKN  iORKIGN  FJWERS  TO  I.W  \UK  ('L  il 
RlGHIS  and  tmba.raas  the  meoMtrei  nrxts  iry  in  nbtain  ledrtss.  VVhfTe.i-r 
ttica  a  rf»»tiesj,  unea'-y  temper  appears,  we  svill  lend  our  tlriuest  aid  lo  discour  1^;,'; 
t.nd  c  )rrecl  it." 

1  might  extend  the  subject  very  fir.  Rut  I  trust  I  h:ive 
^^7)utl  out  my  casCy"*  ct)rni»letely,  nd  that  it  would  be  extreme 
supererogation  lo  enter  into  any  further  detail.* 


•  .•  i^A   •    J  ir^ 


CHAPTER  LXXIIL 

View  of  the  prosperiti^ofthc   United  Slates,  durin'r  the  various 
adinimstrations.     Might  i^  errors  prevalent  en  this  topic. 

A  VERY  large  portion  of  our  citizens  have  imbil)ed  a  deep  and 
looted  imf»res3ion,  that  from  the  period  wlien  the  athninistra- 
lion  of  tiie  general  government  was  withdrawn  from  the  hands 
of  the  federalists,  and  placed  in  those  of  their  political  oppo- 
nents, the  prosperity  of  the  nation  began  rapidly  to  decay. 

♦Some  of  the  extracts  in  this  chapter  and  i:i  the  SfAh,  arf  taken  from  an  exccl- 
l*Mit  little  pamphlet,  published  in  I^ew-Hainpihire,  and  entitled,  "  An  address 
to  thp  clergy  of  iN'evv- England,  on  their  opposilioa  lo  the  lulcit  cf  the  United 
State?.    Bi'  a.Layuj»ux. 


mi 


•1 


42d 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


'J'liey  believe  Umt  during  tlie  iiithidcncy  cl  Cmcrnl  Wr.sliiH"-. 
ton  and  (J  iV;r»  Adams,  |itirticularly  tiie  iornicr,  oui  |)Liitical 
i*.nd  con^mnTihl  eim  !.<>(!  atict'iided  to  its  meiidiiin  ftcii;!.!  ;  that 
c'Vtn  previous  to  tlie  i  mbhr^it;  and  rcstricliM-  b\bUni  ^'ineialjv 
it  luKi,  undiT  tilt  iidminifelrution  ol  JMr.  Jc-t!ti&(*n,  dtsctndtd  tu- 
Viirds  (he-  luuizon  ;  lliat  those  mrasurcB  sunk  i(  lar  I  tlow, 
vie  nee  it  is  never  to  rifc^e,  till  tlieitoweisoi'lhe  gcniral  t^oNtin- 
mtnt,  lep^irltttixe  and  oicculive,  are  restored  (o  \\\v  '■'■  fitniimc 
SC71S  of  V,  (labinulcn'*' — nuilurctl  in  Ids  bosom — Icrnied  in  l.is 
soIjooI — imLiutil  v  ilh  liis  maxima — <^nd  dettiinintd  to  tread  iu 
his  I'ootifteps,  i\m\  to  [o\\u\\  \\\i>  ilmstrious  (  >ani|ik'. 

'J'lie  imivtrFal  prevalence  ol  these  Oj  inloiis  among  the  fcder 
:ili.-ls  (jf  tliis  e(rn(tv,  vill  liardly  l-e  eonlioverltd.  1  doubl 
ubellur  lliero  is  a  man  am<»ng  llurn,  from  the  hijihest  gr.'ult  rf 
inU-lhtt  dov  n  to  the  opp(  !?ite  exlieme,  \vli«j  dots  \uA  regan  it 
as  iu.ptrtinrnceai;d  prtfcuiTf|)tion  to  call  Ihtm  in  «|i  estion.  Ami 
the  j;icv;!t'n('(  v\  the  imprtssion  is  not  wondeifi.!.  'J'he  af^HT- 
tions  have  lt«n  po  often  repeated,  \\;th  so  nuu  li  coi.fidencp, 
and  in  so  many  Ehapcs  and  forms,  that  it  wrs  noi  in  human  iia- 
tijre  for  the  federalists  to  \\ilhho!d  assent.  II  is  a  veil  known 
p'oper'y  ofmai.Kind  to  hud  an  easy  astcnt  to  thise  opinicne 
that  llalU'i'  (Mir  vanity,  oirer  incense  to  our  pride,  tend  to  pio- 
inote  our  interests,  or  to  gratify  our  ambiticn. 

The  prevalence  of  these  opinions  has  produced  most  delete* 
rious  consequences.     It  has  emhittered  fellow  citizens  agaiust 
each  other  \y\{h  the  most  virulent  animosity.     The  federalisis, 
persuaded  that  their  antagonists  have  impaired  the  honor,  and 
liappiness,  and  prosperity  of  our  common  country,  have  r<i:«r(l- 
ed  them   with  senllments  of  rancour,  an<l  hatred,  ano  disgust. 
And  if  their  viev  s  of  the  case  were  correct,  th<ir  oppontiits 
would  be  fit  objects  of  those  hostile  feelings.     It  would  be  lai:d- 
able  to  strain  every  nerve   to  expel  from   power  men  wIhjc 
whole  course  had  proved  them  unworthy  of  it.     The   inury 
passions  rasrins;  on  one  side    enkindle  their  likeness  in  the 
breasts  of  their  opi)onents,  who  are  deeply  exasperated  at  tlie 
injustice  they  believe  themselves  to  have  experienced    from 
their  adversaries.     This  is  perfectly  natural.   And  time,  which 
in  all   common  cases  possopses  the  property  of  diminishing  (he 
forceof  passion,  is  unfortunately  deprived  of  this  salutary  power, 
by  the  zeal  and  activity  of  those  who  find  an  interest  in  foment- 
ing pulilic  discord.     And  that  there  aie  many  of  our  citizens  cf 
this  description,  possessed  of  great  talents,  great  industry,  and 
great  influence}  cannot  be  denied. 


h 
true 
0!ir  I 
from 
rest 
eidt'ii 
men 
?cale 
1  li 
crallj 
Mi-.  J 
h()!i  ir 
Kiu^r, 

Perisl 
nes3  ol 

Thi 
It  will 

readers 

ought  t 

exert  io 

those   V 

and  mo 

ed  to  tl 

is  no  Uj 

or  the  ii 

the  prei 

by  the 

ThisI 
muitifai 

The 
prosper^ 

1.  D^ 
hranch( 

2.  P( 
ing. 

3.  Pc 
h  Inl 

6.  Dil 
0.  nJ 
I  shall 


APPENDIX. 


4'i^ 


Tl'the  nDoi^ations*  a^ninsl  lluMl«:mMrr:»lir  ajl'ninistrntlon.^  were 
true,  I  shoiiUl  rrhjsl  liearlily  and  ronlnlly  j'r.iy  Tor  a  clmn^^e  of 
CHIP  rjlers.  i  atn  not  in  luve  with  ri»'m  or  »li9;;i\«r,o.  Am!  fiv 
frorn  Ijcitij;  willing  to  sacrifice  the  honor,  or  hupitincss,  or  int«- 
rest  of  :i  great  rtdtioa  for  the  a(Ivantaii;e  of  h  president,  vice-pre- 
aideiit,  and  a.  few  ai'cretariea,  «V:c.  <K:c.  there  arc  no  ten  thousand 
men  of  either  party  whom  i  vould  f  »r  a  secoml  pHt  into  Iho 
f<calc  aii;ainst  a  f«)ur!h  part,  not  to  Sriy  the  whole  of  the  nation. 

1  helieve  that  sm-h  are  Ihe  sendfncnts  of  the  democratB  k^h- 
crally.  1  arn  convinoetl  thai  if  they  could  be  persuaded  that 
Mr.  Jeffei'son  or  IVIr.  Mndison  had  sacrificed  the  interests  or  (ho 
hon  ir  of  their  country,  they  would  unliesit^itiniily  prH'er  Kufus 
Klu.;,  Timothy  Pickering,  Oeorjjje  Cahot,  or  l)e  Witt  Clinton. 
Perish  the  man,  wha»'vcr  he  be,  who  would  offer  up  the  hajipi- 
nes3  of  millions  lopromate  the  interests  or  the  views  of  a  few  ! 

This  subject  well  deserves  the  most  serious  consideration. 
It  will  ara;)ly  rejjay  the  time  bestowed  on  it  by  me  ami  my 
readers.  If  the  opinions,  which  I  have  slated,  be  correct,  they 
ought  to  be  as  generally  prom.dajated  as  possible  ;  no  pains  nor 
exertions  oiiajht  to  he  spared  in  oider  to  illuminate  the  mind-*  of 
those  who  disbelieve  thtm.  If  they  be  erron<*ous,  the  sooner 
and  more  comjdetely  they  are  delected,  exposed,  and  "  consign- 
ed to  the  tomb  of  the  Capulefs,''  the  better.  And  I  trust  there 
is  no  upright,  candid  federalist,  that  would  wish  the  elevation 
or  the  influence  of  his  party  to  be  promoted  or  perpetuated  by 
the  prevalence  of  error.  He  would  sftorn  to  be  wafted  to  power 
by  the  unhallowed  mi^ans  of  «lelasion. 

This  cliapter  I  regard  as  the  most  important  in  the  Book, 
multifarious  as  are  its  contents. 


i 


ing. 


The  chief  criteria,  whereby   to  dipcide   upon  the  decay  or 
prosperity  of  nations,  may  be  reduced  to  six  heails. 

1.  Domestic  industry  and  improvements  in  all  (heir  variouc 
branches. 

2.  Population — whether  stationary,  increasing,  or  decreaft- 

3.  Foreign  commerce.  »    .         .  ?. 

4.  Increase  or  decrease  of  revenue.  -   r 
6.  Discharge  or  accumulation  of  debtir^ 
6.  Navigation.  -   ' 
I  shall  slightly  touch  on  each  of  these.-  / 

Nn2- 


>  tnri'iij*; 


',-t' 


JaJ. 


:t 


L 


43y  THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 

Sect.  I.  Domestic  iwlustry  and  improvctmnts. 

The  ftrst  item,  which  ii  the  most  important,  and  emhraoiu;; 
by  far  the  (greatest  sum  uf  hiimnii  hapiiineiiB,  dues  not  uironl 
those  marked  and  decisive  documents  or  data,  Ih  it  the  cuatum 
houses  and  other  |iublic  otTices  I'urnish  for  the  remainini;  five. 
The  progress  of  national  industry  slieds  its  beneficent  inlluence 
around  without  glare  or  ostentation.  Hamlets  become  villages — 
villages  become  towns — towns  l)«come  cities — cities  double 
their  population  and  almost  unobserved.  There  are  few  or  no 
documents  to  establish  the  facts.  They  are  yet  on  due  investi' 
gation  tangible  and  strikingly  visible.  Nevertheless,  from  the 
extreme  scarcity  of  data  or  documents,  1  was  almost  wholly 
discouraged  from  entering  on  the  sul^ect,  and  disposed  to  appeal 
to  the  reader^s  personal  ol)servations  for  Hit  rapid  advances  of 
domestic  industry,  and  the  general  improvement  of  the  country. 
But  !  have  judged  it  better  to  avail  myself  of  the  few  I  have, 
which  are  gleaned  from  Blodget^s  Economica,  than  pass  the 
subject  over  in  silence.  They  are  principally  estimates,  and 
cannot  therefore  be  supposed  to  be  entirely  correct.  But  they 
are  sufficient  to  answer  the  purposes  of  comparison,  which  is 
all  the  object  1  have  in  view. 


1.  In  tillage—  -.                ^ 

1797 

Acres— 9,600,000 

1801 

10,500,000 

-            ' 

1805 

11,400,000 

S.  Meadows  ic  fallow  grounds— 1797 

Acres— 9,500,000 

"'  ' 

1801 

9,900,000 

1803 

10,350,000 

3.  Total  improved  lands— 

1797 

Acres- 

-35,600,000 

UOi 

37,4^)0,000 

y  >,,                          =0 

1805 

89,400,000 

1807 

39,990,0.0 

4.  Value  of  cultivated  i 
lands  per  acrc~> 

1801 

S5,60 

V          T        ^ 

1805 

'0 

6,25 

5.  Horses— 

1797 

990,000 

1801 

1,070,000 

1805 

1,200,000 

1807 

• 

1,300,000 

6.  Horneu  Cattle— 

1797 

2,220,000 

1801 

2,500,000 

1805 

2,950,000 

1807 

3,200,000 

T.  Banknotes  iacireulatioD* 

-1797 

10,000,000 

1801 

11,000,000 

1804 

14,000,000 

• 

1807 

18,000,000 

8.  MclMllic  uieilium— 


V"('!'intiiiii  of  roiy\  atid 


10.  Toll  biulgek— 


fi  .-.  ;■ 


11.  Turnpikes  and  Cuaals— 


H.  Iiiiurance  Companies— 


13.  Banks— 


14.  Cash  in  (he  Treasury — 


APPENDIX. 

432 

#- 

1797 

laoi 

1804 
ltU)6 
l'J07 

16, 000  .MM) 
l7,(HK>,«MtO 
n,.')(h),OiK> 

l»,:ioo,uoo 
20,;»uo,<K.iO 

1797 

!J,19;),JOv>,00« 

1801 

li}04 

■  1807 

2,4J0..'J0\),(X)0 
2,.'»uJ,01)0,000 
2,518,00.  ,000 

1797 

1801 
1804 
1807 

No. 

15 

23 

30 

48 

Capil;<l  Stock. 

$  I.10'|.K)0 

l.iiCvt.wOO 

2,000,000 

-         1797 
ll!Ol 
1805 
1807 

4» 
82 

2,300,000 
S,OJi/,()00 
4,90O,(KX) 

1797 
1801 
1804 
1807 

9 

n 

40 

3,300,000 

*           6,0>M),000 

10,Uv)0,0()0 

17,000,000 

1797 
1801 
18)5 
18)7 

25 
31 
39 
86 

19,200,000 
2'.', 400,000 
39,jJ0,000 

:>o,(M)o,oo« 

1797 
1801 
1803 
1806 
1807 

888,098 

.  ,,         3,^9 J, .^J91 

-    4,i;i4,8'21 

4,:..%,105 

,     .       9,048,842 

1797 
1801 
1803 
1806 

^ '''        10.4(i:;,()91 

15,'.'.S7,527 
12.317,  U9 
19,5:.3,o90 

15.  Custom-bouse  bonds — 


Of  the  above  items,  the  first  nine  arc,  as  I  have  slated,  merely 
estimates.  From  the  nature  of  the  case,  they  could  not  be  oth- 
erwise. But  they  afford  tolerable  data  for  calculations  and  com* 
parisons  of  tlie  advanccmcut  of  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 
Tlie  other  item?,  the  loll  bridges,  turnpikes  and  canals,  insuvMtice 
companies,  banks,  cash  in  the  treasury,  and  custom-house  h.  ods, 
were  derived  from  actual  documents,  procured  by  the  un\vea> 
lied  exertions  of  the  author  of  the  Economica. 

Section  II.   Population. 

The  statements  I  shall  give  on  this  point  are  extracted  fron 
the  census  of  1800,  the  last  year  of  the  adaiiaistration  of  the  fed- 


432 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


end  parly,  and  llial  of  1810,  when  their  successors  had  lield  the 
reins  of  governniftii(  for  l-en  jears,  during  which  the  perriiciuus 
cftecls,  so  generally  ascribed  to  iheir  system,  must  have  had  am- 
ple time  to  dcvclope  themselves. 


Population  of  Maine 
Vermont 


^*j. 


Newliampshire 

Muiisacliusetti 

Connecticut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

PeNn!«ylvania 

Virginia 

North  Carolina 

South  Caroiifia 

Geoi'iiia 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Ohio 

City  of  New  York 

City  of  Pbitaclelphia 

and  lihertifs 
City  of  Baltimore 
Town  of  Boston  and  r 

of  Suffolk  county 
Newport 
Providence 
Nantucket 
Portsmouth,  N.H. 
Newhaven, 
Pittsburg 


i»;':'.  -f 


I   , 


'^*'\.  > 


est 


' '   V 


1800. 

151,T19 
154,465 
183,b58 
422,845 
251,002 
586,050 
211,149 
602.535 
886,149 
478,105 
845,591 
162,686 
220,959 
105,602 
45,565 
60,529 

67,811 

26,614 

28,015 

6,739 
7,614 
5,617 
5,S39 
4,049 
;  1,565 


1810. 

228,705 
217,895 
214,460 
472,040 
264,942 
959,049 
945,562 
810,091 
974,62* 
555,500 
415,115 
25"2,4S3 
40(^,511 
261,7^27 
230,760 
96,373 

88,987 

35,583 

34,381 

7,907 
10,071 
6.807 
6,9.'J4 
6,967 
4,768 


Here  are  most  incontrovertible  proofs  of  the  advanecmcnt  of 
the  United  States  in  (he  road  to  happiness  and  prosperity.  Evc- 
xy  part  of  the  urnjoo  whi«h  did  not  labor  under  disaJvanlagcs 
from  its  crowded  population,  or  its  sterility,  or  the  migration  of 
its  citizens,  has  made  rapid  sttidcs  in  this  glorious  course. — 
What  a  (stupendous  increase  in  the  stales  of  JSew-York,  Penn- 
sylvania, Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  Ohio!  With 
what  ineffable  delight  must  every  friend  of  his  species  contem- 
plate these  glorious  scenes  of  expanding  population,  civilization, 
and  happiness !  Agriculture,  ai  ts,  matiulactures,  commeree,  and 
science,  spreading  their  holy  empire  where  a  few  years  past  (he 
irild  eavage  prowled  iu  quest  of  |>rey  !  . 


Presidt 


APPENDIX. 


433 


Section  III.     Foreign  commerce, 

I  proceed  to  the  ihird  criteiiaii  of  iialional  prosperity.  And 
here  ilie  d  jcuments  are  lull,  complete  and  irrcsiHtiblc.  They  de- 
serve,  and  L  hope  will  receive,  the  most  particular  attention. 

The  led(;ral  government  was  oigasiiztd  and  went  into  opera- 
tion in  1789.  No  tables  of  exports  were  however  published 
for  that  or  the  succeeding  )  ear.  They  be^au  in  1791.  lam 
tlierefoie  limiicd  to  six  years  of  General  Washington's  admiuis- 
traiioo. 

Let  it  be  observed,  that  from  1791  till  1802  inclusively,  thftrc 
was  no  discriininalion  in  liie  oflicial  tables  of  expons  of  Anicri- 
can  productions  and  mauufaciuies,  Irom  diose  foreign  articles 
which  tvere  re-exported  fioni  Uiis  conntiy.  This  renders  the 
cum|>ariboa  less  complete  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been. 


Exports  from  the  United  States,  domestic  and  foreign. 


PreBldeat  Wughington 


President  Adams 


President  Jefferson 


President  Madison 


1791 

19,012,000 

1792 

20,T5J,000 

S9,7G5,00O 

1793 

26,1')9,',>00 

1794 

33,026,000 

1795 

47,989,000 

1796 

67,064,000 

-^ 174,188,000 

1797 

56,850,000 

1798 

61,527,000 

1799 

78,665  000 

1800 

70,971,000 

268,013,000 

1801 

94,115  000 

1802 

72,433.000 

1803 

55.ii0O.O0O 

1804 

77.699,000 

300,097,000 

1805 

95,566,000 

180i> 

101.556,000 

180T 

108.343.000 

1808 

22.430,000 

S"*!  875  000 

1809 

52,203.000 

1810 

66,757.000 

1811 

61,376,000 

1812 

38,527,000 

1813 

27,855,000 

246,718,000 

434 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Exportation  of  American  productions  and  manvfacturte. 

President  Jeffer?oa. 


President  Madison. 


1803 
18U4 
lb05 
1806 
1807 
1808 

1809 

1810 
1811 
1812 
1813 


42,205,000 
41,467,000 
42,387,000 
41,253,000 
48,699,000 
9,433,000 

31,405,000 
42,366,000 
45,294,000 
32,658,000 
25,008.000 


225,444,000 


176,731,000 


Annual  average  of  American  exports^  foreign  and  domestic. 

1.  Dining  the  presidency  of  General  Waeliington  35,500,000 

£.    Uuiir.-j;  that  of  Mr.  Adams  67,000,  aK) 

3    i'or  tlie  whole  of  General  Washington's  and  Mr.  )  ^4  omn.vA 

dams'  presiueticy                                                   5  ' 

4.  During  Mr.  *firprM)ii'«  first  period  ...,?,  *75i^OO,(  00 

5.  Duriiiir  hi-;  m  <;    ui,  including  a  year  of  embargo  81,900,()00 

6.  »  </rliJ«\\h<.lr  ttnn  78,450,0  X 

7.  iJUiing  >Jr.  Mad»son*8  first  five  years,  including  a  year 

and  a  half  of  wur  49,000/)0D 

9.  For  Mr.  Jefferson's  and  Mr.  Madison's,  inciusire  67,200,000 


Average  of  domestic  exports. 

i.  During  six  yenrs  of  Mr.  .Tefferson's  presidency,  1803  (ill 

t;''j;*i,   inclusive 

2,  Ouririt;  live  years  of  M.".  Mndison's  ; 

3.  For  eleven  years  from  l{iOS  to  1813,  inclusive 


37,500,000 

35,300,000 

36,500,000 


To  (hn  candid  leader,  desirous  to  foim  correct  estimates  of  the 
affairs  of  his  country,  .>i)d  »o  divtst  Ins  mind  of  pernicious  er- 
rors, I  >enture  earnestly  to  rccwmmtiid  :i  careiul  cousicleiailoii 
or(he'><  t:ibl'i<.  He  will  thereby  be  convinced  that  till  I'la^ice  and 
England  coniracnced  their  disaTaceful  and  unpaialleled  course  of 
rapine  and  devasl;»tiun  "  preyii/ji  on  the  unprotedtd  conuiK  icc 
of  a  friendly  power,"  the  United  Stales  m.'tde  as  rapid  proirress 
in  tlie  career  of  prosperity  •'^'•d  h^ppirirs?,  from  the  year  1801  lill 
1807,  fo  far  as  rt  specls  foreigu  commerce)  as  «d}'  uaiioo  in  ikc 
frorld  has  ever  doue. 


if  )•    APPENDIX. 


43^ 


Seciloa  IV.    Reventte. 

The  foiivth  criterion  whereby  to  test  the  piog;re8s  of  the  pros- 
perity ot  Uie  Uniteci  Stales,  is  the  ^^itiicHion  of  Us  revenues.  J)e- 
cay  ami  «leerepi  iide  are  incomputibie  with  their  increase  or  ad- 
vaiictment.  1  shall  theiefoie  state  the  netl  amount  of  the  im> 
post  of  the  United  States  from  1791  to  1812,  inclusive,  taken 
irom  the  official  documents  submitted  to  Congret<s  by  Joseph 
Nourse,  esquire,  register  general,  in  pursuance  of  the  order  of 
the  house  of  representatiTes.  Of  the  direct  taxes  1  have  uoi  a 
Rtaiemeut — but  they  are  anessential  in  the  formation  of  a  compa- 
rison. 


President  Washington. 


Fresiilent  Adame. 


'Vj-> 


President  Jefferson. 


President  Jefferson. 


President  Madison. 


1791 

6,534,263 

1792 

4,614,904 

ll,149,tC7 

1793 

6,073,512 

1794 

6,6iJS,313 

1795 

7,959,409 

1796 

7,368,120 

28,084,554 

1797 

8,258,511 

1798 

6,19-:,.147             -,  ^ 

1799 

9,0.S5..S18 

1800 

9,351  ,^U6 

<so  otrf  mKn 

1801 

13,.S62,T02 

1802 

8,327/260 

1803 

li;^^!2,427           ■    ■  '  ■ 

1804 

14,996,965 

48,009,354 

1805 

14,978,880 

1806 

16,015,317 

1807 

16,492,889 

1803 

7.176,985 

54,664,071 

1809 

7,1.S8,676 

1810 

12,756,831 

1811 

7,R88,8G3 

1812 

13,050.845 

40,844,^28 

mi  nation.     It  is  tlecisiie  .»:i<i 

This  table  requires  but  little  examination 
overwhelming; — uh\  o<  it<>eil  would  fully  sufiice  to   ^eUle    ttiis 
question.     1  subjoin  ihe  rrsult  : 

Avcrnuf  duties  on  impoHs, 

1.  General  Washingtrn's  presidency,  sin  years,  6,500,006 

2.  Mr.Adains's  fouryeai!-,  8,50O,m;* 
B.  rienerai  \Va«hinKt'..i's  nnd  M--.  AfUinsN.  trn  yeari,  7,200,(  •)(> 
♦•  iVir.  JeiieiNon's  fir$t  ^-rrioil  of  ser^i'**-,  fcur  years,  12,000  .(•<)• 
^*               do.        second  period,  foui  years,  13,65O,O0t 


43f 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


•.  Mr.  Madison's  fim  period, 

7.  Mr.  Jefferpon's  and  Mr.  Madison's  twelve  years, 


10,21  •,HOU 
11,956,000 


It  were  needless  to  add  comments.  The  most  eupeificial 
render  Ciinnov  misiake— the  most  prejudiced  dare  not  reject  the 
strong  and  irresistible  evideuce  here  laid  before  the  public. 

Section  V.  Navigation. 

The  increase  or  decrease  of  the  tonnas;e  of  a  commercial  na- 
tion is  an  important  crilei ion  of  the  retrogradation  or  the  advai  ce- 
ment of  its  prosperity.  Let  us  calmly  enquire  into  the  indications 
deduciblc  from  this  i^ource. 

I  lay  before  the  reader  a  table  of  the  tonnage  of  the  Uoiled 
States  from  1703  till  1812  inclusive. 


Piesident  Wasiiington. 


President  Adams. 


1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 


Tons. 
491,789 
628,415 
747,961 
831,097 


President  Jefferson. 


President  J«Sers«R. 


President  Madison. 


1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 

1801 
1802 
1803 
1804 

876,910 
888,526 
946,407 
973,489 

1805 

1806 
1807 
1808 

1,032,216 
892,102 
949,171 

1,042,402 

1,140,566 
1,208,733 
1,268,545 
1,242,443 

1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 

1,350,178 

1,442,781 
1,414,770 
1,2.S2,502 

Average  tonnage  of  last  four  years  of  General 
'Washington's  presidency, 
of  Mr.  Adamii's 

of  General  WashingtonN  and  Mr.  Adams'd 
of  Mr.  Jefferson'o  eight  years, 
of  Mr.  Madison's  first  period, 
of  Mr.  Jeflfcrson'fl  and  Mr.  MadiMn'fl, 


2,700,062 


3,685,152 


3,915,891 


4,860,087 


5,440,251 

67.1 .0(^ 

921  <''H) 

7Pr    HI 

1,09-     .'0 

l,5.'i.'»  '  »« 

1,£57,00« 


APPENDIX. 


487 


I  trust  that  these  statements  canool  fail  to  prove  tiic  utmost 
want  of  fouadaliuu  of  the  idea  that  the  prospei  ii>  ot  the  United 
Stales  80  far  as  respects  navigation,  has  decayed  since  the  change 
of  rulers.  Notwiiiisiandiag  the  unprecedented  deprediiiion»  per- 
petrated on  us  by  both  belligerents,  ihe  tonnage  of  the  nation  in- 
creased with  a  steady  pace.  The  increase  during  the  first  period 
of  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  is  really  astouisliing. 


Section  VI.  National  Debts, 

The,nf>xt  criterion  of  the  decay  or  prosperity  of  a  nation, 
is  its  debts.  It  is  seir-evideut  that  a  nation  or  an  individual, 
Aviiuse  debts  are  rapidly  discharging,  cannot  be  in  a  stale  ol  de- 
cay or  depreciation.  In  order,  therefore,  to  enable  the  reader  to 
decide  the  question  at  issue  by  this  criterion,  I  subjoin  a  statement 
of  the  national  deb  of  ihe  United  States,  on  the  first  day  ol  every 
year  from  170)  till  1813. 

President  Washington. 


President  Adams. 


Prejident  Jefferson. 


1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 

75,46.3,476 
77,227,924 
80,  <52,«34 
78,427,404 
80,747,587 
83,762  172 

1797 
179« 
1799 
1800 

82.064J79 
79,'228,.}29 
78,4U8,n09 
82,976,204 

1801 
180-2 
1803 
1804 

83,O«.05O 
80,712,6.32 
77,054.685 
86,427,120 

1605 

1806 
1807 
1808 

1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 

82,312.150 
75,723,270 
69,218,398 
65,196,317 

67,023.192 
53,172,302 
47,913.756 
45,1-20.150 

President  Madlsoo. 


This  affords  a  most  exhilirating  view  of  the  situation  of  the 
United  States,  and  proves  the  utter  fallacy  of  the  prevailing 
opinions  on  this  topic.     In  twelve  years  of  democratic  admin- 

Oo 


4'^ 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


letntion,  from  1801  to  1812>  inclusive,  the  ilebt  v\-as  reduced 
from  83  0 J 8, too 

to  46,110,150 

Botwitiistanding  the  purchase  of  Loui- 

siHim  for  1 5,000,000 

vvliich  ig  an  actual  reduction  of  "  ^2,917,000 

And  to  increase  our  surprise  and  our  rapturous  jo^  at  such 
a  glorious  view  o(  the  iinnu^ise  resources  of  our  h:essed  coun- 
try, one  of  the  early  measures  of  Mr.  Jefifcrson's  iulminislra- 
tion  was  tlie  lepial  of  a  catalogue  of  buruensooie  taxes. 

Among  the  wonderful  and  inexplicabJe  com|  la  nts  and  li- 
liels  against  the  democratic  administration  was  the  repeal  of 
tliese  taxes  t  It  is  ihe  fust  time,  in  the  history  rf  the  worltl, 
that  the  repeal  of  grinding,  harassing,  and  degrading  taxes  wai 
considered  as  mailer  of  accusation,  or  as  an  uopopular  meas- 
ure. 

The  taxes  repealed,  were — 1.  £»:ise  on  stills  and  domeFtlc 
distilled  spirits.  2.  On  refined  sugar.  3.  On  lictnces  to  re- 
tailers.    4.  Duties  on  pleasurable  carriages,     d.  &tanr)|  s. 

In  some  of  the  late  very  elaborate  publications  of  Mr.  Pick- 
ering, in  which  be  ♦ni|)loyed  his  utmost  talents  and  influence 
to  dissuade  liis  fello*v  citizens  fiom  subscribinK  to  the  govern- 
ment loan!^,  8  principal  argument  wa<«  deduced  from  the  vicked- 
'  mss  of  the  re,'.eal  of  these  taxes.  And  the  Hartford  conven- 
tion, after  drawing  the  most  alarming  picture  of  the  hideous 
state  of  public  afiairs,  in  eufimetating  the  means  thereby 

if  pnbiic  prOFpnily  has  undergone  a  niifcrable  and  afiiicting 
prcvaUin'c  ol  a  «culc  ai.d  prutiigule  policy," 

Expressly  state  as  the  fourth  cause^ — 

"  ->  lie  abolition  of  exist  ng  taxes,  requisite  to  prrparr  the  cma'ry  fcr  ihott 
rh^ufres  to  which  uatioQS  are  al^af's  t-x].«8edj  witti  r.  view  to  tiii-  ac<iui^ition  of 
po^  ular  favor." 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  decide — 1 1eav«  tl^at  task  to  (he  mem- 
lers  of  the  Hartford  convention — with  what  propriety  in  De- 
cember, 1814,  the  distress,  or  difficulty,  or  embarrassment,  or 
decay  of  the  United  Slates,  real  or  preteneled,  could  he  ascrib- 
.ed  to  the  repeal,  in  1802,  of  taxes,  some  of  them  most  odioue, 
M'hen  such  in  the  interim  had  been  the  ovcrflovring  state  of  the 
treasury,  that  the  public  debt  had  been  reduced  37,917,900  dol- 
'lars,  exclusive  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  This  is  a  most 
extraordinary  paradox. 

I  dare  flatter  myself  with  the  hope  that  I  have  presented  suf^ 
firlent  niateriala  to  the  reader,  to  satisfy  him  that  the  glowinc; 


"  A    liiijh  state  of 
reverse  tiirough  the 


APPEXm!!. 


40 


slate.iiciits  of  llic  exlraortiinaiy  prospciliy  of  iUh  CMiniry  dur- 
hi;;  llie  i»i*eiljini;i;uice  of  feileralisiu,  aad  of  il9  ulUr  lU.cay  fnun 
a  chani^-  of  rulKis,  aiv  giois  t-rrori,  uUtrly  void  of  found. '.lioii, 
an;l  prei;:iant  with  as  i»enilcioiJ9  coiiseijueiices,  us  inosl  ihat 
have  ever  prevailed  in  Uii3  or  periiajjs  in  aiij  oilier  nation. — 
Tiie  i»  iliou,  ()rcvlous  lo  Hie  OiJerutiou  of  llic  ft'ilt  ral  govLiii- 
niMit,  was  ill  tlie  inoxt  proalratt*  anil  a  »jt'Ct  siaie.  Af  s,  liitlcS, 
aril  oiii  n>;rco  lanj;uislied.  Iiid  liiry  liail  litUe  or  no  cnLonr- 
ai:;eint  nt.  Tja^ler  law*  and  oLiier  meajiurt?,  imjioli'ic  a:itl  u.i- 
jiisi,  li  I'l  baui.^liod  confidcice  liiiweeii  man  and  man.  An  ua- 
favora'iie  halanco  of  iradc  h;ul  cxliaiistfd  tin?  co'iiitry  i,(  il; 
in!  t.illic  niudiuin.  Tiic  slates  wfire  lio.^tiic  lo  and  Jf^a'.ois  of 
iwvJi  other,  in  a  worl,  aifiira,  f-n*  wi.it  of  a  general  vMnlro!- 
\\n%  governm.rit,  hud  ijo,  ■  -..  frotn  I)ad  lo  worse,  till  good  aicii 
!)e^i!i  to  doul)t  whether  in  its  cons.ipieuct'S  the  levolj'i^.A 
would  deserve  to  'ae  ^^tyled  a  biessi.i^. 

But  the  c,5ta!)lis!iinent  of  our  m  ot  no'ile  and  most  c\cellei^i. 
for  n  of  g.iCcminent,  worked  a  ra;Mtl  and  incrediMu  clianiie. — 
(Joatideiice  was  coin,»leteiy  restore*!.  Arls,  Hade  and  con>- 
merce  revived.  Slate  jealousy  was  didar;ned  of  all  ib  poweiti 
to  retard  or  destroy  puolic  pros|»erity.  In  a  word,  the  happi- 
ness and  proaperi'y  of  the  nation  were  fixed  on  foundations  ai 
dur  lOle,  I  ho,ie,  as  the  rock  oi'  Gibraltar. 

But  it  is  equally  and  uiulcniably  true,  that  the  country  \v  is 
inr.oinfiarably  more  pro»|xro;j3  for  seven  entire  years  of  Mr. 
Jeft^rsjn's  adiniaistratio.i,  liiui  during;  the  adminiitratioa  of 
his  t^redecessors.  This  is  a  trudi,  a  slron*;  truth,  deny  it  whu 
miy,  which,  if  I  couried  po))ulari<y,  1  shoulil  not  dare  to  pro- 
nml^ifc.  To  many  it  will  appear  liltlo  short  of  blasphemy.—*- 
B  It  whatever  may  lie  its  appearance,  an  1  however  unpopular  it 
iniy  be,  I  have  fnlly  proved,  that  during  thtrse  seven  jeus,  tl»e 
popniation,  the  exports,  the  revenues,  the  tonnage,  and  the  do- 
mestic iuilustry  of  the  nation,  muie  more  proj^ress  than  they 
had  done  during  the  administration  of  General  W'.siiinglon ; 
and  that  the  <l'jbt  was  reduced  with  unparalleled  rapidity.  And 
it  therefore  incontroverlibly  appears  that  the  country  was  more 
projperojs  djring  that  period  than  under  the  general's  adminis- 
tration, althout;h  it  had  then  been  highly  prosperous. 

I  trust  1  entertain  a  due  sense  of  the  Iranscendant  merits  of 
General  Washington.  He  was  indisputably  a  truly  great  am! 
ni)sl  illustrious  character.  Uis  conduct  during  the  revolution, 
earned  him  a  conspicuous  niche  amv)ng  the  small  but  glorious 
band  of  heroes  who  sued  their  country,  or  who  sacrificed  their 
lives  in  the  glorious  struggle  to  save  her.  He  ranks  with  Lco- 
nidis  of  Sparta,  Epaminondas  of  Thebes,  Cimja  of   Athens, 


■^. 


444) 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


Alired  of  Englanil,  Wallace  of  Scotlanil,  Iltnry  Bourl.ou  oi 
li^'uitce,  Brian  Boiromhe  of  Irtlantl,  the  Dulcli  Prihce  of  Or- 
ftii^e,*  Gustavug  Vasa  of  Sweiltn,  Amlrtw  Doria  of  Genoa, 
ami  others  ol  this  description,  wlio  hold  the  first  rank  amo>io; 
the  teiiefactois  uf  the  human  race.  And  to  those  vho  read  (Ic 
sUiemi'nis  oi  the  \frelch(d  nialerials  \Nith  which  he  had  to  luim 
hi»  itrin.es,  as  may  be  seen  chapter  68,  his  merits  will  he  vastly 
enhanced.  Tiie  misciaitle  system  pursued  by  the  early  con- 
gitsses,  of  trusting  t'''*?  f:^.te  of  llie  country  to  short  enlistments 
and  u>  tniliiia,  trebled  his  (iifficulties,  and  trebled  his  merits  in 
stru;x::;lin.^  a;;.iiiist  and  overcoming  them. 

>ksi;l«-B  G<;ner.il  Washington's  services  during  thn  war,  ho 
'.vas  unaiiMUiy  useful  to  his  country  afterwards.  1  feel  pei- 
fjuadetl  thrit  lait  for  ihe  iniluence  cf  his  n^-ine,  tlir  federal  con- 
veiuloM  would  never  have  ai.refdo:i  a  consiitulion.  Of  this,  it  Is 
true,  1  h:i\e  no  proo; — nor  is  it  fully  hueceptit»le  of  proof,  ii 
tiiHdi  e  ern.illy  rest  as  mere  opinion.  Ilut  any  man  who  attt  n- 
tivfl)  n'\i\a  Lulhtr  AJartin's  stateoient  of  the  pulecedings  ( t' 
the  co;»»'<  nlit.n,  (Ihe  only  published  record)  and  who  iluiy  am- 
aider*  tJ.f?  ditUcully  tliey  experienced  to  ag;ree  upon  a  form  of 
<!;overnmfnl — a?id  how  nearly  all  their  etibrts  escaped  being 
blfisfed,  eve!i  willi  ilie  advaniagfes  of  General  \\'aaiiin«;lon'*8  iii- 
Ijiience  and  exertions,  will  not  reoarti  niv  opinion  as  very  ex- 
uavagant.  iiut  i  foi>:e  it  on  no  man.  1  lurilier  bfTuve,  ijuit 
'ven  after  the  constitution  was  promulgated,  the  infiiu-nce  of 
his  name  and  support  Wos  absolutely  necessary  to  ensure  it  suc- 
cess. It  was  in  great  jeopardy.  The  minorities  in  several  of 
the  state  conventions  werp  numerous,  active,  and  influential. — 
There  was.  therefore,  considerarde  difliculty  in  settinj;  IJ  e  ma- 
chinery of  the  p:overnment  in  motion.  It  was  a  truly  arduous 
task.  Hut  when  once  the  vessel  was  fairly  launched,  the  du- 
ties of  the  pilot  were  quite  easy. 

With  this  immense  and  solid  stock  of  indisputable  claim  on 
the  gratitude  of  his  country,  and  on  the  esieem  and  aduiiration 
of  the  great  and  good  of  our  era  and  of  all  future  ages,  he  needs 
not  any  addition  to  his  fame,  of  which  the  title  is  not  as  cl(.ti 
as  the  noon  day  sun.  And  to  ascribe  to  him,  or  his  couneils, 
exclusively,  the  flood  of  prosperity  that  succeedeel  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  solid  form  of  government,  would  be  a  radical  er- 
ror against  the  truth  wf  history.  As  well  might  we  ascrii'e  (be 
fertility  of  the  soil,  when  l)oth  seasons  ami  climate  are  favoia- 
ble,  to  the  vigilance  of  the  steward  who  supeiintended  il-e 
plantation,  as  ascribe  the  beneficent  effects  of  unshackled  and 

*  Tlie  deliverer  of  Holhod  from  Philip  ![. 


APPENDIX. 


411 


pTolcctetl  iniltiif;y,  lo  prpg'ulfnts,  2;<>veriii>ri,  or  k*.ii^3.  AH  lint 
mHiikitiil  re<|uiri',  in  order  to  be  imIiHlrioud  ami  !ia|)|)3",  is  (o 
have  their  |)ro;)erty  secure.  And  lliii  is  the  natural  etlVct  ol" 
wise  laws. 

If  the  nations  of  Eiir.>;)e,  o;»(!re?i8r^'l  !'y  wn-jtrf.il  au;!  iles(rf«}- 
in'X  governments  — rit  war  lorly  or  lifty  yviwi  out  of  evL'vy  e-e..- 
tiiry — curbed  and  eoMjjtraiut  d  and  co-jlrolled  in  lh»'ir  industry 
by  nioni)|)olie8,  an  I  restrictions,  nnd  a;rindin«;  t:»xes — if,  I  i^:\y, 
under  all  these  and  num)erlP38  other  disal vantages,  {hv.  EiUv.- 
pean  nations  matic  advances  in  pr.»ijUMily,  f^s  is  unikni.xbly 
the  case,  would  it  not  he  inexpressibly  womlerrul,  if  we  ditf  not 
ruri  rapidly  in  the  same  cj^reer — if  we  did  not  ojtstri*)  them  ka 
f.ir  IS  thehde,  hearty,  vigorous,  full-blooded  ncer  otitstrips  t'n; 
stnge  h')rse,  worn  out  by  hard  service  an  I  mi'rciU;:^^  ujMJje  } 

A  shij»  13,  in  the  technichid  sense,  well  jortnd  in  every  res- 
pect. She  has  a  noble  crew,  "ihe  is  in  the  oi)en  sea.  Th'j 
winds  are  perfectly  favorable.  She  runs  rapidly  before  them. 
She  makes  nine,  ten,  or  elev-^n  knots  an  hour.  She  renclK«s 
herdes'ined  port  in  perfect  safety.  Would  it  n'>t  l»e  ij^mri^nce 
or  folly  to  ascribe  to  the  skill  of  the  captain  the  rapidity  of  btr 
movements  or  the  success  of  lier  voya!:^e  ?  it  is  only  when 
the  sky  is  overcast  with  clouds  and  darkness — when  th^  furi- 
ous hurricane  howls  around  the  ship — when  the  waves,  o;>en!n;' 
wide  their  dr»vourinu;  Jaws,  seem  ready  to  swallow  her  ui*,  thai; 
ihere  is  a  demand  for  the  energy,  the  talents,  and  the  fortitude 
of  the  mister  of  the  vessel. 

With  due  respect  to  [jresidents,  and  govern  >rs,  ;inil  kin-^^, 
this  is  a  pretty  analogous  case  to  theirs.  In  times  of  tr  m  jiiil- 
lity  there  is  little  room  for  a  display  of  the  talents  of  an  exec- 
utive migistrate.  In  a  well-ordered  state,  the  laws  may  !)c  s  lid 
to  execute  themselves.  The  long  train  of  Judges,  jurors,  attor- 
ney-generals, marshals,  constables,  &c.  aie  eternally  on  tho 
aleri  to  prevent  infraction. 

It  may  and  will  seem  a  paradox  CI  shall  be  charoje  1  wilii 
dealing  in  paradoxes)  to  assert,  as  I  do,  that  at  least  as  m'lcii 
talents  are  actually  necessary  for  a  legislator  as,  in  almost  ev- 
ery case,  for  a  governor,  and,  in  ordinary  cases,  for  a  presi- 
dent. 

In  a  free  representative  government  like  ours,  the  jirand, 
eoutrolling,  and  supereminent  power  is  in  the  legislature. — 
They  ordain,  direct,  command.  Their  will,  fairly  expressed, 
enforces  obedience  equally  from  the  governor  or  pre8i<lent,  as 
from  the  lowest  mendicant.  If  the  governor  or  oresident,  as 
the  case  may  be,  daret  to  violate  their  commands,  be  is  im< 
pea«bable. 

Oo2 


m^ 


f»j 


442 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


I  relura  to  Mv.  JeflVrson.  "  Bui,"  it  will  be  said,  "  the  piog. 
perity  of  the  Unileil  Stairs  was  urresJcMi  ituring  the  last  year 
uf  his  administration."  This  1  do  not,  I  cannot  deny,  it  ap- 
peal;* fully  evident  from  all  ll:e  documcnlis  i  have  given. — 
Whence  arose  this  stiijfnation  !    'Vina  is  un  important  ju(|niiy. 

Tiie  application,  in  1805,  of  the  rule  of  the  war  of  1760, 
bad  made  great  havoc  on  the  trade,  commerce,  and  resources 
©f  the  country.  But  they  readily  recovered  from  the  stroUe. — 
At  the  close  of  1807,  the  French  decrees  and  British  orders 
in  council  went  into  full  operation.  And  they  were  met  hy 
our  embargo.  I  have  already  stated,  and  1  hope  there  is  not 
a  man  of  candor  in  Europe  or  America  who  will  doubt  or  de- 
ny that  these  measures  of  France  and  England  reduced  the 
United  States  to  the  alternative — of  war  with  one  or  both-^tr 
else  au  embargo.     We  were  literally  hunted  oil"  the  ocean. 

That  an  embargo  was  less  pernicious  than  war — and  that  it 
was  highly  meritorious  to  try  every  other  means  previous  to 
the  horrible  recourse  to  arms,  no  "friend  of  pence"  can  deny. 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  as  the  arrestation  of  our  prosperity 
arose  from  the  measures  of  France  and  England — and  as  it  has 
never  been  pretended  that  the  American  administration  advi- 
sed or  encouraged  these  powers  to  adopt  their  orders  and  de- 
.  crecs,  it  conclusively  follows  that  the  outcry  against  the  re- 
strictive system  of  Mr.  Jeiferson,  which  these  predatory  and 
oatrageous  measures  rendered  indispensable,  is  utterly  unjust 
and  unfounded. 

There  is  another  mode  of  deciding  this  question.  If  the  de- 
mocratic administration  of  the  general  government  really  carried 
on  hostility  against  commerce >  it  had  no  mode  of  displaying  that 
hostility  but  by  the  enaction  of  anti-commercial  laws,  or  the  re- 
peal of  pre  existing  laws  favorable  to  commerce.  This  is  self- 
evident.  Except  in  this  shape  it  was  as  perfectly  powerless 
over  commerce  as  a  council  of  Indians  held  in  a  wigwam.  And 
if  there  were  any  anti-commercial  laws  enacted,  they  must  be 
Btill  extant.  The  statute  books  are  every  where  to  be  found. 
Ap'1  I  DOW  in  the  face  of  the  United  States  and  of  Christendom, 
cbAiTenge  any  opposer  of  the  administration  to  produce  a  single 
law  enacted  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  which 
^s*"  can  by  any  man  of  character  be  ascribed  to  hostility  to  com- 
merce. There  is  not  one.  Nor  was  any  law  favorable  to 
commerce  repealed.  Let  the  statute  books  be  carefully  ex- 
amined, and  the  laws  brought  to  the  severest  scrutiny. 

It  would  be  most  extravagant  folly  to  ascribe  the  law  of  180  6, 

prohibiting  the  importation  of  (crtain  articles  of  British  mrnu- 

facture,  to  the  hostility  of  thr  £:0vernn'ent  to  commeice.     This 

law  was  euacted  io  consequence  of  the  clamors  and  remon- 


■«* 


APPENDIX. 


44d 


atrance^  of  the  commercial  men  thiMnselvos,  in  oril»  r  lo  intlmc 
Kn'i;l:wnl  to  cciise  her  unjust  and  iiyurioua  ilfi)rt'tlatioii3  u;tuo 
tlitiir  commerct'. 

We  ni»w  draw  towards  a  close.  We  have  seen,  I  repeat,  that 
tlie  po|>ulation,  theexporU,  Ihe  tonnai^e,  the  (tuiipstic  indus^ir}  , 
unil  the  revenue  of  the  nation,  made  rupitl  pros^rt'ss  for  seven 
years  of  Mr.  Jett'ersou'a  administration,  and  that  (hninu;  the 
same  period  its  debts  had  most  rapidly  decreased — and  it  ap- 
j)ear3that  no  law  hostile  to  commerce  was  enacted — no  law  la- 
vorahle  to  commerce  repealed — tndthat  our  prosperity  contin- 
ued till  it  was  cut  up  by  the  roots  by  foreign  powers — and  how, 
then,  can  a  candid  iedeialist  so  far  lose  sitcht  of  jus'ice,  or  pro- 
priety, or  the  holy  rule,  "  do  as  you  would  he  done  by,"  as  to 
charge  to  the  past  or  present  administration  the  consequence^i 
of  measures  over  which  they  had  no  controul  ?  The  fcderu'ls^s 
would  complain  most  greivously  were  they  made  responsihle 
for  ilr.  Jefferson's  or  Mr.  Madison's  measures.  And  where  Is 
their  justice  in  making  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  responsi- 
ble for  the  measures  of  Mr.  Percival  or  Napoleon  lionaparte  ! 

If  I  have  succeeded  to  the  extent  of  my  wishes,  and  indeed 
of  my  expectations,  to  establish  the  positions  I  have  laid  down 
in  this  chapter,  I  cannot  fail  to  have  rendered  a  |z;i-eat  and  last- 
ing service  to  my  fellow-citizens  of  both  descriptions,  federal- 
ists and  democrats. 

The  former  I  shall  have  convinced  of  the  unsoundness  of 
their  towering  pretensions  to  an  exclusive  promotion  of  the 
prosperity  of  this  nation,  as  well  as  of  the  extrcne  injustice 
of  the  strong  and  damning  accusations  they  have  preferred 
against,  and  the  deadly  hostility  they  have  borne  towards,  their 
fellow-citizens,  who  are  wholly  guiltless  of  the  crimes  laid  to 
their  ttharge.  These  are  important  truths,  deserving  of  their 
most  serious  consideration.  To  ))ursue  a  course  of  error, 
merely  because  it  has  been  unfortunately  commenced  through 
inadvertence,  is  worse  than  folly.  To  retract  error  is  magnan- 
imous. These  considerations  ought  to  induce  them  to  lower 
their  tone,  and  to  regard  their  brethren  with  more  kindness  and 
charity  than  they  have  heretofore  extended  to  them. 

Tliere  is  one  point  which  cannot  he  too  much  or  too  fre- 
quently enforced.  The  federalists  have  been  divested  of  the 
powers  of  the  general  government  for  thirteen  years  and  up- 
wards. That  entire  period  they  have  spent  in  an  unceasing 
struggle  to  regain  the  power  they  had  lost.  They  have  spared 
neither  pains  nor  expense.  They  possess  large  numbers  of 
men  of  powerful  talents,  which  are  in  constant  requisition  for 
the  purpose.  They  have  greatly  the  superiority  of  newspa- 
pers in  perhaps  all  the  seaport  towns,  owing  to  mercantile  in- 


I 


411 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


fl»i'"icp.  *  Tlii'y  li.ive  stpii^'^le.I  in  ponce — thoy  have  atriielr.l 
in  war.  Tluy  hiive  slriii'ii^lrj  whtMi  the  nation  hardly  felt  (a\- 
afiun — Ihey  have  strui^irleil  uhen  it  vvjis  under  the  pregbun-  of 
laxts  1)1"  l!ie  mi):<t  oppressive  kind.  'J'hey  have  8lruy:g|pd  while 
ire  wereccvereii  with  «ll'ijrr»ce,  anil  overwhelmed  by  disiiriier — 
and  they  h  tve  slrujj^led  when  ft  halo  of  glory  surrounded  Ihe 
ii'itioii.  Tlipy  have  8lrui:t;led  under  every  pos8il)le  vari«ty  d' 
cir<i!mi*tHnci3.  'Ihey  have  left  nothing  uncspayed.  In  thi.s 
•truifiile,  the*c«>unfry  was  hrou;i;ht  to  Ihe  jaws  of  perdition.  In 
this  strucj'ile  their  heloved  were  placed  in  the  morlifyinji;  ()ic- 
diciiment  that  their  views  were  likely  to  pro9|)cp  hy  the  (Icltat 
and  diszp.ice — and  to  he  utterly  dis.ippointcd  hy  the  suertsj 
of  their  country.  And  in  this  strugsjie,  some  of  their  leatlers 
committed  ads  in  aidinjGT  and  abetting  the  enemy,  which,  un- 
der any  other  government,  or  in  any  olhcr  nation,  would  have 
forfeited  their  live?.  After  all  these  struggles  and  ctTorts,  they 
ore  as  far  as  ever  from  tlie  attainment  of  the  prize  which  they 
have  for  thirteen  years  been  devouring  with  their  longing  eyes. 

And  what  has  been  the  result  of  these  efforts  ?  To  engender 
and  disseminate  a  8[»irit  of  faction,  the  iHrest  scourge  that  ever 
cursed  a  country — to  divide  man  from  man — to  demoralize  the 
nation — to  prepare  us  of  late  for  civil  war  and  all  its  horrors — 
to  deprive  themselves  of  all  the  influence  their  numbers,  their 
talents,  and  their  virtues,  would  have  ensured  them— and  to 
place  them  in  the  frightful  situation  of  opposing  almost  all  the 
measures  of  the  administration,  however  wise  nr  salutary — how- 
ever well  calculaj/d  to  promote  the  happiness  and  glory  of  their 
tountry. 

It  is  time  to  pause — to  cast  a  retrospective  eye  on  the  past — 
to  look  forward  for  the  result.  A  very  little  reflection  will  suf- 
fice to  convince  them,  that  if  they  regard  their  honour  as  a  par- 
ty— their  character  in  history — their  duty  as  citizens — and  the 
ivelfare  of  their  country — a  change,  a  radical  change  is  necessa- 
ry. No  man  of  common  sense,  who  pays  attention  to  the  ex- 
isting circumstances  of  the  United  States,  can  persuade  himself 
that  they  have  any  chance  of  regaining  power  unless  by  a  con- 
vulsion, of  which  they  would  be  the  earliest  and  greatest  sutTer- 
era,  and  which  they  would  have  every  reason  to  curse  most  bit- 
terly. And  surely  with  the  wounds  of  bleeding,  gasping 
France  before  their  eyes — with  her  groans  in  their  ears — 
tliey  would  not  he  so  mad,  so  blind,  so  lost  to  reason, 
to  common  sense,  to  religion,  to  public  spirit,  (o  all  re- 
gard for  themselves  and  their  countjy,  as  to  pursue  power 

•  In  Philadelphia,  there  are  aix  federal  aod  two  democratic  papen.    The  pro- 
portioa  is  about  the  same  in  other  dtiea 


APPENDIX. 


4iJ 


throiiG;h  such  a  desperate  road  as  a  ronvulsion.  If  tliry  have 
fa.  mI  iti  :;.iia  i^iountl  in  the  crr.it  Stales  ol"  Now-Vurk,  Pfiin- 
syivania,  Vir<;iuiii,  and  North  Curuliua,  when  war, si.i^nationQt 
buHitii'iiii,  and  deitrcriation  ut'|(t'0|terty  ofevery  kind,  united  their 
el1<>tt»  to  render  tlu-ir  adversaries  un|u>|iular,  is  it  not  ''  hoping 
nt;(irt^t  hupe/^  loCalcuLtteon  |»ro<hjcins;  thiseirt'Cl  when  smiling 
peicc  vvitii  litT  cornucopia  hah  once  more  revisited  our  favored 
land  / 

l^i^l  lliein  take  the  advice  of  a  political  opponent,  hut  a  real 
friend.  Let  them  not  ri  iider  a  government,  whose  only  real 
d»ft'ct  is  i;s  lVel>I»'iiesij,  islill  more  leehle,  and  thus  endan;:er  it?» 
destrucuonjiy  a  hlind  and  indiscriminate  opposition,  I  <rhidden 
hy  wen  piiii«  ipie  of  common  sense  and  patriotism.  I^et  tin  m 
uiUi  their  ulni  ^st  eiuM'iry  oppose  all  impolitic,  injurious,  or  un- 
just meisiiKS — !)iit  let  thri.i  yield  a  cordial  <ind  hearty  stippoit 
to  every  mciviu'e  ciilculat'  \  to  promote  tiie  puf-lic  good.  Thi» 
ii  vvhai  c  »ue.»ilute4  a  no'"lean<lui8;nitVjd  oppostiou  party.  Let 
then),  if  they  choose,  use  all  tl: -ir  nlnrts  to  rej;ain  the  power 
they  have  last,  hy  lair  and  h  tnorah'  >  mi'ni"\  I  '»t  them  chari- 
tah'y  reau.l  I'loir  political  ailversaries  as  '  ♦endinj;  to  promote 
the  ;>ullic  ^ood,  even  whtii  they  lieliev»  tliem  in  error.  Let 
the'u  niikit  allo.vancp  for  hum:'  '  Ini  H-rfection  from  which 
they  iu\i  no  m  )re  e\ein(d  Uja  i  li  ♦  ir  antngoiusls.  \\y  this 
course  tiiey  will  .nike  m  »re  proi^jcss  in  one  year  than  thi  y  have 
io  thirteen  by  intemperate  violence.  This  has  rccoiie*^  and 
will  continue  to  recoil  on  thems^elvcs. 

If  I  h?ive  \n  this  chaiter,  done  a  kindn^'ss  to  the  federalists,  f 
have 'xrformed  an  ef|U'd  service  I)  the  democrats,  l»y  clearing 
ut»  s^tisf  ictorily  varioutt  points  of  ciuisideraljle  importance  to 
their  c.inrictcf,  I  hotte  I  have  fully  disproved  the  heinouc 
chirjces  a<ld:iced  ae;;»i;i9t  them,  (»f  desiro\  inj;  the  prosperity  of 
th(  ir  country  -ch  »r:j;es  whicti  have  i;aine<l  cre<lence  eveoutross 
ll.s  AtiniUic,  froai  the'-*  frequent  reiteration  here. 


li 


CHAPTER  LXXIV. 


Miscellaneous  facts  and  ohaervations. 

In  this  chapter  I  shall  collect  a  number  of  unconnected  faclt 
ami  ohservalions,  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  introduce  else- 
where. • 


.     4.i% 


THE  OLIVE  BHANCH. 


I. 

A  very  moderate  degree  of  knowledge  ol'  history  or  huraaa 
atfairs,  furnhlies  numberless  instances  of  the  discorduiice  lie* 
tv^een  very  plausiule  anticipations  and  the  actual  rrsults  un 
which  they  are  predicated.  I  olTer  one.  The  best  fiends  of 
this  country  were  always  distressed  at  the  probable  consequences 
of  a  war  upon  the  southern  states.  It  was  presumed  that  such  a 
state  of  things  would  afford  a  favorable  opi>ortunity,  which 
would  be  eagerly  embraced  by  the  slaves,  to  rise  upon  iheir 
masters  an<l  act  over  again  the  horrors  of  Si.  Domingo.  If  was 
not  taken  into  consideration,  thnt  a  state  of  war  requiring  mar- 
tini preparations  and  arrangements,  would  greatly  a(hl  to  the  h- 
eiiity  of  crushing  insurrection,  without  in  the  least  adding  to  the 
means  of  its  organization. 

It  was  slso  anticipated  that  the  hardy  and  eoterprizing  state 
of  Massachusetts  would  shew  such  a  bold  front  towards  an  in- 
vadin<;  enemy,  as  to  totally  forbid,  or  at  least  compel  him  to 
abandon  the  attempt. 

The  events  have  falsified  both  calculations.  No  insurrectit  n 
was  attempted,  or  perhaps  thought  of  by  the  slaves.  Geor-ia, 
a  feeble  southern  state,  acquired  a  high  degree  of  honor  by  the 
war.     it  covered  Massachusetts  with  disgrace. 

11. 

The  attempt  to  impress  men  from  onboard  the  Chesapeake, 
was  not  th  '  tiisi  outrage  perpetrated  Uy  the  British  on  an  Atmr- 
ican  na.  oartl  ship.  During  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adtms, 
•everni  sailors  were,  in  the  West  Indies,  pressed  from  on  board 
Ihe  Baltimore,  a  public  vessel  of  the  United  States. 

III. 

Violent  partizans  have  in  all  ages  believed  the  monstrous 
doctrine,  that  the  end  sanctifies  the  means  :  a  doctrine  the  fruit- 
ful parent  of  numberless  crimes.  This  frequently  lea<l3  par- 
ties to  adopt  maasurt  s  at  which  each  individual  would  have 
shuddered.  Our  country  has  witnessed  various  instances  d 
this  kind.  Among  the  rest,  unceasing  eiri)rt8  have  been  made 
by  some  of  the  most  zealous  and  violent  of  the  opposers  of  the 
a'bninistration,  to  persuade  the  public  thnt  the  late  war  wn?  a 
measure  concerted  between  Bonaparte  and  our  administr.iiic  ii, 
and  for  which  the  former  had  paid  the  latter  li)»eruliy.  Tie 
following  letter,  which  first  appeared  in  the  Boston  Ceulint !, 
was  one  of  the  various  means  employed  for  this  jiurpose.  .\  ii  J 
h  «•!  the  British  agents  in  Paris  entered  into  the  project,  and 
airovdvd  any  countenance  to  the  accusation,  it  would  l;ave  g^dn- 
ed  universal  credence  among  the  enemies  of  the  administration 
in  this  country,  and  oiilght  ha ve'produced  serious  consequences. 


The 
indueni 
the  pre 
citizenj 
stratioi 
h  40  a 

cities, 
Pible. 
ered  an 
•he  Idid 


APPENDIX. 


44; 


V  ery  much  lo  their  credit  ami  to  our  happiness,  thty  allowed 
it  to  sink  iiKo  oblivion. 

"  IMPORTANT  I.ETTER. 
'■  The  original  of  Ihr  letter  fioin  an    American  grntlemnn  in  Parii,  af 
which    life   following    is    an  extract,    h;i*' bi"n  sctMi   by   the  editor,  who 
^'Ouches  for  its  having  bcfn  faithfully  copied  therefrom  : — 

I'aris,  Ma.j2Cy,  18 1 4. 
•'  The  treaty  i?  nearly  conclndetl,  and  we  shall  once  niore  see  all  the 
world  in  peace,  excepting  onr  own  country— thanks  to  the  wisdoni  uf  the 
«!eiuocr;ils  t»nd  the  partizans  of  iit)naparte  I  .-ince  the  war  has  been  de- 
clared, he  has  nut  exercised  one  single  act  of  amity  or  fiiendship,  either 
toward  the  nation  or  any  individual.  Lt  is  very  well  known  by  every 
one  here  who  has  ci)nne\ion  with  the  government,  Ihat  it  uat  by  bribtry 
Hull  Ihi  cote  for  (lie  loar  obtained.  A  gentleman  employed  in  the  office  of 
the  department  of  foreign  alfairs,  toi«i  me,  that  ht  saw  on  the  books  the 
nernes  of  Ike  senators  bribei,  and  the  sums  yaul  each  of  them  by  Surruritr!  I  ! 
1  hope  in  a  siiort  tune  to  be  al»le  to  procnro  a  copy  of  it,  to  send  to  you. 
TItt  country  was  »old  by  Armstrong  before  he  left  Paris  ;  and  the  war  was 
dtciled  upon  ;  and  in  conseiiucnce  he  was  made  secretary  of  tear,  the  better 
'0  acc»tnptish  the  diabolical  syaiem  ! !  !  I  hope  the  events  which  have  taken 
plane  in  !:Curope  will  eniigliten  the  American  people,  and  shew  them 
their  true  interest  ;  and  thai  they  will  have  resolution  and  patriotism 
enough  to  dismiss  from  their  councils  men  who  have  so  basely  betrayed 
their  country  and  the  confidence  that  was  reposed  in  them  by  their  fel- 
low-citizens. This  is  the  first  step  towards  making  an  honorable  and 
durable  peace,  which  must  be  the  desire  of  every  true  American." 

This  letter  was  re-co  )ied,  as  a  most   iinportuiit  document 
iiito  a    large  portion  of  the  federal  papers  ! 

IV. 

French  and  Ens^lish  Influence. 

The  United  States  have  rebounded  with  the  charge  of  Frenclt 
inQuence,  which  1  have  incidentally  touched  upon  in  some  of 
the  preceding  pa^es.  Of  its  existence  a  large  portion  of  our 
citizens  are  as  thoroughly  a.-vlisfied,  as  of  any  of  ihe  demon- 
strations in  Euclid.  6n  the  subject  of  llrilish  influence  there 
is  .in  alin;)3t  total  silence,  hithautjh  from  th*  sameness  of  lan- 
g  idge,  mv-rcintile  inlereours^',  and  the  powerful  etfecis,  in  otfl- 
cities,  of  British  caoitil  aiu\  Itritieh  -igeni^s  it  is  plain  and  (>al- 
pable.  On  the  Itfth  of  Janu:<ry,  1814,  governor  Strong  deliv- 
ered an  address  to  the  le^iiilalure  of  Massachusetts,  ia  which 
•he  laid  considerable  emidiasie  on  a 

"  Proposal  made  by  the  French  emperor,  that  the  confrreu  at  Prague  thoull 
b*  co!np08>>d  of  pkiiipoteriti>trii>f)  from  !•  ranri-.  Ili»'  I  oiled  8tatr8.  Dr-rimark,  and 
tiie  other  ailifd  {>riae»']i  on  ttie  one  hand,  and  the  pleoipoteatiarics  of  Englaod, 
Prm^iA,  and  their  ailieji  on  the  otiier." 

From  this  proposal  the  worthy  governor  implieil  "  a  connex- 
ion with  Frnnce  in  the  war"--iii  tither  w«nta  the  hideout  hy- 
dra of  "  French  influence."  » 


4U 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


While  he  thus  sagaciously  discovered  French  influence,  or 
French  connexiuns,  in  a  circumstance  so  utterly  ijium|)urlHnt 
is  it  not  astonishing  that  he  wholly  overlooked  the  extent  oi' 
Britiah  injiucnce  in  lioston,  the  town  wherein  he  wrote  this  ad- 
dress— («nd  that  he  was  as  siieii't  as  the  grave  ahout  the  enor- 
mous supplies  of  specie  at  that  very  time  furnished  to  the  B.j. 
tish  nation,  then  at  war  with  his  native  country — and  about  thr; 
open,  undisguised  intercourse  carried  on  with  the  enemy,  anri 
the  public  sales  of  bis  government  bills  ? 

Forgery  of  ships'  papers. 

In  the  enumeration  of  the  grievances  whereby  the  United 
States  were  driven  to  war  with  EnglamI,  little  has  been  h-JiiX 
€n  the  subject  of  the  forgery  of  our  n.:val  papers,  whereby  our 
flag  was  discredited,  the  British  commerce  protected  and  ex- 
tended at  our  expense,  and  our  vessels  exjiosed  to  vhe  indigna- 
tion of  the  other  belligerents,  who  must  in  numl)erlrBs  instMites 
have  found  it  impossille  to  discriminate  between  \e8sels  fiihd 
out  in  England  with  simulated  documents,  and  vessels  fitted  out 
bona  tide  in  the  United  States.  It  is  im|  ossible  to  find  an  up- 
right man  in  the  world  who  will  not  loudly  and  unhesitatingly 
condemn  and  execrate  such  an  odious,  such  a  detestable  prac- 
tice. 

Of  the  existence  of  this  practice  no  man  doubts.  But  of 
the  extent  to  which  it  was  carried,  1  believe  very  few  jire 
aware.  I  submit  a  few  documents  which  will  throw  light  on 
the  subject— and  leave  it  then  to  the  reader's  reflections. 

Mr.  Brougham,  member  of  Parliament  for  Liverpool,  in  a 
speech  on  the  subject  of  the  orders  in  council,  read  the  follow- 
ing circular  from  a  house  in  Liverpool,  established  to  carry  on 
the  manufacture  of  simulated  papers. 


"  Livtrp9ol, ' 


"  Gpntlemcn — We  talcethe  libfrty  htrcwith  to  infornn  sou  tlmt  wr  \.:\vv  fr 
-^Wished  oiirjelvej.  in  Ihit  town  FOR  THE  FUBI'OSE  Ol  MAKING  ?IMr 
LATED  PAPERS,  which  we  are  enabled  to  do  in  a  way  which  will  give  an'(.I< 
satiffactioD  t«  oar  emp'ovtri.  a*t  only  being  in  pe^iiession  of  tiie  orig;ina)  (iocu- 
nieiits  of  the  ships'  papers,  and   olf  uraiices  to  varicu*  ports,  a  list  of  whicli  wf 

annex;  hut  our   Mr  Ci B having  worked   with   hiv   brolbrr.  iV'r. 

J——  B— — ,  ID  the  same  line,  tor  the  last  two  years,  and  understanding  al!  tL? 
nercssary  languages 

'  Of  any  chanf^f  s  that  may  occur  in  the  different  places  on  the  coittinrnt.  tt 
are  careful  to  have  the  tarliest  inforn»at!on.  not  only  from  our  own  connrxinti*, 

but  rrom  Mr.  J B-^ — .  who  has  prcflVied  his  assii^tance   in  every  waj   iin< 

who  ha»  for  some  time  past  made  f^iniuli  t»  ti  j^apers  for  Mt  >•^rs.  B and  1' — -• 

ef  this  town,  to  whom  wt  beg  leave  to  rder  you  for  further  intomation. 
'•  We  remaiD,  &e.»» 


Th 

pa  JUT 
(lie  in 
aoee  ii 


4<  'f, 

ulafeJ 

«xj)-n'i 

line,  13 

"  Tl 

FOUR 

:5E  \U 

paper, 

his  offic 

/lip  cou 

drjiwrrs 

excellen 

ftraphi. 

?^',  the 

n  ■ ,  .'oa! 

•'a,  M,  r 

?prin<^  vf, 

six  m'»ro. 
tliP  brok( 
joiicitors 
bury  '♦ 

Extract 


.  •'  The) 

is  Use  fr«[ 

thnt  a  n 

'nie  kiio 

itself  01 

too,  und 

«ii<  for  t. 

ADMiri 

ENT  C, 

LXTEDJ 

be  furiiis 

which  he 

w  Britis, 


"  War  i 

p.in.fj  til 
.i^'ftioiis 
f-Vlr.  B, 
'hi-  jroii 
t'thinfr^ 

'■Wnp  it 
be  w:><)  ci 
be  -nppoj 


AfPENBIX. 


448 


.  or 
unt, 
t  of 
ad- 
nor- 
B.i- 
tthf; 

,  unri 


nitcil 

lul  tx- 

tligua- 
thiues 

s  fill* a 

ttd  out 

on  nil- 

atin^ly 

;  |>rac- 

But  oi 
ew  !»re 
ight  on 


Til  en  followt  a  list  of  about  twenty  nlacen,  from  and  to  wbicli  th(>y  can  forge 
papers,  havinjj  all  the  clearances  r«ady  oy  tUein,  for  the  (lilFerent  public  agenti, 
tlic  iiioiuettt  they  reeeive  intelli<;ence  that  any  merchant  may  need  their  assist- 
aaeu  in  this  scheme  ol  fabrication.* 

From  the  L ,ndon  Mtming  Chronide,  June  12^  \912. 

"  Tu  <Vip-brokers,  custom  houiie  ai^ent!),  notaries  public,  merchaDts,  &c.  Sim- 
ulaleJ  i-aprrs  and  seals,  ciipital  couming  house  estureSf  20  very  excellent  .md 
«xj)-n=ive  ch/irts  and  maps,  &c. — By  Mr.  Sampson,  at  his  warehouse,  16  Sjxe 
lane,  Biicklernbury,  on  Chursday  next,  at  II,  by  direction  of  the  assignt-es 

'•  The  valuable  fixtures  and  fittings  up  of  th«»  counting  houses.  THIRTV- 
rOUR  BOXKS  CON  r  \IXI\0  8IMUL' TED  SHIPS'  PAPERS,  AM> 
SE  \Li  FOR  FOREIGN  COUNTRIES,  various  colored  inks,  foreign  writing 
paper,  &c  of  Mr  Peter  Vander,  A  A.  nierch  int.  a  biinknipt,  (rcinoved  from 
his  offices.  No.  9,  Water  lane.  Tower-street)  comprising  7  mahog-uiy  I  flap  and  £ 
Jl  ip  counting-house  desks,  book  case,  two  capital  library  and  writing  tables,  with 
riniwors,  stamping  and  sealing;  pres.-'C«,  a  patent  instaiitanrous  light  machine,  :ia 
oxrellent  mahogany  poilable  writing  df'sk  with  secret  drawers,  two  paK'nt  poly- 
f^raphs,  several  c.<plthl  <  harts,  amoii;:Bf  which  are  the  Northern  Sea,  the  Catte- 
g-^',  the  Azores,  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  tlie  Baltic  Pilot.  West  Indies,  British  Chan- 
n  • ,  •"lasts'  of  England  and  Holland,  Mediterranean,  Europe,  Asia,  and  Ameri- 
ca, M' rcalor's  World,  liiurie  and  Whittle's  new  map  of  the  British  isles,  oit 
tprin'^  rollers  and  hoxps,  Carey's  universal  atla?,  a  new  It  dger,  journal  and  waste 
boo'".,  five  volumes  of  the  beauties  of  England  and  Walr«.  and  8.^  numhrrsof  do. 
six  morocco  leather  crises,  &c.  To  be  viewed  two  d  »ys  preceditiy;  the  sale,  at 
the  broker's  warehouses  ,  catalogues  miy  be  had  of  Messrs  Sweet  and  Stokee, 
solicitors,  Baut>inghall-street,  and  of  Mr.  Sampson,  1(3,  Size  lane,  Buckleri- 
bury  '* 

Extract  from  the  speech  r^f  Mr.  Spooner,  at  a  meeting  in  Birmingham,  March 

31,  1812. 

•'  The  evil  that  presses  stronger  upon  my  mind,  as  respects  the  license  !»ystcin, 
is  the  great  degradation  it  produces  in  the  national  character.  It  is  lamentable, 
that  a  nation,  hitherto  standing  iiigh  in  moral  estimation,  anxious  to  promote 
true  knowledge,  zealous  to  spread  the  principles  of  pure  religion,  should  thus  lay 
itself  oiien  to  the  imputation  of  forcing  a  trade  by  fraud  and  perjury,  and  that 
too,  under  the  sanction  of  government  It  must  seriou.'<ly  afflict  every  one  zeal- 
eu*  for  the  true  honor  and  reil  interests  of  his  country,  that  IT  H.AS  BFiEN 
ADMITTED  IN  THE  COURT  OP  ADMIRALTY,  THAT  UNDER  PRES- 
ENT CIRCU.MSTANCES  IT  WAS  NECESSARY  TO  WINK  AT  SIMU- 
LXTED  PAPERS  !  !  !  In  carrying  on  this  trade  the  captain  of  the  vessel  must 
be  furnished  with  froo  sets  qf  papers  diametricatttf  opposite  tn  each  other,  both  of 
which  he  must  swear  to  he  trite.  He  must  also  nvtar  at  one  place  thai  the  propertjf 
is  Brilishf  in  another  thcU  it  is  neiUral .'" 


give  ani-l« 
final  (iocu- 
f  which  wP 
otV.er.  >>f- 
iing  all  lli* 


*  Tn  noticing  this  matter  in  the  house  of  commons,  Mr.  Stephens,  author  of 
**  War  in  disjjiiise,"  said,  "  he  would  ask  gentlemen  sincerely,  were  they  pre- 
p.irt'i]  to  abandon  all  trade  to  the  continent  «f  Europe,  on  account  of  those  ob- 
.i'^rtioni  in  potnf  of  mnrnlity  which  had  been  slated  by  the  honorable  mover? 
(Mr.  Brougham  ]  He  felt  himself  perfectly  ready  to  meet  any  gentleman  upoo 
thi-  crouud,  and  he  really  hfi.ieved  lie  would  find  few  who  had  n^eakness  enough 
<»  ihinh^  -.7  hyprcrisij  rnnvgh  to  (insert,  that  the  nhnlt  trade  of  Europe  ought  to  b'i 
Bbund'mfdim  nccount  of  the  immorality  nf  vn\vv>  n^rffsarily practised  in  thernt' 
vying  it  on  A?  to  the  furging  papers  and  French  consult'  certificates  of  origio* 
he  wi'<i  convinct'd  that  neither  this,  nor  showing /a/ie  colors  to  the  enemy,  would 
be  -npposed  so  serious  an  imxrorality  as  to  make  us  consent  to  abaodon  all  oar 
^sde." 


Pp 


4j4) 


H' 


niE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


In  Liverpool,  in  llie  fall  of  iSll,  the  price  of  forged  papetB; 
was  jis  follows : 

/.    5.    d. 

Amcricnn  P-eglstcr,  •  880 

Sea  Letter,  .  '  2     2      0 

•Clr;iran«'P,  2      2      0 

Kills  ol  lading,  with  notary's  ccrtiiioate  of  prop  erf  y,  3  sets,     3     3      0' 

1  sliall  close  the  suhjtct  wilh  Ihe  following  judicious  and  lib- 
rn\\  remarks  from  a  London  piijier  upon,  and  just  reprolation 
of,  ihis  vile  system,  which  goes  Ihe  full  length  of  demoralizing 
tin-  mass  of  the  persons  engaged  in  coninierce  in  any  naiion 
\N  licrc  it  is  countenanced.  .     . 

From  n  l/mdnn  Paper. 

""  Wlw  n  wo  hear  the  acciisation  of  trp;u-iif  rnig  m  utrals  daily  made  against  the 
Anerir-it)  n.itioH,  we  oiijlit  nt  lenct  to  incjuiif  whtlli»T  it  is  jii»t  befon;  vsv  jiive  it 
any  ci»deiic«'  If  liowrver,  we  assict  h»'r  in  olitainitig  thi!<  rharncter.  f;r  d  i.  ip 
lln'  advantj'.ge.'*  ol  the  proi^titdiiuii  of  lit  r  flaft,  wt-  cuij^lit  to  be  yileut.  nrp  It  is 
-.ill  in  doubted  fact,  and  well  knounto  all  concerned  in  the  Baltic  li.ioe,  tiat 
most  of  the  Kn.'ilisli  ship-  which  have  gone  to  the  north  of  Europe  for  two  j«ais 
p»ist.  have  as-unied  tlie  American  fl;itr,  aijd  taken  fiu.u!ated  japM?,  by  wliich 
thry  have  b«M  n  i  eriiiitttd  to  jn  entrj.  The  pentral  pievalence  of  this  practac 
pr'ulnced  a  seizme.cf  ail  the  'hips  under  American  coiors,  so  that,  in  many  in- 
stances, the  iieiit,al  Ameiican  merchants  ^utlered.  It  was  a  jubjer t  of  ruiion- 
"(lance  hy  Russia,  Dennrark,  and  &wed(n,  to  the  Anierican  confuls  there,  that 
lilt 'r  neutial  Hag:  \^a.«  thus  unfairly  as^umi d  by  one  of  the  bel]i;;ereots.  lu  the»3 
instances,  therHnie,  ^e  Irave  no  right  locharie  ti  e  Ain<  riians  with  had  fiii;l  .  as 
th.e  i.d'.  entures  were  comnienced  and  condodtd  by  Enj^iiih  merchants  in  tng- 
br.d." 

VL 

Upstart  pride.  ■ 

AiriOrp:  ihe  l.lota   and  hleniis^lies  of  this  coiinlry,  *■'•  vp start 
pridi''  ranks  \er}'  high,  find  products  most  ruinoLS  const  (^i.eu- 

C'-s. 

A  man  comes  to  Iht  XTnited  States  as  a  riilemplioner.  Ky 
ItiS  labor  for  (hree  orfr^ur  jeais  in  a  slate  of  servitude,  he  tle- 
frMNb  Ihe  expenfe  of  his  |'.';s?a|:e.  Le  afierwards  by  ''s.'.vin'^ 
ehrese-parinus  and  ends  of  ci«ndles,"  makes  a  little  money. — 
He  marries  a  ^^il'e,  a  peis'.na^e  equally  exalted  vith  hinifecif. 
They  raUe  and  scrajie  tojiether  a  few  thousand  dollars,  .'md 
their  ideas  exj-and  with  their  encnnous  tvcalth.  They  ha\c 
four,  five,  or  six  sons.  And  it  would  he  too  degrading  to  steop 
to  make  any  of  them  a  tradesman  or  mech«r.ie.  Mo.  ^  hty 
nu;st  be  nil  marchants — or  doctors  — or  I&w}ei8.  Hence  rre 
are  overrun  with  broken  merchants,  and  hungry  doctors  rnd 
lawyers:  and  hence  aiises  a  most  serious  and  alarniinu  <  •^  i!. 
the.  removal  of  which  demands  the  efforts  of  alt  the  friends  o< 


(iieir 
SC.iiie 
woultl 
frtrmji 
a  \\%\y 

T.V 

C0-11;ip 

I'elirio 

I'nerel 

one  cla 

oils  e(r( 

greit  u 

hatikrui 

iliis  c): 

in  the  I 

cre;ttps 

all  lifn< 

van!  ii;e 

inrrp^st 

e'Jflstan 


th'.*    vi 
m  Stic 
au,'  iitist 
te(;iio!i 
adv  Jilt. 
their  ffo 
dei*  hei 
of  (•  )ni; 

con  11  }ry 
van!  ju;e 
I>e;,t:oa 
jLiir  >  -e. 

It  is 
this,  or 
gile  it. 
o.vri"rs. 
Lei  u 
ifriUi  th( 


APPENDIX. 


454 


their  coiintrj'.  There  «re,  a! 'S  !  thousands  of  estim  .hit*  men 
sc.iiit'reJ  Ih.ui^h  me  cJfiileil  States,  whoje  taleiiis  iIhiI  forluiies 
woalil  have  qnjilnietl  tiiein  fji"  useful  mem  jcrs  of  sjcieiy  as 
f^rm  :rs,  urti*l3,  or  mecli.iiiics — ijiit  who  are  actually  lliru\tii 
aw.iy  to  Ihefinelvfs  ami  the  pujlic  hy  being  ilevokd  lo  iho 
inei'.*,i:Uil3,  or  leajaj,  or  me  licil  profession. 

Tti-"  m  jrcantile  profesilon  Ul-ui^  e\tr.i\  a»  nlly  ciowdod,  \hn 
ro,n;>?litii)M  in  our  mirUefs  fur  the  |»roJucliuns  of  tiie  couiitr}'^ 
for  exportation,  eaiaiices  Ihe  [)rice  here.  An»l  the  ijreal  com- 
petition  of  sellers  in  Ih^*  f'jrei^n  mirUets  sinks  the  price  there. 
'INierefjre  the  operilion  of  this  pernicious  prejudice,  vvherehy 
one  class  of  «jur  citizens  is  oversl  »cl\ed,  is  t\\of)lil — its  injuri- 
ous elfects  are  felt  at  home  and  'inoad.  i'o  this  source,  in  a 
j^re  it  m;'asure,  m  ly  !>e  as«'ril)ed  the  ext!avaii;int  proporiion  of 
hankruptcies  that  have  taken  place  auDU^  the  merchants  in 
this  country,  for  m  my  yeirs.  The  s^rett  ninber  of  se.i  ports 
in  the  United  States,  wherein  f()rei::n  commerce  U  carr.ed  on, 
creates  such  a  com  »etili<iu  in  the  in  irk«  s  aI)ro  ul,  as  must  at 
(til  times  subject  Americin  cummtT'-e  to  considerable  dis  id- 
vant  i:;e.  If  is  therefore  the  hei:i;ui  of  miducss  to  extend  or 
increase  the  diTiculty  un<ler  which  our  commerce  niust  tliua 
eoastantly  anJ  iiievitahiy  la!)or.    . 

VII. 

Manujdclurcs, 

Muiy  of  our  citizens  have  u'en  led  into  c;:re<;ious  errors  on 
the  vital  Siil|ject  of  the  promotion  and  ent  our agement  of  do- 
mstic  minufactures,  by  an  outcry  whicli  has  been  raised 
au'.inst  the  manufacttirevs,  that  in  all  cases  wherein  legal  [)ro- 
teciion  is  afforded  thein,  they  take  an  unjust  and  un;;enerou8 
atlv  liitij^e  of  the  puidic,  ami  enormously  enhance  the  price  of 
their  s^od-^,  whereby  their  fellow-citizens  are  unjustly  laid  un- 
der heavy  c  )nUibution.  And  therefore  many  of  our  members 
of  e  )ni;ress  s  i;i;aciously  determine  to  let  this  useful  class  of 
mf  n,  who  do  more  to  establish  the  true  independence  of  their 
C(»auiry,  th  vn  any  other,  struL^irle  a:2:iins.  the  m^iKifarious  disad- 
vail!  i^es  under  which  our  infant  msnufacfures  laljor,  in  a  com- 
j)e;.t;on  with  the  matured  and  lou^  establislied  manufactures  of- 
£tn' »  -e.  . 

It  is  not  easy  to  conJ'eive  of  any  more  mlseral)!e  err(M'  than, 
this,  or  tint  comes  with  a  wor.n?  L:rate  from  those  \\lu»  [)Juj)a- 
gnte  it.     Who   are  they  ?     Merchant,   agriculturalibii,  house 
o.vn^rs,  m  >ney  lenders,  ^c.  A:c. 

Let  us  examine  each  of  these   class(  s  separately.     I  begin 
witii  the  merchant.     When  he  im^iort^  a  carjjo  of  any  kind. 


452 


'iHE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


whatever,  does  he  regulate  the  price  by  the  cost  i — tloes  ht- 
disjiiay  the  disJnteredaess  and  self-denial  which  he  so  eloquent- 
ly {ireaches  up  to  the  manufacturer/  Suppose  he  brings  into 
the  market  an  article  whose  cost  is  one  dollar,  but  which,  from 
its  scarcity  and  demand,  will  sell  for  fifty.  Does  he  hesitatt' 
to  require  and  insist  on  fifty  ?  Not  an  instant.  And  be  would 
bave  no  scruple  to  demand  one  hundred,  or  one  thousand,  if 
the  market  would  warrant  it.  Lit  the  merchant,  then,  never 
rail  against  the  extortion  of  the  manufacturer.  Let  him  im- 
pose an  eternal  silence  on  his  tongue,  upon  this  topic,  so  preg- 
nant wiih  materials  for  his  own  condemnation. 

Next  in  order  comes  the  ao;ricul(uralist.  And  as  a  largr 
portion  of  the  members  of  our  legislative  bodies  is  composed  ol 
gentlemen  of  this  class,  the  appeal  has  been  strongly  and  to(» 
successfully  mide  to  their  passions  and  pvojudicts.  And  the  v 
freely  re-echo  the  cry  begun  by  the  merchants  against  the  pre- 
datory spirit  of  the  manufacturers.  They  forget  the  strong  pa- 
ralile  of  the  mote  and  the  beam.  Suppose  a  farmer  to  hrin^ 
jOOO  barrels  of  flour  to  a  city  in  a  state  of  f  imine.  Where  arc 
thi^n  his  Imwelb  of  compassion  ?  Where  his  tenderness  for  his 
suffering  feliow  msn  ?  Where  his  abhorrence  of  extortion  and 
depredation?  Will  he  sell  his  flour  for  the  cualomary  price  . 
No.  No.  No.  lie  takes  the  guage  and  measure  of  the  gene- 
ral distress.  And  in  proportion  to  the  degree  of  misery,  and 
suffering,  and  starvation  that  prevails,  he  tixes  his  price. 

The  owner  of  houses  and  lands  comes  next  in  turn.  And  he 
is  in  the  same  predicament  with  the  mercliant  and  agriculturist. 
He  uniformly  regulates  the  rent  of  his  houses  and  lands  by  the 
demand,  not  by  the  cost.  1  have  paid  for  iho  ii?e  of  a  hoi;sc 
for  three  months  during  the  prevalence  ol  the  yello.v  fevtr,  1 1 
least  as  much  rent  as  would  have  been  re(juirod  for  a  year.  ;\ 
very  small,  narrow  house  in  Market-slreel,  Pliilndelphia,  wlildi 
eould  not  have  cost  two  thousand  dollars,  rents  for  one  Ihcii- 
&and  dollars  per  annum. 

On  the  subject  of  the  generosity  of  the  money  lender,  it  u 
needless  to  descant.  His  tenderness,  and  mercy,  and  l,ene\o- 
lence,  have  so  long  been  the  sul>jec<  of  celebration  and  part- 
gyric  by  moral  and  dramatic  \\riters,  and  by  sermonists,  tl.;!t 
they  canuot  have  escaped  the  olservation  of  the  most  supeifi- 
cial. 

If  therefore  the  manufacturers  did  really  increase  their  profit? 
with  the  increase  of  demand,  it  would  not  be  a  just  sul  ject  •  t 
complaint,  with  any  of  the  other  classes  of  society,  whoexiel 
ly  pursue  this  plan  themselves.     But  it  does  not  follow,  (haU 
rise  in  the  price  of  a  manufactured  article  produces  an  inert  n?^ 


APPENDIX. 


4!^^} 


•*j*' the  prolit'j  of  manufacturer.  By  no  niear.?.  Three  ilcma- 
ret;ii!;iio  iho  |irici'  oi'  luaniifu'turt'sj — tlu;  cosl  of  the  maleri^il — 
thr  jirice  of  l.i  our — an<l  the  \n'o\\\  of  the  in  hu» lecturer.  Now, 
it  ii  tou  oh.^i')US  to  KMiuirt'  enforcement,  that  an  increase  of  de- 
m.inil  ilwayj  iiicreast^s  the  price  of  the  tirst — an.l  very  frequent- 
ly of  the  second.  Let  H6  then  aujipose,  that  of  a  yard  of  broati- 
cloch,  which  st-tla  for  six  <lo!hir8,  tiie  raw  mutfrial  costs  two— - 
the  hthoiir  twi>— anJ  thd  the  manufacturtT  has  a  protU  of  th*? 
othor  t.vo.  If  the  demniil  te  hy  any  ni«».in3  ;;reiitly  increased, 
the  prioe  of  tlie  wool  luy  rise  h.df  a  d  )Ilar — and  of  the  lalioTu- 
as  iniich  more.  Tiius  llie  article  may  be  sold  at  seven  dollars — 
an  I  the  m:tnufaciurer  not  make  more  |)ev  yard— and  less  pep 
ceat.  than  when  iie  sohi  at  six  dollars.  This  is  a  random  case 
— I)ut  sutficient  to  elucidate  the  point. 

Agiinat  extortion^  on  the  part  ©f  manuf.icturers,  the  piihllo 
ha 'c  two  njood  safe<;i!ards.  One  i?,  tho  competition  among 
the.naelves,  which  is  at  rdl  times  suificient  to  prevent  imposilior\ 
to  iiny  very  mttlerial  extent.  The  other  is,  the  danjjer  of  en- 
;'<omMirinf;  the  Europer^n  articles,  which  are  always  ready  to  be 
poured  into  the  country  in  extravagant  quantities:. 

VIII. 

Excise. 

The  most  odious  and  oppressive  form  in  which  contributions 
C-au  be  !  ^vied,  is,  excise.  Ifosveverfree  the  constitution  or  laws 
of  a  country  may  be,  th  r.,e  citizens  or  sniyects  on  whom  an  ex- 
cise system  operates,  are,  so  far  as  respects  the  support  of  gov- 
ernment, in  a  state  of  as  much  oppression  as  the  subjects  of  thfj 
veriest  despotism.  Their  houses  are  liable  to  ilomicilinry 
visits — the  whole  of  their  business  Oj)ea  to  the  inspection  of 
tax-gatherers — they  are  subject  to  the  necessity  of  keeping 
their  accounts  according  to  rules  and  orders,  with  which  it 
is  almost  impossible  for  many  of  them  tocomj)ly — and  in  m  uiy 
cases  they  are  liable  to  pains  4nd  |)enalties  for  perjury,  wIipq 
their  intentions  are  perfectly  fair  and  honorable.  And  so  fir 
as  respects  property,  despotism  does  not,  I  believe,  exhibit  itself 
under  a  more  frightful  aspect  than  this,  in  any  part  of  Eurojje. 

That  there  are  cases,  nevertheless,  in  which  it  is  peifectly 
right  and  proper  for  government  to  impose  excises,  and  in 
which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  citizens  to  submit  to  them  cheerful- 
ly, I  am  satisfied.  And  that  the  situation  of  this  country,  dur- 
ing the  last  session  of  congress,  when  the  excise  system  was 
adopted,  was  such  as  loudly  called  for  and  justitied  it,  is,  I 
think,  equally  ci«ar«    The  peo[»le  should  b&ve  borce  a  ta&  oa^ 

F  p  2 


454 


THE  OLIVE  I^UANCn. 


births  or  fiinerals,  on  the  linhl  <jf  hrnvrn,  rr  on  ll:e  i.irllwy 
l>rea(h<-,  r;itht>r  (liiin  sul/mit  (u  an  iiuiuruiq:  tiuiny.  Anil) 
think  it  wascrtililalMe  to  the  niiiion,  tijat  c.onv;nss  rilirtl  so  fjir 
on  its  patriotism  as  to  risk  their  popiihtrity  on  a  sysiem  so  ob- 
noxious, which  nothing  hut  dire  neccasity  coiiUl  justify. 

liut  when  |>cacc  was  restored — when  tiie  merest  sciolist  in 
political  economy  in'ist  have  been  pfcrleclly  satisf-ed,  llal  II. 
Impost  wonUI  he  amply  adequate  to  meet  all  possible  demands 
of  government — it  v\as  a  most  unpardonable  sin  of  the  demo- 
cratic majority  not  to  repeal  this  most  odious  of  all  the  odious 
forms  of  taxation.  To  contiiuie  the  domiciliary  visists  of  ex- 
cisemen— and  all  the  revolting  detail  c>f  this  system,  when  I  hero 
ivas  so  obviBOUsly  no  necessity  for  it,  and  when  it  could  he 
done  away  without  any  possible  disadvantaije,  was  a  gross  de- 
relictioN  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  thirteenth  congress — a  dis- 
regard of  the  feelings  and  just  claims  of  a  largr  |?oition  of  tlieir 
fellow-citizens,  that  cannot  fail  to  ensure  them  the  most  uuqual- 
ifie'\  censure  of  their  constituents.  And  there  is  no  dojibt  thai 
Ihey  had  political  sins  enough  to  answer  for,  without  this  addi- 
tion to  the  catalogue. 

IX. 

French  Decrees — Ens;Hsh  Orders  in  Council. 

1  have  already  several  times  incidentally  louchtd  on  these 
measures  in  tiie  course  of  this  work.  l>ut  1  cannot  n  sisl  the 
temptation  once  more  to  raise  my  feeble  voice  against  thim  in 
«  few  concluding  observations. 

The  history  of  the  whole  world  maj'  he  ransacked  in  vain  to 
find  any  parallel  to  these  barefaced  violations  of  the  law  ol  na- 
tions. They  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  stamp  the  era  through 
which  we  have  passed  with  disgrace  and  disht  nor. 

Two  great  nations — or  rather  the  governments  of  two  great 
ii?\tions — strain  every  nerve  for  mutual  destruction.  For  the 
«tl  inment  of  this  object,  there  is  a  most  wanton  ami  prodigal 
sacritice  made  of  human  life  and  human  happiness.  Yet  in  the 
miiiftt  of  this  frightful  devastation,  they  most  perfecly  accord  on 
one  point,  which  is,  to  depredate  on  the  property  of  unoflind- 
ing  and  mijirotected  neutrals — or,  in  terms  of  the  Boston  n.er- 
•chants — "  TO  prey"" — yes,  it  is  ^'  lo  prcij  vpon  the  ur.proUekd 
property  of  a  friendly  power."** 

This,  as  I  have  alieadj*^  staled  five  or  six  times,  is  the  Inn- 
gnage  of  the  merchants  of  Boston,  signed  by  their  commiltee, 
James  Lloyd,  George  Cabot,  David  Green,  Arnold  Welles, 
John  Coffin  Jones,  and  T.  H.  Perkins.  If  it  be  offensive,  let 
Ikese gentlemen  answer  for  the  offence. 


ATPEXDLK. 


4Ttj 


^Vhat  is  the  niranin'^  of  ^^  loi>rcy  /"'  Or.  Ji.linson,  vho  is  iu- 
«lis!>nt:  l»U?  Ir\i(;(»p.iii|>liical  aulliorliy — Ulls  ii  <>  voilil — that — 
*'  to  |»rey,"  is  ncilht  r  more  nor  U  s;*,  lh:iii  '•  to  ihnni  r — to  nb."' 

Thus  itaj»,>p.ns  th'it  the  wiiolf  '>oi\y  ormncli.ui'n  ot  the  town 
of  IJoi'on,  in  I'.iOO,  ('uMicIy  iict-usril  Uu-  l/iii»sh  i.'ovt:nm('n!  of 
'■'■'/jlini'frin'X  and  rohfnn<r''  '•  Ihi*  uii;irot<  iltd  jtiopt  rty  t»f  a 
fri<ii  1  y  power."  Ami  no  man  w'lA  \  reteuU  to  iUuy  ilml  ll.r 
"  decrees"  were  of  an  »<jiially  '•/;r</////^'"'' char-.efer. 

Anil  what  was  the  jiallialion  of  lhis»  pm/im:  ?}  stem  ?  France 
constantly  and  eiirtieblly  protested,  thiil  Ijishmd  had  he^un  »lie 
trade  of  '■'- pm/in^,""  and  that  she  had  cn'i/ Jul tvn  d  lur  (. rani},!: . 
Kn^hind  w ith  ecpial  veliemc  uee  asseverated  th-^t  the  "^rr<//«:^'' 
)iad  bei;ini  on  the  other  suU^  of  the  (channel.  And  on  tliis  misera- 
ble, conlem,)ti  )le  pretence,  they  "•prrucd'"  upon  Am*  ric.in  pro- 
j)erty  between  them,  to  tlie  amonul  pn)!ial>ly  t)f  thirty  millions 
of  dollars.  In  a  word,it  appears  that  both  parties  repirded  us  as 
nna'de  to  protect  ourselves,  and  therclorc  that  our  commerce 
was  lawful  "/?rn/,"  to  avail  myself  once  more  of  the  phraseology 
of  Mr.  Lloyd  and  his  friends. 

It  mi^ht  be  thouj^ht  impossible  to  add  a  shacfc  to  this  odious 
system.  But  this  is  an  error.  The  last  stroke  of  t!ie  pencil  is 
^vanted.  While  e;xh  of  those  nations  "'■  preyed'''  upon  the  law- 
fid  commerce  of  the  United  States  with  her  enemy,  they  carried 
ou,  in  the  midst  of  a  raojin.;  and  devouring  war,  a  Iradic  with 
each  other,  erected  on  the  basis  of  fraud  and  perjury,  a  consid- 
erable portion  of  the  materials  of  which  traffic  ajo=e  from  the 
American  propert}'  "y^rn/rrf"  upon  by  their  cruisers  !  !  !  I ! 

Tiie  New'York  merchants  prefer  an  accusation  against  the 
orders  in  council,  full  as  stronj?  in  substiince — but  net  qijite  so 
j)lain  in  style  as  their  Boston  brethren.  They  slate  th<»t  "  hav- 
in<r  totally  suppressed  the  external  commerce  of  her  enemhs,  (irtat 
Britain  is  counselled  to  appropriate  to  herself  thai  of  her 
friends.^^  The  term  ''^appropriate'*''  is  rather  more  Chtster- 
tieldian  than  *•'' picy.'''*  liut  it  is,  after  all,  the  s.ime  dish,  a 
little  more  nicely  garnished.  The  piivateersman  who  '•'•  prey(d^ 
upon  the  "  unprotected  property  of  a  friendly  power'*''  merely  ^'ap- 
propriated''' that  property  to  himself.  ^ 

That  in  the  whole  world  a  single  man  who  did  not  profitJ>y 
tliis  system,  ghnuld  be  found  to  justify,  or  even  palliate  if,  is 
amazing  beyond  expression.  But  tha!  American  merchautP, 
whose  vital  interests  and  whose  country's  dearest  rights  i  cut  up 
root  and  bratich,  should  have  taken  this  ground,  as  we  know 
they  have  done,  will  to  our  posterity  appear  as  fabulous  and  as 
ronaaatic  as  the  celebrated  story  of  Don  Belliaais  of  Greece — the 


I 


4:;0 


THE  OLIVE  BRANCH. 


rnnowned  liistoiy  of  Puifimus,  PsMismanoH,  and  Paiiamrnidrs- . 
or  Mir  ilehcialdc  talfs  of  Al  i«ldii»'3  woudtiful  lump,  and  tiiiiMad 
the  Sailor. 

li  will  hf  Hskr<l,  why  dli-cus  llii^  Fidijcct  now?  wimt  pinpoFr 
can  il  answer  but  lo  nrijiir  iiid  lo  iiiitaK — lo  pr»;vc;iil  llx;  wouiuIh 
jctnvrd  iuid  ^hrn  iVoin  cicitlri/in*;  ?  Oiitrhl  not  ihfsc  Irjitstd 
br  buried  in  fU'iiiHl  oblivion  ?  Cm  lliis  be  a  propc  r  tin:*;  for 
Hijch  en(|uiii(9  ?  I  aiisMcr,  this  is  the  lime — !he  (Mily  time. 
What  ptirpoi-e  woiiid  the  discnsFion  have  anE«(  red  dmii'^  Uie 
violence  and  tiiibiileiicc  of  war  ?  A  period  of  peace  is  pi(  cis(  ly 
tlie  lime  to  invehli;;ate  the  cjueslion,  all  impovtant  to  the  Uniffd 
Slates,  wiieflin  ihe  liglns  of  neutral  nations  are  to  be  held  by  the 
tenure  of  lite  forbeavanci',  the  niodcraliun,  ihe  justice,  the  f^eiieros- 
ity  of  lKiri<;erenls — -^  ttiiu:e,  or  a  preeariou^fttss  wheieol  we  have 
had  80  many  admonitory  examples — or  whether  the  rights,  the 
sovereitjnty,  ihe  trade,  the  commerce  of  neutral  nations  t>iinll  le 
treated  by  bdliiicients  nitli  the  respect  to  which  they  are  entitk d. 
Thig  is  a  glorious  thenu'  for  enlighted  mtn  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic — uoilhy  of  a  Milton,  a  Ciolius,  a  PuCendorff,  of  a 
Henry,  a  Dickiiwou,  or  a  Fianklin. 


THE  END 


Armi 


-  I 


Ml. 

Biiiiii 
B-i!ii 
Br  II'. 
Bl  .'«-»> 
B  i  ,(| 

B!    fkL 

c\ 
B  Mot 

B  .•/!<.♦ 
B  :(is| 
B.itisi, 
Bcai,«|) 


INDEX,  No.  1. 


[Vltose  ar licks  not  found  in  thit  Inr'cx,  may  be  aougiit  for  in  A'o.  JI.] 


AdaiiiH*  Defence  of  the  American  Conslitutions,  tribute  to 


Ailministrnli'm  of  Mr.  .lofl'ei>oii,  weakne^sof 
Vii'xaiitlLM',  ciiiperur,  his  opinion  of  the  justice  of  the  war 
Alien  anil  oe'iition  laws,  opposition  to 
Ainiricpu  revolution,  harliaritieji  perpetrated  in       < 
A'liencan  merchants,  true  policy  of 
A>neiicaii8  vindicating  the  outrages  of  Great  Britain 
Aiuerican  impressed  sailors  !«courged  for  trying  tu  procure  redrew 
American  slaveja  on  board  Hritioh  men  of  war 
Appoinltneut  of    iMr.  (iailatin  as  minister  impolitic 
Arraiiitice  proposed  by  admiral  Warren  D4 — rejected  by  Mr.  Ma- 

di.Hiiti   't5 — intpojicy  of  the  rrjection 
Armistice   ftroposed  by  Mr.  Mad;Son  56 — rejected  by  lord  Ca6- 

tlerpaji;h 
Arnold  Benedict,  treason  of 
.Vcsijcititioijs  to  |»rcvent  tiie  Micceps  of  the  loaim 
AttiU'k  on  the  (  he-iaiteoke   stuteinent  of  the  lJ$i — remarks  on 
\h.\\K  of  thrt  United  *tates,  non-renewal  I'f  llu;  charter  of  the 
Kankriiptci'^s  nuincrou.s  in  the  middle  and  southern  states 
Hurinu;  "ir  I'rancis  purcha«ed  -i'O  shares  in  the  Hunk  L'.  S. 
F?i',  ai'd   liitnes  A.  his  opinion  of  the  orders  in  council 
Riiiu;j;'s  inquiry  into  the  '•Herts  of  tiie  orders  in  o  iincil 
B»'iiin  decree  not  enforced  Hi'iivinsl  American  vebsels  fur  H  months 
B<  ll'«  Weekly  Messeai^t-r,  delence  of  America  by 
Bt  >ke  Francis,  remarks  on 
B'i  id  leading  the  blind 

Bl  ckade  of  the  ct)ast  from  the  F.lhc  to  Brest 
B.Ji  in  has  44  members  in  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massa- 
chusetts 
B».(on,  turbulence  of 

B  >v\>'\  (captain)  blockade  of  the  British  dominions 
B  "tish  depredations  bronj;ht  on  the  tapis  in  the  senate  of  the  U.  ?. 
B.iti>-h  prizes  sent  into  B(»st*)n 
Biitish  de  .redations.  calculations  of  the  amount  of 
British  depredations,  gov.  PInraor's  opinions  on 


49 


315, 


31 

10 

'IH 

48 

36 
100 
i&S 
207 

*>2S 

58 

55 

56 
.'^40 
.S05 

;::« 

5« 

54 

129 
121 
192 

:i.S5 
^u 

120 

419 
2G3 
121 
109 
315 
552 
654 


458 


INDEX,  No.  1. 


Britisli  povernmpnl  Mils  openly  udvfrtisfd  for  sale  In  Hoistoii  Sit 

liriiiNb  «le|«r«  dHtiiiis,  iiiercuntilc  luctliiig'ij  agwi.  A  Hi,  (jd — rum- 

oils  C'rdlMMjUfllCC.I  of  iJ8 

Briti.'>h  |nivtttct*r}',  liorritdc  pictmc  of  tho  lup  /,  '^  «.'  1-9 

IJi'iti^lj  syvicin  tfuvards  U.  States',  impoliry  of  ^^^4 

U^ili^ll  iiiiijij.ters,  iiidcffUHible  coiuluct  nf  iJul 

l?>i(tu!|i;liaiii  IltMiiy,  pxtract  from  ^|•^•^'th  of    ■  ^56 

C lit sujitMivL',  luurdt'ious  attack  oil   the  HI — Sadij;nntion  cxcitrd 

by  tlif  li-.',  114,  116 

Clumi^e  ill  the  prospect?  of  tlic  country 
C'hu.cli  if.  in  d  tii;:'!-.  iuai:ical  cfieot.s  of  tlip  d»'fP|itious  cry 
Civil  war,  tlaii^firof  ^il— i'iidi'avor>>  to  prodime 
Cias^!^u;^li(»ll  h\«-i<Mi»,  excellence  of  M3.S,  iJo4,  Sii3 — a  niea«urc  of 

the  Aineiieari  revolution 
Cobheit,  W.  rcdiciioiis  of,  upon   the  iinpre»i<iment  of  Aincricun 

f-eainrn 
ColoHial  trade,  lilieral  expoisltion  of  tho  nature  of 
C(»iniiiero«'of  Aiicrica  all-important  to  f"-iiglanti  .>r)3 — extent  of 
Couibiiidtioii  to  paruli>e  the  governiuent  iU6 — ruinous  consecjueiJ- 

ces  of  SOH — particulars  of 
Cotniiii'icc  o}"  dilf'Tnit  parts  of  the  IT.  States 
C'omliuiation  tica^onable  tobariKrupt  the  government 
t'oiillagiatioii  al  NVa-hiii;^ton,  ett'oclsi  of 
CoijirrphH,  iaiiif ntahle  liiilxfiliiy  id' 
C'onjinlai-  certificates  (>(  origin,  a  cause  of  capture 
Constitutions  of  vari«»us  states,  ^xtiaets  from 
Congress  empowered  to  call  oi>t  (he  militia  in  case  of  invafiion 
Coj>etilia^pn,  i1a^iliolls  de^tiiictiun  of 
Credulity,  wonderful,  of  faction 
Critical  situation  of  the  l^  "-tates  * 

DaciTs  captain,  address  of  to  the  court  martial     >     ;    „ 
Dai-dii)\s  (Awiy)  lutrsc,  procerdinjis   resfircting 
Danes,  I'ortui^utse  a  id  fwedcs  impressed  on  board  Amciican  ves- 

^f•ls  .  ,,  , 

I>avil!i'*i  history  of  Frencli  civil  wars,  reference  to 
l>eanp     ilas,  treason  of 

Debts  (d'  lh»'  United   ^talfs,  ditninulion  of  tiie 
Drrbi  ration  of  war  H;;Min?>t  I'rance,  motion  for  rejected 
l)tiii..«:rais  thrnatrned  w  ith  veiri^iaiic   us  fiicnds  of  Bonaparte 
Deuii'crats  rail  at  the  ap|uiiiitmrut  of  judi^e  Jay  to  negociate  with 

iMigiaiu! 
Diirrt  ti'.xes.  repealed  under  M r.  JeflFerson's  administration 
Disdf' clioa  towards  the  governnii.  nt,  instances  of 
Disc'oil,  attempts  to  produce,  between  the  eastern  and  Joulhern 

s- tales 
Domestic  improvements  and  industry,  progress  of 
Duties  on  exports  paid  by  the  dilferent  states 
Duty  of  the  U.  States  to  oppose  IJritish  pretensions 
Eastern  stales,  pret  nsions  of,  to  superiority  over  soutbern 
F.astern  states,  cliaracter  of  at  various  periods 
F.rfstern  states,  greatly  dependent  Uj  on  tlie  y(  uthern 
K.iVtern  i'tates,  deejly  interested  in  manufactures 
lilaloD,  general,  shumefully  treated 


at 

177 
.3 

ii)ri 
u 

31  "> 

SOI 

63 

63,64 

131 

S87 

S03 

SG9 

136 

21> 

215 

65 

ai 

S40 

4.^57 
26^5 

4'^i 

53 
438 

S'J 

430 

294,  295,  £96 

86 

274 

275 

298 

S82 

41 


INDEX,  Xo.  I. 


4:id 


Ititjht  pi»r  coat.  Innn,  oppn^lti•)n  to  ,  . 

Kiiih.ii^^o.  n.idiily  »'(if.>ii:r«ll)y  Mr.JrffiThOii 

Kiiil);fi':^i),  factious  clamor  u^iiiii<>t 

]!.iiioiirgo,  II  vviku,  (>rii(lciil  aiui  liecc>^^ary  meu.'<uiC 

KiiiImi'^o,  view  iif 

F.i.i'iiui^o,  llritisli  itrodamntion  invitr<<  to  vloliilinn  (<i 

KlUiiU^^o,  coin|i.u'Hoii  uf,  vvit'a  ucti>  |iu>>c'(i    duniii^   the   prcci-ding 

a<llllilli^t^:Ul<)us 
F-mhar^o,  H«l  tuiMilircn  tlio 
l;"iul.iar.;;o,  Ihij^niiiil)  vioUt<!tl,  1  \\ — rrpoiiird 
Kiui»;iri:;o,  rt'coiiiiM'iiili'd  to  coni^resH  l»y  iiM'irhants  nf  NtW  York 
I:.ll^li^ll  t  .iiiaillf  <l(^lf.'-l  foreigiuTS  of  all  dc.»fi  iptiuus 
Fiif^iatti!,  iiiii^iiaiiiuicii^  (>xatii|i|«;  uf 
Kii.^laiid  strn^i^liii..;  f"»'  lior  existence,  a  nipre  delusion 
Kui^lisli  ouliai^P"   details  (,f 

.F'l.land  more  alijy  »!» iVud*'*!  in  Aiuerica  than  in  I.onduu, 
F.  Inland,  elal'orati'  dil'tMici's  of 
Eii;^!arid  cai-rii'd  on   with    l*  ruiice  the  trado  iiiteidii-led   to    iha 

I  iiitcd  -tales 
F.irorj;  of  tlio  dnuocratic  (larty 
Kr-kiiu'  airaiimMiieiit,  lilit  r:il  and  ma};ti.Ttiimoiip, 
£i'<>kiii(!  urriin^emonl,  loudly  and  iiiii\  •'  >;tlly  a}>i>!iiiidsd 
TCi'vUiiie  arraii^i'iueiit,  nt*\\>i).4ici*  oxiracih  rchpeclini; 
Ki>Uine  anan^eiiii'itt,  analy^i»•  of 
Erckiiie  ftrran^emcnt,  Ciiii>r  of  its  rejection 
Kr^kine,  Mr.  Cleorjj;e  C  auiiinu;N  ini'trni  lion  to 
Exporn  of  th«  United  'tutef.,  Mateuieiit  of  the 
Exporls  of  the  United  .-tHte?,  increase  of 
Export"  of  the  United  "tatOH,  foreij;!!  and  domestic,  '27C — 

forsi^iti, '-Ti* — »k:;tnt\stic,  iUl — \urions  coinparihons  of 

the    "  217, 

Faction,  consequences  of     '        • 

Faction   deleterious  eiTrcts  of,  rf«pecliiig  impresHnciit" 
Fetlera!  convention    pi- .cecdin^s  in    . 
Federal   party.  divisi.>n  amoiit; 
Frderal  cjiiititntion,  forined  with  irreot  difTictilly 
Federal  party,  thi'ir  iinavaili  (i;^  strugj^le*  I    r  power 

Fetl.jral  coiiMitiiiion,  Uappy  con80(iuence»  of 
F(*lcrali?t!<,  orrois  of 

Federi>li-t«,  address  of  the  author  to 

F.'iler  .li  ts  pur.>>ued  the  [olicy  th»-y  reprobated  In  the  demorrats 

F'- I»ra'i"«t«  i'l  lT9J-i  and  >,  friends  of  ord»r  and  j^ood  governuicnt, 

F  rpf  t^tiR's,  illilci'alitv   )f    rejudices  Muanist 

F  .  •irn»>r»i,  li-Jt  of,  vv!i.)  'irijiorted  itic  cau>c  »)f  Amcrioa 

Foreia;n  eoinineice,  pros»i'csiS  of 

Foil  NVa-hingtou,  cajiliireot 

Fix'-  <■    liarles  Tainr*)  hir.rki.dr  fr'jm  the  Eliie  to  Urcst 

Fr<i.r,i  ,   American  iiiju>lic«  t'» 

Fi'Mjc ',  urhanity  of — hide  njs  rhaiiJ5P  '"  '^  manners 

Fre  ich  ialluHiice,  utter  watU  of  foniidrtiion  of 

Gardiner.  Kev.  .1.  r-.  J.  extr-ict.-  fi^etii  hij^  political  '^ermons 

General  'jovirnment,  wondBifiil  pu»l!lantiiiity  of  the 

Genera!  tickets,  extremely  paliai  ai-d  niijuat 

Gerryniaudertsiu,  defiaitioa  anil  injubtice  of 


\6 

H 

in 
no 

iw 

n:\ 

171 

.'3.17 

ma 

170 

179,  ICO,  1!!1 

1«.3 

li^J 

nr, 

8u 


7.? 
79 
«0 

78 

5U 

:)U 

75 
1C(I 

106 

36 

110,177 

329 

iZS 

Alt 

413,114,415 


4C0 


INDEX,  No.  I. 


■>  if 


122, 


Generosity  of  nations,  a  nonentity  •  •  <  - 

Gilnian,  governor,  extract  from  bis  speecU 
Goltenburgh,  uegociatiou  at,  impolitic  ^' 

Gordon,  lord  George,  riots  excited  by  * 

Great  Britain  egregiously  deceived  by  her  friends 
Griswold,  governor,  bis  opinion  of  the  conduct  of  France 

and  England 
Guerriere,  particulars  of  the  capture  of  the         f  ■■  >    ■ 

Hartford  convention,  pronounces  a  strong  censure  on  the 

i-e|)eal  of  the  direct  taxes 
Henry,  John,  ^tatiinent  of  the  mission  of 
HilMiouse,  Mr.  invites  to  iiihunection        • 
Horizon,  atrocious  ca?e  of  the 

Imlipcility  of  the  government,  reproaches  of  the     '  ' 
Impressment  on  boarti  the  Baltimore,  a  naiional  voscelof  U.  S. 
Imprecsment  of  American  reamen,  reflcctioiit  on,  19'i — by  H. 

Niles 
Impressment  of  American  seamen,  Mr.  Madison's  objections  to, 

193— J.  Q.  Adams'8,  194— Horrors  of 
Impr'^ssment  of  American  Heam<^n,  during  the  administration  of 

Gen.  Washmgton,  197 — during  that  of  Mr.  Adamg,  199 — 

iliiring  that  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
Impressment  of  American  seamen,  contradictory  opinions  of 

Mr.  Pickering  respecting  the  198,203 

Impressment  of  American  senmen,  various  views  of  2*26,  i-2T,  265  266,267 
Insurrection  and  civil  war,  easily  excited,  difficult  to  suppress 
Invocation  to  war.  by  Dr.  Parish 
Ireland  and  Irishmen,  elegant  defences  of 
Iri}>hmen  and  Frenchmen,  objects  of  jealousy 
Irishmen  in  Pk'nnsylvania  line,  suffcrinirs  and  hardships  ol     > 
Irishmen,  zealous  in  their  support  of  the  government 
lEar<l,  departure  of  from  Plattsbtrrg,  highly  injudicious 
Jackson,  general,  exploits  of 
Jacobin  and  Tacobinism,  definition  of  ' 

Jay's  treaty  factious  opposition  to 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  malignant  abuse  of 
King,  Cyrus,  speech  of,  on  the  classification  hill 
King,  Rufus,  vote  of  thanks  to,  by  house  of  delegates  of  Mary- 

iend 
Sing,  Kufus,  conduct  of  respecting  impresswcnt 
Knox,  general,  his  plan  for  classification  of  the  militia 
Liberality  and  forbearance  of  the  Vnited  ftates 
Listons's  Mr.  project  of  a  convention  respecting  deserters,  606 

— objections  to 
Lloyd,  James,  his  opinion  of  the  orders  in  council 
Loans,  ruinous  dependence  upon 

Loans  to  government,  treasonable  efforts  to  prevent  tlie  suc- 
cess of  ;       ,  '    -•     '■  /  f  -■•  5-"*  .  ^ 

Lyon,  Matthaw,  severe  caw  of 
Machiavelian  advice  of  John  Henry 
Maryland  reprc^ientation,  ui  e<|ual,  unjust  and  oppressive 
Massachusetts  di'-graced  hy  facti(m.  .'^^'.S^compared  with  Ten- 
nessee   3'''4— and  invaded  without  resistance 
Massachusetts  has  a  reprcsentatiye  of  her  black  population 


426 
4» 
99 

2.'.T 
il5 

438 
152 
151 
135 
233 
446 

195 

200 


210 


348 

425 

343-44 

338 

S38 

S40 

T5 

41 

535 

46 

178 

S94 

412 
210 
410 
111 

207 

76 

305 
44 

1.57 
419 

sn 

3T« 


r 


LVBEX,  No.  I. 


461 


AbuiadiuseUs,  factious  and  turbulent  spirit  of  300 

Massachusetts,  representation  in,  rery  ill  arranged  418 

Members  of  house  of  representatives  of  the  U.  Statea  374 

Merchants,  character  of  by  Edmund  Burke  ,    lOiS 

Merchants  utterly  fail  to  redeem  their  pledge  105 

Merchants  miserably  mistake  their  true  policy  and  interests  107 

Mercantile  meetings  to  remonstrate  against  British  depredation  85 

Milan  decree,  atrocious  wickedness  of  the  135 

Miller,  Mr.  speech  of  on  the  classification  bill  394 

Militia  defence,  examination  of  its  efficiency  383 

Militia  service,  right  of  society  to  coerce  386 

Militia  laws  of  various  states,  extracts  from  38T,  388 

Militia  drafts,  oppressive,  unequal  and  unjust  395 

Militia  defence,  inefficiency  of  397— General  Washington's  de- 
nunciations of  399,  400,  &c. 
Minority,  inexplicable  conduct  Of  the  340 
Money  the  sinews  of  war  305 
Monroe  and  Pinkney's  treaty  rejected  by  Mr.  Jefferson  46 
Morals,  horrible  depravation  of  SIS 
Morse,  Kev.  Jedidiah,  extracts  from  a  political  sermon  of  4^ 
Morse,  Rev.  Jedidiah,  his  exhortation  to  support  governmeut  ibid 
Muster  books  of  Moselle  and  Sappho  214 
Navy,  democratic  opposition  to  40 
Newspaper  statements,  erroneous  6t 
Neglect  of  public  opinion,  ruinous  consequences  of  66 
Newspaper  misrepresentations,  ruinous  consequences  of  255, 236 
Newbiiryport  pledges  itself  to  resist  the  government  even  unto 

blood  102 

New  Orleans,  remarks  on  the  occlusion  of  244 

Newspaper  denunciations  of  subscribers  to  government  loans  309 

Nou'intercourse  reprobated  by  democrats  51 — and  by  federal" 

ists  169,  170 

110 
168 
34 
218 
333 

82 

127 

354 

353 
425 
329 
^^% 
108 
425 
330,331 
64 


Non>importalion  law,  tenor  of 

Non*intercouse  law,  view  of  the 

Northern  grievances,  extract  from 

O^Brien  Bernard,  impressed  seaman,  certificate  respecting 

Opposifion  to  the  government,  ruinous  conseqnences  of  the 

Orders  in  council,  denunciation  of  by  James  Lloyd  256 — by  James 
A.  Bayard  257--by  H.  O.  Otis 

Orders  in  council  1793,  ruinouo  consequences  of 

Orders  in  council  Nov.  11.  1807.  122— .Nov.  2J,  1807,  125— de- 
fended by  Americans 

Orders  in  council  required  to  be  resisted 

Orders  in  council,  inquiry  into  the  effects  of  the,  347— testimony 

against 
Osgood,  Rev.  Dr.  David,  his  exhortation  to  support  government 
Osgood,  Rev.  Dr.  David,  extracts  from  the  political  koiinons  of, 
Outrages,  succession  of,  perpetrated  on  this  country  by  the  British 
Pacific  nseasures  defeated  by  mercantile  opposition 
Parish,  Rev.  Dr.  Elijah,  his  exhortations  to  support  government 
Parish,  Rev.  Elijah   extracts  from  his  political  sermons 
Parliamentary  proceeding:  in  England 
Party  and  faction,  the  bane  of  republics 
^rty  writers,  deccptioui>  conduct  of 


% 


4Gi 


INDEX,  No.  I. 


Party  and  faction,  history  of,  a  desiileraium  ■*■'  ^ 

Party  men,  thoroiigh-going,  rarely  lk>rvest  poritkiatiS  10 

Partirfi  change  nainei  and  principles  l!*ii 

Patriotic  proceeding!),  statement  ol*  149 

Paace  p?irty,  ruinous  effects  of  tfctrr  «xerti»>ns  335 

Peace  party,  composed  of  vrariitke  materials  S4i3 

Pelham'seiMtys,  extract§  from  S71 

Peansylvania  line,  t^ufftrings  an4  heroiim  of  ^989 

Perceval,  Spencer,  asgassination  of  564 

Perry,  con?equencps  of  his  victory  41 

Philadelphia,  citizens  of,  as  religious  as  tbofiO  of  Boston  275 

Philadelphia,  ingratitude  of  539 

Pickeiiiiii,  Mr.  1  imothy,  vote  of,  agBinstBi'Uisb  depredations  1C9 

—  against  impressmenC  110 

Pickering, T.  oltjects  to  iMr.  Liston'flfxoject of  a  coDvention  rc- 

^;pr'«'ting  deserters 
Pirkerini;,  T.  wniuleiful  contrast  of  the  oj^inions  of 
iPinckney  Wm.  character  of 
Popular  delusion,  influence  of 
Popular  delusion,  extraordinary  in^tanceof 
Population  of  the  U.  Mates,  progrcM  of  t\,c 
Power  of  congress  over  tiie  niilitiu,  in<iuiiy  into  iLe 
Preparations,  negU'ct  of 
Preparations  for  war 

"  President  Madison  to  Elba/'  a  favorite  idea  with  ninny 
PrHtetisJons  of  (ircat  Hritaiu  exposeii  by  Boston  iiicrchaiils 
Preten^'ions  of  I'  ngiand,  extravagant 

Printer  at  Reading  scourged  by  a  band  of  Philadelphia  volunteers 
Proceeding  of  Congress,  imbecility  and  folly  of 
i'rofits  of  Cf/nimerce  50  per  cent. 

Prosperity  of  the  United  States,  view  of  ,.^ 

Pr(i«^perity  of  tlie  Ignited  States,  progress  of  the 
PHlpiL  politics,  seditious  and  treasonable  instance  of 
Pulpit   politi's,  a   I  idt  ous    abomination,    ^'21 — various    instances 

of,  ."^-iiia,  L-S£9 
Q^uiiicey,  Josiah,  serUtiou:- speech  of  ' 

Hefloctions  on  the  menantile  memorials 
Religions  factions,  remarks  on 
Tveligicus  faniiticism,  in.<tances  of 
Jlepeal  of  orders  in  council,  very  equrrocal 
Republics,  history  of,  not  duly  studied  by  the  democrats 
Retaliation,  a  mere  pretence  on  the  part  of  Hliig'aud 
Revenues  of  the  United  .^tates,  increase  of  the 
Rider  annexed  U>  Monroe  and  Pinkney's  treaty  •    ' 

Iload  to  Kuia,  drliMion  and  misrepresentation  of 
Rule  of  IT-'j^,  utterly   abandoned  by  the  Drilish  govcruaicnt,  84,  a 

raere  pretext  to  cover  predatory  seizures 
Iftussion  mediation,  niisre(ircsentation  respecting 
Sepatoriftl  representation,  iniquitous  arrajigement  of 
Separatii.n  cf  the  states,  pr-ject  of  a,  in  179G 
Biniriiti.iQ  of  the  slates  steadily  advocated  in  Boston  ^ 

iltpariition  ©f  th»'  stiUt^.  various  efforts  to  ellcct  a 
.j»tnugg'in(^  carried  to  great  excr ss  iu  Button 
^ber  character  of  -he  Americans  no  security  aa^aUist  civil  war 


2(>6 

1.'33,  190,  206 

564 

SO 

m\ 

4.S1 

s^a 

M> 
5:29 
8 
88 

ia4 

241 

427 

427,  44i 

509 

330 

573 

101 

S9 

52 

5T 

40 

105 

455 

48 

S2G 

9!> 
€3 

415 

7 

M 

268 

56 


INDEX,  No.  r. 


4%\i 


WO 

"(3 
01 

SI 
5T 
40 
05 


SoutLern  statea,  unfavourable  anticipations  respecting,  belied  by  c- 

vents 
Southern  state<t,  shameful  libel  agai.itt  the 
Southern  states,  not  ho^tile  to  the  eastern) 
Specie,  accumulation  of  in  Boston 

Specie,  oppressive  dralt.s  for,  on  miilillc  and  southern  states 
Thayer,  Hirani,  har^l  cttse  of 
Tonnage  of  the  United  Stat«*H,  view  of 
Thompson,  Kichard,   impressed  seaman,  suffV'rings  of 
Transit  duties,  F.  J.  .Tack8<»n',>i  view  of  the  p^tyment  of 
Transit  duties  imposed  by  Great  Britain  on  American  trade 
Unltetl  States,  glorious  prospects  of,  3*2 — remarks  upon 
United  States,  not  sufficiently  grateful  or  munificent  towards  great 

merit 
United  States,  view  of  the  prosperity  of 
United  Stales,  m» paralleled  happines*-  of  the 
Virginia  representation,  unei{nal,  unjUSt,  and  oppressive 
War,  constant  cause  of  vvitli  England 
War  violently  opposed  by  the  minority 
War,  inquiry  into  the  justice  of 
War  priK'eedings  in  congress,  details  of  the 
War  with  England  inevitable  but  by   a  sacrifice  of  national  char 

acter 
War,  repeated  clamour  for 
Washington,  general,  his  great  merit*  and  service 


Washington,  cupture  of,  remarks  on,  69 — causes  of 


Wealthy  men  lending  their  aid  to  overturn  the  government 

Wellington,  lord,  immensely  rewarded 

Whitby,  captain,  honourably  acquitted  for  the  murder  oi  Capt. 

Pearce 
Wolcott,  O.  objects  to  Mr.  Liston's  project  respecting  deserters 
Yes?  and  aays  on  various  questions  regarding  war 


TO.T  1, 72,73,74 


1^1 


Xl'ttt    t'T- 


rcH'* 


iSw^trrii 


"A** 


•H*l 


•; 


tA 


,**•* 


•>v>> 


DOCUMENTAL  INDEX. 


NO.  II. 


i^dmiralty,  adAretn  to  the  British  navy 

Alien  law.  extract  from 

Alexander,  emperor  declaration  of  the 

Baltimore  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from 

Boston  Mercan'ile  Memorial,  extracts  from 

British  importations,  \nw  limiting 

Baron,  commodore,  letter  from 

British  proclamation,  •rderint;  the  impressment  of  Britich  subjer.la 
on  board  American  vessels 

Berlin  Decree,  November  «1 ,  1 8<>6 

Bayard,  Jarae?',  Esq.  extract  from  a  speech  tf 

Boston  banks,  abstract  of  the  state  of  the 

British  government  bill-!,  advertisement  of  the  sole  of 

Bloi'Iade,  British  deiinilion  of 

Catlei  Dr.  Ueporl  of 

Committee  of  Congress,  report  of 

Colonial  trade,  report  of  Ning's  advocate  upon 

Che^apeake,  proceedings  respecting  the  attack  upon  tUe      114,  11 

Craig,  Sir  James,   his   instructions  to  .Tohn  Henry 

Credentials  from  Sir  James  Craig  to  John  Henry 

Commercial  intevcou'se  with  Great  Britain  and  France,  act  to 
interdict 

Copenhagen,  destrurtioc  o*",  Hfr.  Roseoe's  account  of  the 

Conscription  o*"  MilftJtt,  Pcn.iKylvania  law  respecting  • 

Canning,  Mr.  George  instruction  of  to  Mr.  Erskin^ 

Certificate  of  Lieutenant  B.  Van  HoflTman 

Duties  paid  by  tlis  dillerent  states,  from  1791  to  ISfS 

Bouieotic  impi ovemenls,  tablt<*  of 

Deposition  of  Isaac  Claik 

Deposition  of  liichatd  Thoiiipsoit 

Dacres,  captain,  «;xtract  from  the  defence  of 

Documents  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  auncxed  to  the  report 
of  the  committee  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  224  De- 
position of  J.  Eldridge,  ibid.;  of  William  Parsons,  225,  of 
Caleb  Loring,  ibid.;  uf  Moses  Townsend,  ibid,;  of  Joseph 
Mudge,  ibid. ;  of  Andrew  Maraden,  ibid,  of  Josiah  Orne,  224, 
of  Nathaniel  Hooper,  ibid.  ;  of  B.  T.  Reed,  ibid. 
Extract  of  a  leUer  from  Philadelphia,  published  ia  the  London- 
derry Journal 


(:0 

45 

254 

93 

85 

110 

118 

119 
120 

25T 
316 
.SI  8 
367 
73 

1 

5,11ft 

159 
154 

168 
369 
409 
1U5 
215 
294 
430 
'il.S 

eir. 

ibid> 


«3o 


m 


DOCUMENTAL  INDEX. 


•P^A 


Bxtract  from  the  procecdingi  of  the  legislature  of  MaFiachusettD        250 
Extract  from  the  report  of  the  committee  recommending  a  deola- 

ration  of  war  ^i 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  foreign  and  domcetic,  table  of  the 

276,  287,  4.S3  ;  foreign,  279  ;  domestic,  281,  k33 
Embargo,  Philadelphia  resolutions  against  HI 

Enforcing  \aw,  extracts  fretn  1 43 

Erskine,  Hon.  David  M.  letters  of  to  the  secretary  of  state  1T3,  174 

£12 

ibiil, 

ibid. 

264 

2:i7 

426 
ISO 

ft 

151 


loa 

348 
199 


Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  mei chants  of  Salcm 

Extract  from  New  York  memorial 

Extract  from  the  memorial  uf  the  merchants  of  Baltimore 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  the  merchants  of  Newbaven 

Foster,  Augustus,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from 

Governor  Griswold,  extract  from  an  address  of 

Oilman,  Governor,  extract  from  •  speech  of 

Guerriere,  extracts  from  the  logbook  of  the 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  his  praise  of  M«.  Madison 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  letter  from,  to  col.  Pickering 

Hillhouse,  Mr.  extract  from  his  specU 

Henry,  John,  letters  from  154,  155, 156,  fcc 

Horizon,  letter  respecting  the  capture  of  the  12? 

Impressment,  resolution  of  the  scuale  of  the  I'nit^d  Siates,  a^nst 

Ireh.nd  and  Irishmen,  strong  federal  tribute  to 

Aistructions  of'AHr.  Madison  to  Mr.  Monroe 

iBftructions  from  Tirujthy  Pickerittg,  Esq.  aecretAry  of  Itate,  to 

Rufus  King,  Es'i.  198,199 

Jackson,  Francis  James,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from  269 

Knox,  General,  his  plan  for  classifying  the  militia  41 1 

King,  Rufus,  Esq.  vote  of  thanks  to  him  respecting  the  claMifioa- 

tion  law 
Letter  from  Secretary  of  state  to  admiral  Warren 
Idoyd,  Jaiaes  Esq.  extract  from  a  speech  of 
Letter  from  Mr.  Russel,  to  lord  Castlereagb 
Loans,  advertisements  of  Boston  brokers,  respecting 
Lec;islature  of  Ohio,  their  decNration  respecting  the  war 
I  ioyd,  James,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from 

Liverpool,  Lord,  letter  of  respecting  Joho  Henry 
Tuadd,  Eliphalet,  deposition  cf 

Letter  of  John  Q,uincy  Adai>is,  Esq.  to  Harrt*iB  G.  Otif,  Esq. 
Letter  from  Thomas  Jefferson,   secretary  (if   state,   to  Thomas 
Pinkney  '2%0 

Letter  fr^u  Ei  fu?  King,  E.-sq.  to  Timothy  Pickermg,  secretary  of 

statfi  200,200 

Latter  fr^n.  Silas  Talbot,  vn  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  of 
fitatb 

Letter  from  Tluiotby  Pickering,  Esq.  seeretavv  ot  state,  to  Silas 
Taiuot 

Letter  from  John  Marshall,  Es^.  gecrelary  of  state,    to   Kufds 
Kiag,  Esq. 

Letter  from  Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.  secretary  of  .-slate,  to  presi- 
dent Adams 

Letter  fpooj  Benjamin  Stoddr.rd,  Eiq.  secretary  of  the  navy,  to  do. 

Jj^ttcr  from  Oliver  VVolcot,  Ksij.  to  do. 

Letter  from  James  M'Henry  Esq.  secretary  at  war,  to  do. 


256 

Mi 

265 
166 
408 

m 

20* 


^00 

201 

204 

206 
207 

ibid. 

ibid. 


'•■-''■,■"  ■■ 


DOCUiMENTAL  IUVDEX- 


407 


(<eUer  from  Commodore  Rmlgeri  "9it 

Letters  Trom   Commodore  Porter  to  the  author  of  the  Olive 

Branch  ibid. 

Letter    from  the  brother  ot'  an  impressed  seaman  killed  on  board 

tlie  Macedonian  2iii 

Letter  from  John  Nichols  ibid. 

Letter  Jrofti  John  Davis,  of  Abel  aiT 

Letter  from  Coniuiddorc  Decatur  to  Uie  secretary  of  the  navy  Sl-T 

Letter  from  Captain  Cape!  to  Coinmoftore  Decatur  MK 

Letter  I'rum  Commodore  Deratiir  to  Captain  Capel  918 

I  istoii's  Mr  prr)Ject  respecting  deserters  206 

Monroe  and  I'ickering,  extract  of  letter  from  84 

Minor,  col.  report  of  lUts 

Milan  Decree,  December  17,  lOOT  g^ 

Militia,  extracts  fr<iiii  ^tate  constitutions  respecting  the  4M^ 

Militia,  extract**  from  ihe  state  laws  respef  ling  the  3Q9 

Militia,  extracts  from  the  letters  of  General  Washington  on   the 

•nbjcct  of  399 

Newhaven  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from  <  97 

Newburvport  Mercantile  Menioriiil,  extracts  from  ibid. 

Note  of   the   British   commissioners,  appended   to  Mr.  Monroe's 

treaty  48 

New  Vork  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from  ~  89 

New-York  Evening  l*ost,  extract  from  S3& 

New-York  memorial,  recommending  an  embargo 
National  debt  of  the  United  States,  tables  of  the 
Ordepjin  CwiMcil,  Nov.  1793 
Orders  in  council,  Nov.  11,  1807 
Otiji,  Harrison  Gray,  Esq.  extract  of  a  letter  from 
O'Brien,  Barnard.  certiCicate  respec»ing 
Order?  in  Council  and  Decrees,  resolution  respecting  »hr 
Orders  in  council,  evidence  respecting  the  operation  of  liie 
Philadelphia  Mercantile  Memo  rial,  extracts  from 
Political  sermons,  extracts  from 
Pluin«r,  governor,  extract  (ron*  iiis  speech,  1812 

Pruclainaliou  inviting  to  a  violation  of  the  eiabargo  140 

Proclainatiun  of   the  pres-ident  restoring  intercourse  with  Great- 
Britain  176 
Population  of  the  Ignited  '••tates,  tablofs  of  the  progress  of  the            432 
Pickering,  Mr.  Timothy,   extracts  from  hiii   letters   respecting  im- 

pressiiiiRt  108 

Proclamation  interdicting  our  |iort«;  to  British  vesi>e's  of  war  112 

Quincy.  Tosiuh,  Esq.,  extract  iVora  a  speech   of,  on  a  dissolution  of 

the  union  573 

Hepeal  of  ordeis  in  council,  extract  from  the  57 

Kesolulion  of  the  senate  U   states  against  ihe  rule  of  ITjG  iOf 

Richard  Carter,  depDsition  of  209 

Kc«ulmions  of  the  Federal  Kepiiblicans  of  New-York  -12 

Kaiulolplj,  John,  resolutions  of,  inlavourof  Mr.  Madison  130 

He>olutiou  of  the  town  of  tilouce!*ter  respecting  thp  embargo  1 1!>.  of 

Bath,  ibid.  ;  of  the   town  of  Boston,  ibid.;  of  the  town  of  Topa- 

BbM,  too  ;  of  the  town  of  .Auau-ta  l.**© 

R>iii>d,  H.  \V..  his  ledeM  to  John  M.n.y  i:..:,  163, 166 

it*port  of  Timothy  Pi.  kciuis,  E»<4.  wcrttary  of  rtaU,  to  coujirtii,    1-08 


437 

821 


S6(l 
218 
261 
358 
91 

329,  S50,  331 
254 


if 


n 


's-'ilHk 


4b6 


DOCUMENTAL  INDEX. 


Revenues  of  tlie  Uoited  States,  tables  of  tbe  4S5 

Kesolutions  of  the  revolvtioaary  tongress,  respecting  interconrse 

with  the  enemy  ^     318 

Saleni  Mercantile  Memorial,  extracts  from  ,99 

Stanobury,  general,  report  of  *  •       73 

Sedition  law,  extract  from  4fi 

Speech  of  Henry  Brougham,  Hsq.,  extract  from  a  356 

Senate  of  New-Hampshire,  extract  from  a  reply  of  427 

Senate  uf  Massachufietts,  their  declaration  respecting  the  war  S54 

Senate  of  Maryland,  their  declaration  respecting  tbe  war  ^'iS 

Secretary  of  staters  letters  to  Hon.  D.  M.  Erskine  174 

Senate  and  huuse  of  representatives  of  Maitsachusetts,  their  praise 

of  Mr.  Madi.«on  181 

Statement  of  applications  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  to  tbe  Bri- 


ti)'h  government 
Transit  duties,  tariff  of,  payable  by  American  vessels 
Tonnage  of  tbe  United  States,  from  1791  till  1812 
Tonnag*  of  the  United  States  for  1809  and  1810,  table  of 
Van  >ieAfi,  gen.  report  of,  to  a  committee  of  Congress 
Winder,  gen.  report  of 

ll'aHhington,  capture  of,  documents  respecting 
War  proceedings  in  congress— yeas  and  nays 


227,  267 

126 

436 

292 

72 

75 

75,  73,  U 


<  p 


